From Mainly Christian to Predominantly Muslim Phenomenon

-3 (SI), 2010 European Journal of Economic and Political Studies Syro-Lebanese migration to Colombia, Venezuela and Curacão: From mainly christian to predominantly Muslim phenomenon Philipp Bruckmayr1 Abstract: This study provides a long term perspective on Syro-Lebanese migration to the southern (Circum-) Caribbean. Starting in the late 19th century this still continuing migratory process has witnessed major waves of arrivals in the area from its inception until the 1930s and then again since the beginning of the Lebanon war. Characteristically, these two periods are also representing a shift from a mainly Christian to a predominantly Muslim phenomenon now subject to the forces of globalization. With respect to current European immigration and integration debates, the latter provides us with a glimpse on Muslim immigrant affairs outside of the exclusive club usually meant by the term “the West” and taken to be the sole recipient of such migratory movements. Focusing mainly on the Colombian experience of Syro- Lebanese migrants, the modes of adapting to local culture and environment of both waves, as well as those of an intermediary wave directed mostly at Venezuela, shall be compared and evaluated in search for differences, continuities and similarities. Keywords: Syro-Lebanese, Migration, Caribbean, Religion, Language 1 University of Vienna, Austria. [email protected] 151 Philipp Bruckmayr Introduction Arab migration from the territories of the modern-day states of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and Palestine2 to the Caribbean coast of Colombia and Venezuela, as well as to the island of Curacão (Dutch Antilles), already began in Ottoman times in the 1880s. Although taking place on a much smaller scale than migration to the USA, Brazil or Argentina, the Syro-Lebanese migration had in some instances a profound impact on their new host countries. The newcomers mostly came to settle in important port towns and coastal trading centers, where they initially engaged in small-scale peddling. Yet, due to their good sense of business, they often made a fortune becoming whole-sale import-export traders, fabric and plantation owners and the like. The prosperous Syro-Lebanese community played a major part in the rise of the city of Barranquilla to become Colombia’s most important port in the first quarter of the 20th century. Whereas Venezuela witnessed also an important intermediary wave of Syro- Lebanese immigration (post-1947 to early 1970s), two major immigration waves can be clearly discerned in Colombia (and to a lesser degree in Curacão), with a much smaller amount of arrivals in between them. The first phase can be placed into the period between the late 19th century and the 1930s, while the second started in the mid 1970s and continues into the new millennium3. Focusing mainly on the Colombian experience of Syro-Lebanese 2 Henceforth immigrants from these territories, formerly known as Greater Syria, will be referred to with the generic “Syro- Lebanese”. However, in order to repeat the same designation over and over again, the term “Arab” will likewise be applied at times, as Arab immigration to the Americas was plainly a Syro-Lebanese one. Usage of these generic terms is of course avoided, whenever distinctions are necessary, especially after the foundation of the respective nation states. The area had been incorporated into the Ottoman empire in 1516, where it constituted a single province. After Ottoman disintegration, the former province was in 1920 divided into areas of French (Lebanon and Syria) and British (Transjordan [Jordan and the Palestinian West Bank] and Palestine) mandate rule and minor Arab regional states, with partly arbitrarily delineated borders. The 1940s then witnessed the independence of Lebanon (1943), Syria and Jordan (both in 1946), as well as the foundation of Israel (1948). Lebanon recognizes 17 different religious communities. Muslim-Christian ratio is now estimated at 60% Muslims (mainly Shiites, followed by Sunnites) and 40% Christians of various persuasions (the three numerically most important being Maronites, Greek Orthodox and Melkites [POC 1997: 360-361, 366]). Figures for Syria are the following: 75% Sunnites, 15% Christians (mostly Greek Orthodox, followed by Armenian Apostolic and Melkite [POC 1997: 358, 360, 366], 6% Alawites (see n. 34), 2% Druzes (see n. 33) and 1% Shiites (Weiss 2007: 328). Jordan and the areas under Palestinian authority (both overwhelmingly and homogenously Sunnite) have small and steadily decreasing Christian minorities (around 2.7 [predominantly Greek Orthodox, followed by Roman Catholic and Melkite] and 3% [mostly Greek Orthodox, followed by Roman Catholic] respectively). Similarly, Israel inhabits an Arab Christian minority of various persuasions, in their majority Melkites and Greek Orthodox (Weiss 2007: 114; 264; POC 1997: 360, 366-367). All the areas in question also had substantial communities of Arabic-speaking Oriental (Mizrahi) Jews interspersed with (meanwhile often similarly Arabic-speaking) Sephardim, whose ancestors had been expelled from the Iberian peninsula. Since the Arab- Israeli wars only small numbers of Jews remain in Lebanon and Syria, whereas most have migrated to either Israel or the new world (Shenhav 2006). 