Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH)

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Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH) is a new peer referee journal, published in the Internet by IEHG. YFJEH brings together scientists and practitioners from a wide scope of disciplines to examine relationships between the environment and human actions over time from the history to the future(s). Our languages are Finnish and English.

Editors: Dr.Petri S. Juuti (editor-in-chief) Editorial Board: Dr.Tapio S. Katko Dr.Riikka P.Rajala Dr Carol Fort (Flinders University Australia) Contacts: [email protected] Professor Johannes Haarhoff (University of Johannesburg, South Africa) Home page: www.uta.fi/finnishenvironmentalhistory Professor Timo Myllyntaus (University of Turku, Finland) Layout: Lari Wennström Dr Ezekiel Nyangeri (University of Nairobi, Kenya) ISSN-L 1799-6953 Dr Harri Mäki (IEHG, Finland) ISSN 1799-6953 Professor Johann Tempelhoff (North-West University, South Africa) Adjunct Professor Heikki Vuorinen (University of Helsinki, Finland) Professor Zheng Xiao Yun

(Yunnan academy of Social Sciences of China)

Front page: Photo: Petri Juuti, 2005.

Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Contents

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Pääkirjoitus / Editorial 4

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland 10

Pekka Masonen Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse 33

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova The Opening of the Circumpolar World 49

Petri Juuti

Halpa vesi vai hyvä palvelu? 79

News 83

International Environmental History Group (IEHG) 85

Vesihuoltopalveluiden tutkijaryhmä Capacity Building of Water and Environmental Services (CADWES) 85

Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History (YFJEH) 86

Instructions for Authors 87

Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Pääkirjoitus

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Valtavat haasteet Vesihuolto eli vesi- ja viemärilaitostoiminta ja usein myös hule- eli sade- ja sulamisvesien hallinta ovat ih- miskunnan keskeisiä haasteita niin Suomessa ja Euroopassa kuin koko maailmassa. Jos nykyinen kehitys saa jatkua ilman olennaisia parannuksia, jopa kaksi kolmasosaa maailman väestöstä kärsii kroonisesta veden niukkuudesta ja pilaantuneista vesistä vuonna 2050.

Vesi ja sen käyttö ovat kiistämättä keskeinen globaali haaste ja kestävän kehityksen elementti – köyhyyden vähentämisen, kulutustottumusten sekä luonnonvarojen kestävän käytön kannalta. Vesi on myös YK:n hy- väksymien vuosituhattavoitteiden osalta ratkaisevassa asemassa. Vuonna 2012 saavutettiin vedenhankinnan osalta vuosituhattavoite eli puolittaa palveluja vailla olevien ihmisten määrä. Silti tekemistä riittää puhumattakaan sanitaatiosta, jonka haaste on valtava maailmankylässä. Ilmastonmuutos puolestaan lisää edelleen veden määrän ääri-ilmiöitä: kuivuutta ja tulvia.

Suomessa tutkimuksen mukaan vesihuollon suurin haaste seuraavien 20–30 vuoden aikana on ikääntyvä infrastruktuuri, erityisesti verkostojen rapautuminen. Sama näyttää olevan tilanne monissa länsimaissa mutta myös siirtymätalouksissa ja kehittyvissä maissa. Ikääntyvän infrastruktuurin ohella keskeisiä haasteita ovat järjestelmien haavoittuvuus, osaamisen kehittäminen koulutuksen ja tutkimuksen kautta, viestintä sekä pää- töksenteko ja siihen vaikuttaminen. Vaikka teknologialla voidaan järjestelmiä kehittää, vielä suuremmat haasteet vaativat osaamista varsinaisten artefaktien ulkopuolelta – hallintaprosesseista ja niihin liittyvästä tietämyksestä ja ymmärryksestä.

Keinoja on Vesiasioiden yhteiskunnallinen merkitys tulee saada nykyistä paremmin esille. Tulee etsiä uusia keinoja ja toimintatapoja, joilla näkymättömissä olevat, elintärkeät verkostot saavat ansaitsemaansa huomiota. Vesi- huollon tehtävänä on toimittaa elintärkeä tuote turvallisesti paikasta toiseen ja samalla taata veden korkea laatu käyttäjälle saakka ja lopulta tehokkaasti puhdistettuna purkuvesistöön. Ennaltaehkäisevän, toiminta- kuntoa ylläpitävän huoltotyön merkitystä ei pidä väheksyä.1 Tutkimusten mukaan kansalaiset ja kuntalaiset arvostavat vesihuoltopalveluja ja pitävät niitä välttämättöminä. Lähtökohdat järkevälle toiminnalle ja kehit- tämiselle yhteiskunnassa ovat näin olemassa.

Vesiasioiden ja vesihuollon merkitys on erityisesti alalla toimivien asiantuntijoiden ja sitä tukevien tahojen ammatillinen haaste. Koulutuksessa on eri tasoilla vähitellen päästy ja ollaan pääsemässä oppimista korosta- viin lähestymistapoihin. Tutkimustoiminnassa moni- ja poikkitieteisyys on välttämätöntä, jos halutaan löytää kestäviä vesihuollon toimintaperiaatteita ja käytäntöjä. Juhlapuheista huolimatta tällä saralla on vielä paljon tekemistä muun muassa tutkimusrahoituksen painotuksissa. Myönteisiäkin esimerkkejä on kuten hiljattain alkanut hanke ”Water as Cultural Space: Changing Values and Representations”. Tampereen yliopiston ym- päristöhistorian tutkijaryhmä IEHG sekä Tampereen teknillisen yliopiston vesihuoltopalveluiden tutkijaryh- mä CADWES2 ovat tehneet moni- ja poikkitieteistä sekä vertailevaa tutkimusta vesihuollon kehityksestä

1 Heino O., Katko T. & Takala A. 2010. Ikääntyvä infra - vesihuollon keskeisin haaste. Vesitalous. Vsk. 51, no. 8. s. 22-24. http://www.vesitalous.fi/upload/lehtiarkisto/2010/6_2010.pdf 2 www.cadwes.org 4 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

______pitkällä aikavälillä erityisesti Suomessa, Euroopassa, Pohjois-Amerikassa ja eteläisessä Afrikassa. Vesivaro- jen osalta Aalto yliopiston Vesi ja kehitys-ryhmä on toiminut aktiivisesti erityisesti Aasiassa.