3 Nweihad (1997: 240-242) has proposed a different periodization involving a “pioneer” (1880-1920), an “intermediary” (1920-1945) and a “contemporary” period (1945-now). Although more or less in accordance with major changes in the political geography of the Near East, this scheme has certain shortcomings. Firstly, Syro-Lebanese immigration to Colombia continued unabated way into the 1920s, and to regard these arrivals as part of another distinct migratory movement, simply because of a change in passport issuing agencies from Ottoman to mandate bureaucracy, appears to be misleading. Secondly, the long-drawn contemporary period minimizes the stark contrast between decades of comparably small numbers of arrivals and a reinvigorated migratory movement to Colombia since the middle of the 1970s. However, the problem could be merely terminological, as given these particularities, I have chosen to differentiate between waves (e.g. discernable times of high immigration rates, whose participants would be sharing many particularities) rather than general periods. This distinction is also the basis of my recourse to an intermediary wave as far as Venezuela is concerned. 152 European Journal of Economic and Political Studies migrants, the modes of adapting to local culture and environment of both waves, as well as those of an intermediary wave directed mostly at Venezuela, shall be compared and evaluated. Differences between these can not only be encountered as far as preferred places of residence and dominant religious affiliation within the group are concerned. Indeed, as the second wave falls into the age of globalization, it is obvious, that the possibilities of staying in touch, both in a physical and intellectual sense, with the respective lands of origin or descent, as well as their culture and people have increased considerably. Thus, the question must be raised how these new realities impact firstly on the issue of integration into Latin American society, and secondly, on the quest for identity preservation, issues which were of similar importance for migrants arriving a hundred years ago at the shores of the southern Circumcaribbean long before globalization. Taking into account, that the second major migratory period is also characterized by the unprecedented high proportion of Muslims involved, world-wide Islamic resurgence, a major factor especially in European migration and integration debates among both sides, and its implications for contemporary immigrant communities cannot be separated from such considerations. In comparing and reviewing the experiences of over a hundred years of Arab diaspora in the area, particular attention will be paid to the retention or loss of the Arabic mother tongue and original religious persuasions, as well as to participation in local cultural, political and commercial affairs, and to interaction with the majority populations. It will be argued here, that the networking possibilities of the era of globalization are indeed conducive to a preservation of the Arabic language and original sectarian identity (either Christian or Muslim) among later immigrants, whereas both were rapidly lost among their early predecessors and their descendants, among whom networking was in the long term mainly confined to business and political ventures. At first we will focus on the course and destinations of early Syro-Lebanese immigration (1880s to 1930s) and the role of cultural factors among its participants, to proceed with an assessment of their political, economic and social integration. Subsequently, the changed pattern of the migratory movement between the 1940s and early 1970s, and the new factors relevant to community formation, which had emerged in the meantime, will be discussed, before we will turn to the most recent immigration wave starting in the mid-seventies. Here, the increased possibilities of guarding cultural characteristics in the era of globalization, otherwise often associated with a general trend towards assimilation to dominant western culture, will be highlighted. Whereas we may rightfully talk of an intermediary period with little immigration in Colombia between the end of the second world war and the 1970s, Venezuela received another wave of (mostly Syrian) immigrants between the mid-1950s

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