Henkiset resurssit kehityksen perusedellytys Vesiasiat ja vesiosaaminen ovat Suomessa viime aikoina olleet näyttävästi esillä muun muassa maabrändi- työryhmän, Rion kestävän kehityksen prosessin sekä Finnish Water Forumin kautta. Vesiosaaminen edellyt- tää ennen kaikkea hyvin motivoituja sekä jatkuvasta oppimisesta ja kehittämisestä kiinnostuneita henkilöitä kaikilla tasoilla. Yhtenä esimerkkinä on kansallinen täydennyskoulutusohjelma VETO - Vesihuollon johta- minen ja kehittäminen, joka on toteutettu kaksi kertaa.

Kehittyvien maiden ja osin siirtymätalouksien osalta Tampereen teknillisellä yliopistolla on useamman vuo- sikymmenen kokemus vesi- ja ympäristöalan osaajien koulutuksesta ja tutkimusyhteistyöstä Afrikan maiden kanssa. Tuloksena on ollut lähes 100 hengen asiantuntijajoukko, joka työskentelee kotimaidensa huipputeh- tävissä – professoreista ministereihin, huippuvirkamiehiin ja yritysjohtajiin.3 Räätälöidyillä koulutusohjel- milla suomalaiset yliopistot ovat voineet palvella kehittyvien maiden osaamistarpeita ja samalla edistää omaa osaamistaan. Kun 1990-luvun alun laman jälkeen nämä resurssit leikattiin, on nyt maamme alkanut tukea yhteistyötä kehittyvien maiden yliopistojen kanssa. Vaikka ohjelmat ovat varsin pieniä muihin pohjoismaihin verrattuna, antavat ne kuitenkin uusia mahdollisuuksia niin vesihuollossa kuin muillakin keskeisillä toimi- aloilla. Eteläisen Afrikan yliopistot pyörittävät jo huomattavissa määrin omia maisteriohjelmia ja osin jo tohtorikoulutustakin. Näiden ohjelmien tukeminen eri muodoissaan olisi nyt luontevaa jatkoa aiemmalle toiminnalle.

Suomella erinomainen asema Kun on ollut mahdollista olla mukana yhdessä kollegojen kanssa ja seurata Suomen vesialan kansainvälistä yhteistyötä kehittyvissä maissa, lähialueilla, Euroopan unionissa ja muilla alueilla yli kolme vuosikymmentä, on helppo todeta, että suomalaisena on helppo toimia missä tahansa. Pienenä kansakuntana, jolla ei ole siir- tomaaisäntien rasitteita, meillä on harvemmin riskiä sortua tiedämme paremmin (besser wisser) -asenteeseen. Kohdemaiden tarpeet - kuten heidän päättäjät, virkamiehet, asiantuntijat ja kansalaiset ne näkevä - tulee olla lähtökohtana. Voimme mennä mihin maahan tahansa ja olemme tervetulleita.

Kansainvälisissä vesi- ja ympäristöalan vertailuissa Suomi on maailman kärkimaita ellei kärkimaa. Näitä ovat mm. Vesiköyhyysindeksi (WPI, 2002), Veden kierrätysindeksi (WRI, 2009), Veden suhteellinen niuk- kuusindeksi (RWSI, 2009), Ympäristön toimivuusindeksi (EPI, 2010), Ympäristön kestävyysindeksi (ESI, 2005), Inhimillisen kehityksen indeksi (HDI, 2009), Aidon kehityksen mittari (GPI, 2006, 2008) sekä OECD:n ympäristövertailut (2009).4 Vertailut osoittavat, että maamme osaa hyödyntää hyvin vesivaransa sekä pitää ympäristönsä puhtaana, vaikka haasteitakin on. Tätä menestystä voisi hyödyntää nykyistä aktiivi- semmin.

Vesihuollon kehittäminen lähtee korostetusti paikallisista tarpeista niin Suomessa kuin missä tahansa muus- sakin maassa. Huolimatta erilaisista olosuhteista ja reunaehdoista on kestävässä vesihuollossa kyse kuitenkin paljon analogisista periaatteista ja toimintatavoista. Kuten Nobelin rauhanpalkinnon saaja, presidentti Ah- tisaari5 on todennut: ”Olen joskus ajatellut, ettei kehitysyhteistyössä ole lopulta suurta eroa siihen, mitä me teemme kotimaassamme: koulutamme väkeä, tuemme alueellista tasa-arvoa ja toteutamme näitä, sa- noisinko, pohjoismaisia arvoja. Nämä periaatteet ovat kehitysyhteistyössäkin keskeisiä."

3 Water education makes a global difference. Interface 1/2011. TUT´s Online Magazine. (T. Luukko) http://interface.tut.fi/articles/2011/1/Water_education_makes_a_global_difference 4 Luukkonen H., Mönkäre T. & Savikko R. (julkaisematon) 2010. Suomen sijoittuminen kansainvälisissä vesi-, ympäristö- ja hyvinvointi- vertailuissa. Harjoitustyö. TTY, RTT-1080 Ympäristötalous. 28.5.2010. 5 Haastattelu OP-Pohjolan Chydenius-talouslehdessä 2/2011. http://global.finland.fi/public/default.aspx?contentid=227183 tk 26.8.2011

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UNESCOn hallinnoiman Kansainvälisen hydrologian ohjelman (IHP) strategiasuunnitelma vuodelta 2008 toteaa mm., että “veteen liittyvä koulutus on keskeistä kestävän kehityksen kannalta. Itse asiassa vesialan koulutus on strateginen lähtökohta kun kehitetään uutta etiikkaa vesiasioiden hallintaan”. Tässä kontekstissa toivomme, että voimme osaltamme tuoda positiivisia kontribuutiota Tampereen teknilliseen yliopistoon juuri perustetun UNESCOn kestävien vesihuoltopalveluiden oppituolin kautta.

Tapio Katko

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Editorial ______

Huge Challenges Water services, consisting of water supply and sanitation and often also storm water management, are one of the key challenges in Finland, Europe and the rest of the world. If the current trend is allowed to continue without remarkable improvements, as much as two thirds of mankind will face chronic water scarcity or water pollution problems by 2050.

Water and its use are undoubtedly one of the key global challenges and an element of sustainable development with regard to poverty alleviation, consumption patterns and sustainable use of natural resources. Water occupies a key position among the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) set by the United Nations. The MDG for safe water supply, to reduce the number of people without services by half, was reached in 2012. Yet, work remains to be done, especially in sanitation which is an immense challenge. Climate change, for its part, increases extreme weather phenomenona: drought and floods.

Based on research, the biggest challenge to Finnish water services during the next 20 to 30 years is aging infrastructure, especially deteriorating networks. The same seems to be true in several western countries as well as transition and developing economies. The major challenges besides aging infrastructure are vulnerability of systems, development of competence through education and research, communication and decision making and influencing decision making. Although technology can be used to develop systems, there are even bigger challenges that require competence beyond artefacts – in management and governance processes and related knowledge and understanding.

The means exist It is necessary to make the social importance of water issues more visible. We have to explore new means and policies which will give the invisible but vital networks the attention they deserve. The task of water services is to transport a vital product safely from one place to another while securing its high quality to the users, and finally discharge it after efficient treatment into the recipient body. The role of preventive maintenance operations must not be underestimated. Surveys show that municipal residents value their water services and regard them as indispensable. Thus, a solid basis for viable operation and development exists.

The importance of water management and services is a fundamental professional challenge for experts in water services and related fields. Education of various levels has gradually adopted, or is adopting, learning based approaches. In research multi- and interdisciplinarity are a must, if we wish to develop sustainable principles and practices. Despite ceremonial speeches, this field still has a lot to do, for instance, in directing research funding. Positive developments in the field include a fresh project named “Water as Cultural Space: Changing Values and Representations”. The international Environmental History Group (IEHG) at the Uni- versity of Tampere, and the Capacity Development in Water and Environmental Services (CADWES) research team at Tampere University of Technology have conducted multi-and interdisciplinary as well as comparative research on long-term development of water services especially in Finland, Europe, North America and the southern African region. In the area of water resources, the Water and Development Group at Aalto University has been particularly active in Asia.

Human Resources as a Basic Requirement for Development Water management and competence have recently received positive attention, for instance, through the Na- tional Brand working group, the Rio Sustainable Development process and the Finnish Water Forum. Water 7 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

______know-how requires especially well motivated persons interested in continuing learning and development at all levels. One example is the national continuing education and development programme “Water Services Leadership and Development” that has been conducted twice.

As to developing and transition economies, Tampere University of Technology has several decades of experience from education and research in water and environmental engineering and management in and for Af- rica. It has resulted in almost 100 alumni experts who work in their home countries in leading positions – from professors to ministers, top level civil servants and enterprise leaders. Through tailor-made education programmes Finnish universities have been able to serve the competence needs of developing economies while developing also their own competencies. After resources were cut due to the economic recession in the early 1990s, Finland has now started to support collaboration with universities in developing countries. Alt- hough the resources are minor compared to other Nordic countries, they nevertheless provide new opportunities in the field of water as well as other major development sectors. The universities in the southern African region already have their own master’s – some even doctoral –programmes. It would be logical to continue collaboration by supporting these programmes.

Finland is in a unique position The privilege of being involved in and able to follow with colleagues the development of Finnish water sector collaboration in developing economies, nearby areas, the European Union and other regions, has made one aware of the fact that it is easy to operate anywhere as a Finn. Coming from a small nation without a colonial burden, we are seldom at risk of assuming a know-it-all attitude. The needs of recipient or collabo- rating countries – as seen by their own decision-makers, civil servants, experts and citizens – should be the basis. We can go to any country and be welcomed.

In international comparisons of water and environmental management, Finland is among the top countries, if not the top one. The comparisons include the Water Poverty Index (2002), the Water Recycling Index (2009), the Relative Water Scarcity Index (2009), the Environmental Performance Index (2010), the Envi- ronmental Sustainability Index (2005), the Human Development Index (2009) and the Genuine Development Index (2006, 2008). The comparisons imply that Finland knows how to utilise its water resources well and keep its environment clean, although challenges also exist. These experiences could be used more actively than currently is the case.

The entry point of the development of water services in Finland as well as all other countries are local conditions. In addition to differences in local and boundary conditions, sustainable water servicesare also gov- erned by analogical principles and practices. As the Nobel Peace Laureate, President Ahtisaari said: “I have sometimes thought that development co-operation is actually not that different from what we are doing in our home country: we educate people, support regional equity and implement these, could I say, Nordic values. These values are central also in development co-operation”.

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As for the UNESCO headed International Hydrological Programme (IHP; its VII Strategy Plan (2008) states, for instance, that “water-related education for sustainable development is essential. Indeed, Water education is the strategic entry point in developing a new ethic for water governance and management”. In this context we hope to be able to make our positive contribution through the UNESCO Chair in Sustainable Water Ser- vices just established at TUT.

Tapio Katko

Editors. From left: Petri Juuti, Riikka Rajala & Tapio Katko. Toimitus. Vasemmalta: Petri Juuti (päätoimittaja), Riikka Rajala & Tapio Katko.

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Toni T. O. Jaatinen, Tapio S. Katko, Sanna T. Pynnönen & Joni S. Vihanta

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland – Analysis of Vesitalous Journal, 1960-2009

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Abstract The aim of the paper was to explore the trends in water management and to reflect the historical changes in water sector through articles published in 1960–2009 in the Finnish Vesitalous journal for water sector professionals. The articles were divided into seven categories according to their subjects and eight categories by authors´ interest groups. The relative changes in the number of articles dealing with each category were explored and the major themes and topics of each decade were presented. The interest groups of the authors were analysed and also presented in this paper. Over the years the diversity of topics and themes has increased indicating multidisciplinarity as well as transformation in technology, society and governance. The backgrounds of the authors have also varied throughout the analyzed time period, and all interest groups have published articles somewhat equally about all of the subjects.

Keywords: water management, trends, Finland, professional journal, water, Vesitalous.

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Introduction Publication of the Vesitalous journal for Finnish water sector professionals started in 1960 with the purpose of disseminating information on issues related to water management in the country. From the beginning, it has focussed on national topics and themes while also keeping an eye on international developments.

The aim of this paper was to explore the major trends and development of water management in Finland from the early 1960 until 2009 covering water supply and sanitation and other water-related topics.

The study focused on Vesitalous journal and its articles during the fifty years from 1960 to 2009. The journal has been, and still is, the major Finnish professional journal on water management. For our purposes, a decade covers the period from 1960 to 1969, and so on.

The first task was to develop a classification method for the articles based on their themes and contents. The second task was to explore the contents of the articles and possible changes of focus over the decades. The following research questions were posed in relation to the latter task:

(i) When did certain topics come up for the first time?

(ii) What have been the “hot” topics of each decade?

(iii) How are the article topics related to other literature in the field?

In addition, we have explored the question on the contributors: what kind of interest groups have the authors represented and how have these possibly changed over time? With this study, we would like to show that professional journals, such as Vesitalous, provide an excellent opportunity to explore the changes in development in water sector. In addition, we would like to encourage colleagues to conduct similar studies in their own countries since it would be interesting to see, whether there are similar trends to be identified in different countries during the same period.

The main aim of the journal is to share knowledge among professionals and to promote discussion about current water related topics of each time. While the Vesitalous journal has high academic standards for writers, the articles are often practically oriented. In 2000, a peer review system was introduced to the journal and in 2001 a new graphical layout. In 2004 special theme issues were introduced, often with an invited guest editor. It is estimated that some 90 per cent of the water sector experts have access to this journal. It is read by water sector experts and decision makers as well as students and academic staff. The editorial board of the journal includes, for example, water engineers, hydrologists, water sector professors and specialists on water law. The authors of papers represent a diversity of water expertise.

In the beginning the journal volume had four numbers per annum, since 1964 five and since 1967 six numbers per annum. From 1960 to 2009 a total of 2,660 papers have been published by the journal. Vesitalous is meant for water sector professionals and throughout the decades the print run of the paper has been around 2 000 copies: it has not changed much until today. All the articles published by Vesitalous have been in Finnish. It has been a conscious decision to publish in Finnish since this is the major professional water sector journal in the country. Right from the beginning in 1960, abstracts in English concerning some of the articles were published. In the ´80s there was a period of time when only a few English abstracts could be found while in the ´90s they started to appear again for almost every article.

Before studying the articles, their context and changes of focus as well as their authors and interest groups, we will provide a general framework on Finnish water legislation and its evolution in the 20th and the early

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21st century. After this we will describe the methodology used in the analysis and then present the results by each decade. We will also discuss about certain hot topics of each decade in more detail. Finally we will present the results obtained and concluding remarks.

Background on water management in Finland In this section, the major legislation that has shaped or been introduced to water management in Finland over the last century is outlined. A study by Katko et al. (2006) on the key long-term strategic decisions related to the evolution of water services in Finland and the views of 13 senior national experts indicate that the most important decisions concerned legislation, particularly water pollution control. The 1902 Water Rights Act emphasised the utilisation of water bodies for economic purposes, but paid hardly any attention to pollution control requirements. The Water Act that came into force in 1962 meant the start of modern water pollution control. For the first time, the act forced communities and industries to apply for discharge permits for their wastewaters, which became stricter as technology developed over time. In the 1960s and ´70s a large number of wastewater treatment plants were constructed in Finland modernising the country's wastewater treatment. Water Pollution Control was further promoted by a special Wastewater Surcharge Act in 1974.

Interestingly enough, smaller communities and townships were the first to introduce wastewater treatment – some of the biggest cities were among the last. Furthermore, the pulp and paper industries, the largest pollut- ers in terms of biological oxygen demand (BOD), did not start modern wastewater treatment before the mid- 1980s. (Katko et al. 2005) From the nature conservation point of view that is illogical. Yet, it shows the reality of decision-making: water pollution control started with the “easiest” cases and expanded to the more difficult ones. It is also an indication of the relatively powerful influence wielded by the forest industries in the country over the years.

In 1970 the Water Administration and the National Board of Waters were established which together with the water districts of that time gradually evolved into regional environmental authorities. Later, water legislation and administration has paved a way to the development of wider environmental legislation and administration in the country. In 2002 the Water Poverty Index, which grades countries according to water resources, access, capacity, use, and environment, ranked Finland number one in the world (Lawrence et al. 2002). The high ranking was earned especially based on management related criteria, not as a result of the relatively large amount of water resources available per person.

Methodology In this study, a bibliometric analysis was used and citations were explored in the particular journal. The classification of articles by subject was done in two phases: first, all relevant articles were combed and tentative categories formed on their basis. Thereafter, all articles were reinvestigated and placed in their final categories.

The articles of Vesitalous were divided into seven categories based on topic. Already in the 1960s, the topics of the articles were diverse, and their multi- and interdisciplinarity has increased over the years. Therefore, it was in some cases difficult to classify the articles without distorting their numbers because they could have belonged to multiple categories. Based on the assessment above, we chose the following seven categories: Water Supply, Sanitation, Water Resources Management, Protection, Legislation, Education and Others, defined in Table 1.

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Table 1. Identified categories of papers with definitions.

Water Supply: It includes topics like sources of community water supply, treatment methods, water pipes and networks, water pricing, water crises, water quality requirements, and pollution of drinking water. It also includes disinfection, pipe corrosion, groundwater use, natural organic matter, iron and manganese removal and artificially recharged groundwater.

Sanitation: It covers topics related to wastewater treatment and sewerage, sewers, and nutrients and pathogens removal as well as articles on the activated sludge process, industrial waste water, sludge treatment and disposal, filtration waters of sanitary landfills, wastewater treatment of sparsely populated areas and dry sanitation.

Water Resources Management: This category covers a highly diverse field of water resources use and topics such as hydropower, the regulation of water bodies, trenching, peat and its use, dams, fishing and fish farming, hydrological modelling, agriculture and its runoffs. It also covers irrigation, timber floating, water equivalent of snow, climate change, flooding, and artificial lakes and forestry.

Protection: It covers protection, conservation and preservation of water and the environment including environmental pollutants, recreational values, eutrophication, algae and cyanobacteria, groundwater protection, the impacts of dredging and the conservation of the Baltic Sea.

Legislation: This category includes acts, guidelines, rules, standards, environmental crimes, various types of treaties, the European Union and its legislation, environmental politics and policies, and costs of pollution prevention and fines.

Education: Related articles discuss water sector education, various types of programmes and courses, sym- posia held, academic education, congresses and exhibitions, annual water and wastewater utility seminars, and educational material.

Others: This category is the most diverse one, covering various kinds of construction works not directly related to water supply and sanitation, swimming pools, waste management, articles covering several themes, privatisation, incorporation of water utilities and articles on the journal itself.

Although the seven categories undoubtedly represent a simplification of reality, they hopefully give good insight into the weight afforded to various themes and topics over time. Yet, the assessment does not fully consider changes at the level of individual topics of articles, although changes within categories have been discussed through demonstrated examples. These have been selected according to their representativeness regarding each decade rather than by the order of category magnitude. In any case, the categorisation, and the analysis and the examples are based solely on the views and interpretations of the authors.

The articles were also divided into categories based on the interest groups of their authors. For this task the following eight categories were identified: Regional Environmental Authorities, Consulting Engineers, Uni- versities, State´s Environmental Authorities, Water And Wastewater Utilities, Non-Governmental Organiza- tions Companies and Others. The categories are somewhat self-explanatory, but a few that may cause confu- sion are explained below.

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The category of Regional Environmental Authorities covered authors working in all environmental organizations that operated in regional offices in Finland and were controlled by Finnish state´s ministries. Universi- ties category included authors working or studying in Finnish or foreign universities. State´s Environmental Authorities category included authors working at some nationwide environmental organization in Finland, such as Finnish Environmental Agency or Finnish Ministry of Environment. Companies category covered all authors who worked in private sector but could not be classified under category Consulting Engineers. And finally category Others included all authors that could not be fitted to any category above.

Each article was assigned a category primarily according to its first author. In case of multiple authors in alphabetical order the category was assigned according to the interest group that covered the majority of the authors. In most cases the authors represented the same background organization.

Findings and discussion In this chapter, the overall findings are presented and subsequently the trends by decades will be discussed further. The total number of articles published over five decades in Vesitalous is presented in Fig. 1. The number of articles published annually increased since the 1960s and 1970s – the total by the end of 2009 was 2,660.

800

700

600

500

400 Articles

300

200

100

0 1960-1969 1970-1979 1980-1989 1990-1999 2000-2009

Fig. 1. Number of articles published in Vesitalous journal by decade.

In Table 2, the number of articles in each of the seven categories per decade are presented. This serves as a background to later comparisons and percentage distribution during decades and between categories. Fig. 2 shows e.g. that the relative share of Water Resources Management has increased a bit in the 2000s, while those of both Water Supply and Sanition have decreased. It also shows that a lot of articles on Protection were written in the 1990s. The proportion of Others has increased continuously. 14 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

Decade Water Sanitation Water Re- Protection Legislation Education Other Supply sources Ma- nagement 1960-1969 76 57 53 72 34 23 66 1970-1979 80 73 55 68 27 13 58 1980-1989 75 96 77 67 67 32 121 1990-1999 108 84 84 149 34 32 123 2000-2009 117 95 133 126 50 46 189

Table 2. Number of papers in each subject category by decade.

2000-2009

1990-1999 Water Supply Sanitation Water Resources Management 1980-1989 Protection Legislation 1970-1979 Education Other

1960-1969

0 % 20 % 40 % 60 % 80 % 100 %

Fig. 2. Percentage share of articles in each subject category by decade.

In Fig. 3 the relative share of articles categorized according to the authors´ background organization is presented. This figure shows e.g. that the relative amount of articles published by Universities has increased during the decades, while the share of articles published by State´s Environmental Authorities has remained somewhat static. The number of articles in each of the eight interest group categories by decade are presented in Table 3. This data is used as a background information in future discussion. Throughout the years Vesitalous has contained articles the author or background organization of which could not be determined (some editorials etc.). This explains the different total number of articles in Table 2 and 3.

15 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

Decade Regional Consul- Ot- Universi- State´s Water Non- Com- Env. Autho- ting hers ties Env. Aut- and Was- Governmen- panies rities En- horities tewater tal Or- gineers utilities ganizations 1960- 1969 30 46 40 27 75 20 46 45 1970- 1979 25 73 44 74 94 13 25 40 1980- 1989 34 50 90 114 125 18 34 27 1990- 1999 38 58 58 188 165 18 35 41 2000- 2009 41 40 79 202 204 47 82 40

Table 3. Number of papers in each author category by decade.

2000-2009 Regional environmental authorities

Consulting engineers 1990-1999 Others

1980-1989 Universities

State´s environmental authorities 1970-1979 Water and wastewater utilities

Non-governmental organizations 1960-1969

Companies 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Fig. 3. Percentage share of articles in each author category by decade.

The 1960s: Interest towards water supply and sewerage increases Already in the 1960s many articles were written about Protection thus indicating the awaking global interest on water pollution control (Fig. 2). Sanitation and Water Resources Management were also popular topics, while Legislation and Education received less interest. Topics falling in the Others category were very popular, too. This set-up indicates how already at that time the topics of articles were quite diverse – not easily classified. In the 1960s many of the technologies that are still in use were presented, such as artificial groundwater, activated sludge treatment and flotation.

16 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

In the 1960s approximately 20 per cent of the articles were about Protection. By then, a large portion of the hydropower potential had been developed in Finland, and other aspects of the environment, especially its recreational use, were being discussed. This points to a shift from the idea of considering water merely as a source of wealth and energy towards less direct benefits – or at least recognition of that possibility.

In the first issue of Vesitalous, Kalliola (1960) already pondered the future impact of the journal. He described how countries, where development of the humanized landscape had progressed further than in Fin- land, paid a lot more attention to nature conservation in connection with earth and water construction activities. Conservation and landscape management were an important part of technical education in those countries, and they did thorough research in the field. Kalliola hoped that the journal could promote parallel actions in Finland and co-operation between engineering and biological experts.

Niinivaara (1960) pointed out that the Government had agreed to establish a new Water Protection Office under the National Board of Agriculture, which was the beginning of water and ground water protection. Manner (1961) discussed current water protection issues and acknowledged that the upcoming Water Act would solve a lot but not all of the problems, such as the development of the administration of water protection and its funding. Manner stated that effective management of water protection issues requires that administration is not too dispersed. As an example, he mentioned the monitoring of water systems which would be more effective if the responsibilities of the various parties were defined more accurately. He was also heavily involved in developing international water legislation and the Helsinki Rules of 1966, one of the corner- stones of transboundary water management.1

In the 1960s Water Supply was the topic in 20 per cent of the articles, many of them dealing with networks, water tanks, and pipe materials (like asbestos-cement, cast iron and steel, plastic). It was also a decade of rural migration, expansion of cities and construction of suburbs. Vesitalous 2/1963 was a handbook of water protection (Vesiensuojeluneuvottelukunta 1963). Its fifth chapter, in particular, emphasised water protection and policies, and enlightening of citizens and raising of their awareness of the need for water protection. One of the journals missions was to raise more discussion on water protection issues.

Peräkylä (1960) discussed the impacts of wastewater treatment on the state of water bodies in Finland in his article “Water conservation, a current problem in Finland”. The state of the water systems needed to be studied and the impact of wastewaters reliably assessed. High performance wastewater treatment systems were quite rare in the cold Finnish conditions then, which is why he argued for efficient wastewater treatment. Peräkylä reminded the readers that water protection should also promote correct and suitable uses of water systems.

Metsälampi (1965) assessed the prospects of water protection three years after the Water Act came into force. In his view, water protection issues had been managed well, and the future did not seem as hopeless as some years earlier. He encouraged the development of new treatment technologies, but acknowledged that more was needed to improve the situation of water systems. It was not enough to cut down current pollution, but – co-operation between authorities and public and voluntary organizations also had to be promoted. Metsälampi also talked about keeping the water systems in good condition for future generations thus show- ing that he recognized the importance of sustainability.

1 More information on the Helsinki Rules of 1966, see pages 629-630 (Salman 2007): http://www.internationalwaterlaw.org/bibliography/articles/general/Salman-BerlinRules.pdf

17 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

About 15 per cent of the 1960s´ articles dealt with Sanitation. Most described current methods and plants or new ideas, such as activated sludge treatment, which are still in use. In the mid-1960s fish-farming was introduced to Finland, and in the late 1960s public and private swimming pools gained popularity. The topics of hydropower construction, trenching and timber floating faded out by the end of the decade.

Borenius (1962) discussed the effects of the new Water Act on the forest industry and how to introduce wastewater discharge permits for forest industry that pollutes waters. According to him, the Finnish forest industry had been a forerunner by developing its processes even before the act came into force. Therefore, Borenius argued, authorities should consider the views of the forest industry and not put excessive demand on this sector which provides a livelihood for so many. Yet, according to Katko et al. (2005), efficient biological treatment was not introduced by the pulp and paper industries before adequate social pressure was exerted and the public expressed its opinion in the 1980s.

Almost 15 per cent of the articles in the 1960s dealt with Water Resources Management topics, often agricultural and rural development. They showed keen interest in drainage of swampy areas for agricultural and forestry use as well as in regulation of water bodies including artificial lakes for hydropower, flood prevention and timber floating. Järnefelt (1961) described the development of limnology in Finland and its obvious relationship with water protection. He emphasised the impacts of treated wastewater on the water systems, and described the difference between the environmental conditions in Finland and other countries due to cold winters and high humus content of water. According to him, the solutions of other countries should be implemented only where applicable – a highly relevant viewpoint also as concerns the currently developed directives of the European Union (EU).

The most active interest group publishing articles in the 1960s were State´s Environmental Authorities (75). The authors of this category were typically representatives of various ministries or their sub-organizations and districts. Consulting Engineers, Non-Governmental Organizations and different Companies contributed around 45 articles each. These values are above average for each of them compared to other decades. This is probably due to the fact that topics related to environmental protection, water treatment and different processes were rather new, and these interest groups had knowledge related to these subjects. It should also be noted that the share of articles published by people categorized to the interest group Universities was really low, only 27, compared to other decades.

The 1970s: Water as source Articles dealing with Water Supply and Sanitation were most popular in the 1970s (Fig. 2). Protection was third most popular although its share declined a bit. The Water Supply articles were mainly related to raw water – groundwater dominated with over 43 articles, while some also discussed surface water (6) and artificial groundwater (4). According to Katko (1997), the share of groundwater increased approximately fourfold from the ´60s to the ´70s and almost doubled by the ´80s. The use of surface water did not increase as much in the same period. Another major trend in Finland in the 1970s was the expansion of sewerage systems.

Pönkkä (1971) was among the first to write about groundwater formations, and he also discussed locating the formations (Pönkkä 1972). Vesitalous 1/1973 was dedicated entirely to groundwater. Wihuri (1973) and Hyyppä (1973) were interested in the formation, flowing and geochemistry of groundwater. Mälkki (1973) discussed the importance of groundwater and the fact that it was an undervalued natural resource and wanted to promote related education and research.

18 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

Mälkki (1977) wrote about the seasonal variations in groundwater quality. He proposed that changes in the oxygen content, redox potential and conductivity of groundwater are somehow connected to its formation and occurrence. Groundwater remained a popular research topic throughout the decade: Rönkä (1977) studied the quality of groundwater made of surface water, Hooli (1977) discussed groundwater as a part of the hydrological cycle, and Niini (1977) wrote about the groundwater in bedrock. Rönkä and Koskinen (1979) presented experiences from making artificial groundwater. They emphasised the importance of planning: establishing the correct location of the necessary facilities and ensuring that the groundwater is not polluted e.g. by a nearby gravel pit.

Rönkkömäki (1977) discussed the dangers threatening groundwater formations, especially oil. So-called safety zones for groundwater intakes had already been defined and regulations concerning infrastructure given. Muinonen (1979) talked about securing groundwater areas used for water supply. Surface waters also received attention and e.g. Lehtonen (1979) was interested in protecting surface waters for community water supply purposes.

Articles on Sanitation formed roughly 20 per cent of all articles, meaning a five percentage point increase from the '60s. The 1970s was a decade when many Finnish municipalities were expanding their water supply and sanitation system.

Kettunen and Korhonen (1975) were interested in nutrient dissolution from sewage sludge. They discovered that when a chemical precipitation mediated process was used to treat their experimental sludge, far less phosphorus was dissolved than in the case of untreated sludge. In the case of nitrogen, the situation was just the opposite: the more chemical precipitation was used, the more nitrogen was dissolved from the sludge compared to untreated sludge.

Määttä and Lindström (1977) studied the cleansing of herring processing plant wastewaters with the biological activated sludge process including ferric sulphate precipitation. Their study showed that the activated sludge process is adequate for cleaning such process wastewaters. Removal of nutrients started in Finland in the 1970s and so-called simultaneous precipitation has been the most common method in activated sludge plants. The professionals in Finland and Sweden often argued about the feasibility of simultaneous precipitation. After a decade or so, the simultaneous precipitation system proved as efficient as post-precipitation, the advantage of the former being the lower tank volumes required. (Katko 1997, 60)

Water Resources Management was still the topic of 15 per cent of the articles, most of them dealt with hydrological phenomena. There were some articles on fishing and water regulation as well. Protection articles decreased in the early 1970s and made up 17 per cent of the total. Around that time the Water Administration started to monitor the quality of water bodies mainly according to physical-chemical criteria. Around year 2000, biological criteria replaced them. Prevention of harmful compounds from entering water and their removal were also popular topics in the 1970s, often linked to the protection of groundwater.

The first article on integrated management of water resources by Hirsto (1973) was published in Vesitalous in 1973. He pointed out that by multipurpose planning of water resources it was possible to achieve economic growth, improve environmental protection, better social conditions, and promote development of the area in question. Many western countries like Finland and Sweden introduced multipurpose water use and comprehensive water resource planning in the 1960s and 1970s, while the United States as early as the 1930. Bringing about these changes in Finland was also one of the tasks set for the Water Administration established in the country in 1970. Some 25 years later the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM)

19 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______principle incorporating many similar ideas entered the international agenda (Katko et al. 2010). According to Biswas (2004), the concept of IWRM was around for as long as 60 years, only to be rediscovered in the 1990s.

In the 1970s the amount of articles published by Universities almost tripled from 27 to 74, becoming the second largest interest group of the authors of Vesitalous journal in the 1970s along with Consulting Engi- neers. State´s Environmental Authorities published most of the articles also in the 1970s. The amount of articles published by all the other interest groups decreased in the 1970s while the total number of articles published in the journal increased. Since the 1970s authors belonging to interest groups Universities and State´s Environmental Authorities have published roughly half of the overall articles by each decade. In the 1970s the amount of articles published by Water and Wastewater Utilities plummeted to the level at which they would remain for the next two decades.

The 1980s: Increasing co-operation and concerns about health risks In the 1980s, the two dominant categories were Sanitation (18 % of the articles) and Others (23 %, Fig. 2). One reason for the large share of the latter category is that in the 1980s papers dealing with merged water and wastewater utilities started to emerge, which is also verified by Katko et al. (2010).

In Vesitalous 4/1980 inter- or supramunicipal co-operation between water and wastewater utilities was mentioned for the first time. Saari (1980) introduced various modes of co-operation and pondered the need for co-operation in the future. Riihimäki (1984) discussed the issue of liability insurance for water and wastewater works, utilities´ responsibilities towards their consumers, and compensation for consumers when accidents happen.

Nousiainen (1984) talked about consideration of water issues in town and regional planning. Haume (1986) and Laherto (1986) discussed the development needs and future scenarios of water and sewage works and the importance of plant size. Haume emphasised the responsibilities of municipalities, problems caused by the joint treatment of municipal and industrial wastewaters, water protection and the ageing infrastructure and networks. Laherto focussed on the automation of processes and how much easier they will make process control.

Markkanen (1988) talked about the development of supra-municipal water and wastewater organizations. He stated that larger system size and co-operation between municipalities can reduce costs and improve public service. In the early 2000s that became almost a mantra in the water sector. Kurki et al. (2010), for their part, showed that several options exist from bilateral contracts to a variety of supra-municipal systems most of which operate on wholesale basis.

During the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade, 1981-90, many national and international activities were organized in Finland, including a review of the futures of water supply and sanitation (Saviranta 1989).

A lot of attention was paid also to Sanitation in the 1980s. The main focuses were sewers, wastewater sludge and its treatment, and simultaneous precipitation. Nutrient removal from wastewaters was also becoming more prevalent. Education of staff and process automation started to assume more importance in wastewater treatment. Sanitation in sparsely populated rural areas was also written about. Articles concerning the rehabilitation of pipelines and treatment plants started to appear in the 1980s which drew attention to leakages, their detection and control.

20 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

Water Resources Management articles also started discussing climate change. As early as in 1987, Holo- painen (1987) talked about the greenhouse effect and how it impacts the hydrological cycle. He stated that the true extent of the greenhouse effect seems to be hidden by the large, normal natural variations in temper- atures. He also predicted that the next few decades would be crucial in verifying global warming. This agrees with the results of Kuusisto (1989) who also stated that snow and ice might become non-renewable resources in Finland in the future.

Water Supply articles started expressing concerns about water quality. In the 1980s, the issue of disinfection by-products and trihalomethanes was raised, and the mutagenicity of drinking water became a growing concern.

Sipilä (1981) was among the first authors to raise the issue of the disinfection by-products forming in water treatment processes. Her article mentioned the formation of trihalomethanes and other by-products of chlorination. She also gave some examples of methods that could be used to minimize their impact such as activated carbon filtration or oxidation. She concluded that water treatment processes should be modified to use less chlorine, while still minimizing the risk of bacterial growth in pipelines. Pesonen and Toivanen (1983) also studied the formation of trihalomethanes in water treatment.

The concern about microfauna in filters and pipelines increased as well, and Seppänen (1982) introduced the most common species found there. He noted that some of the microfauna that a consumer can see with the naked eye easily lead to public reactions. Seppänen (1981) pointed out the significance of organic matter to water treatment processes. He talked about the reactions between organic matter and substances used for chlorination: together they form organic chlorinated compounds that are harmful. Pääkkönen (1981), again, pointed out the under- and overdosing of chemicals as part of treatment processes. It is important to use just the amount of disinfection chemicals needed. Reinikainen (1983a, 1983b) studied precipitation and the characteristics of humic substances in water. Removal of humic substances is the key to diminishing the organic content of treated water.

Reinvall and Halme (1981) studied the concentrations of trihalomethanes in tap water in Rauma. They no- ticed that the point of chlorination has an effect on them: the farther away the point, the less trihalomethanes were found in the pipelines. Hiisvirta (1986) discussed the mutagenicy of drinking water as did Vartiainen and Kauranen (1988). They found that the concentration of humic substances in water closely correlates with the formation of chlorinated compounds and mutagenicity. Långvik (1989) was among those who studied mutagenic chlorinated compounds in drinking water. Her focus was the MX compounds forming in paper industry wastewaters, but she also investigated humic substances.

The share of Protection category articles increased from 1985 on; the focus was on nutrient loads, natural values and environmental accidents. This emphasizes the growing importance of environmental issues in the 1980s. During the decade a lot of articles were written on the automation of water and sewerage systems and treatment processes.

In the 1980s the amount of articles published by Others peaked up to 90. Regional Environmental Authori- ties, State´s Environmental Authorities, Non-Governmental Organizations and Water and Wastewater Utili- ties increased their share in published articles, while that by Consulting Engineers and Companies decreased. The amount of articles published by Universities (114) increased substantially.

21 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

The 1990s: The golden decade of environmental protection In the 1990s the Protection category was the most popular one containing almost 25 per cent of published articles (Fig. 2). Munsterhjelm (1995) discussed EU legislation concerning the treatment requirements for wastewater and the kinds of treatment objectives set for wastewater treatment to protect the Baltic Sea. After the collapse of the former Soviet Union, protection of the Baltic Sea became more active with external support, e.g., from the Nordic countries and Germany.

The articles of the Others category dealt with the increasing regional co-operation between water and wastewater works, the development of their operations, and rehabilitation of facilities. Multidisciplinary approaches and transboundary water management were also talked about as well as water supply and sanitation in development co-operation.

Koivukoski (1990) talked about public utilities, their history and the principles by which they should be managed. He stated that the input of municipalities in arranging water supply and wastewater management has increased while the number of water supply co-operatives had decreased. The latter is likely not true, since according to Takala (2007), there are some 1,500 water and wastewater associations in Finland, mostly co-operatives. These user-owned systems are usually rural and small compared to municipal waterworks, while some of them may supply up to 10,000 people.

Lindberg (1991) discussed the co-operation between water and wastewater works in Helsinki metropolitan area and assessed that the annual savings from a merged public company would be approximately two-fold compared to bilateral co-operation. Although the benefits of co-operation are not necessarily distributed equally between the partners, cooperation would be beneficial to all parties. (Lindberg 1991) This may be true, but the effects of synergies and transition costs should not be forgotten, either. Since January 2010, Helsinki Region Environmental Services Authority has produced water and wastewater services for the whole region (HSY 2011). Yet this decision, interestingly enough, was mainly politically driven.

Lihavainen (1993) wrote about the financial performance of water and wastewater treatment plants. He stated that with so many available assessment methods, principles for comparisons could be developed (called bench-marking). Katko (1993) described the various options and their use in regional co-operation between water and wastewater services. In relation to that, Kiuru (1997) discussed regional co-operation in repair and maintenance of utilities. Hemánus (1995), an external expert, discussed public relations and the reputation of water and wastewater utilities: how important it is to gain positive publicity and not appear in the headlines only when something goes wrong with the system. Another highly relevant observation as regards current development needs.

The articles of the Others category, which includes waste disposal, increasingly dealt with landfills and waste management in the '90s. Kettunen et al. (1994) reviewed the properties of landfill leachates and their biological treatment. In their study, they found biological treatment to be quite effective in treating landfill leachates. Ettala and Rossi (1994) introduced a new evaporation technique for the treatment of landfill leachates. The technique provided good results and was cheaper than other effective alternatives.

Articles on Water Supply constituted the third largest category with almost 18 per cent of the total in the ´90s. More focus was given to treatment of disinfection by-products in drinking water such as MX and bromine compounds. Uusluoto and Backlund (1990) discovered that by using a mixture of chlorine and chlorine dioxide, instead of using merely the latter, the formation of chlorite can be decreased. Thereby the concentrations of mutagenic compounds, such as MX and E-MX, remain lower. The same effect can also be achieved by using chloramines.

22 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

Seppänen (1991) compared the infective doses of various pathogens and emphasised that a certain percentage of inactivation in itself is not enough to guarantee the safety of water in the case of pathogens that can cause infection at low doses. Seppänen found that chloramines do not form harmful organic chlorine compounds, but their disinfection effectiveness is weaker, and they are not as effective against viruses as free chlorine. He also mentioned ultraviolet (UV) light and ozone as new disinfection techniques. Ozonation was reviewed extensively by Tuhkanen (1992). The effect of UV light was further investigated by Ala-Peijari (1992) who recognised the need for chlorination after UV treatment to guarantee the safety of tap water. Kulovaara et al. (1994) discussed UV treatment and its effect on organic matter in water.

Vartiainen (1991) found that the mutagenicity of tap water was very high in 1985–1987 but decreased in 1987–1991 to one third along with the use of chlorine. Kiuru (1994) talked about chlorination and the health risks of tap water. In line with Vartiainen, he stated that health risks had been almost completely eliminated by reducing the use of chlorine in disinfection. Vartiainen et al. (1991), once again, highlighted the importance of the point of chlorination in the process and its significance to the formation of disinfection by- products. Their findings are in agreement with those of Reinvall and Halme (1981).

Hiisvirta and Sauri (1994) conducted a study on bromine compounds in Finnish waters and recommended that they be monitored at surface water treatment plants. Sallanko (1998) discussed the relationship between ozonation and formation of bromine compounds. He stated that activated carbon filtration would be beneficial after ozonation due to the increased assimilated organic carbon content of Finnish water. Nissinen et al. (1999) studied the occurrence of bromide and bromine compounds in Finnish tap water and noted that concentrations were quite low (< 20µg/l) at most treatment facilities.

Disinfection, and especially chlorination, are presented as complex phenomena in Vesitalous. The writers of articles see chlorination as a necessity for pathogen inactivation as well as the source of harmful compounds. According to Långvik (1993), chlorine disinfection would save a lot of lives in developing countries, but we in the developed countries are mainly concerned about its drawbacks. Chlorination, on the one hand, reduces the risk of pathogen exposure while, on the other, exposes people to carcinogenic compounds.

In the 1990s sanitation topics continued to decrease relatively. Restoration of bodies of water and nutrient loads and their effects on water bodies and water quality were discussed a lot. One main topic of the ´90s was the protection of the Baltic Sea and related legislative requirements. Articles on Sanitation in the ´90s discussed more frequently the issue of wastewater treatment in sparsely populated areas. Articles on Water Resources Management in the ´90s dealt broadly with modelling, regulation of waters, and fish farming.

Articles related to Legislation pondered the effects of joining the European Union in 1995 with a peak occurring in 1992–1994. The EU Water Framework Directive (1998) was also discussed widely. In 1993 the effects of European harmonisation became apparent. Tanttu (1993) criticised the regulations of the European Community and the limit values set for Finland concerning drinking water production. Puolanne (1993) studied the effects of the new legislation, focusing this time on sludge and its reuse. Sahrman (1994) wrote about the effects of the European Union on the municipal sector. This was the first time the effects of joining the EU were discussed in the journal; Suomela (1998) was first to bring up the issue of the EU’s Water Framework Directive and how it should be incorporated in Finnish legislation.

In the 1990s, the share of articles written by Regional Environmental Authorities, Consulting Engineers, Water and Wastewater Utilities and Non-Governmental Organizations remained somewhat the same as the decade before, while the number published by Others (58) decreased substantially. The articles by

23 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

Universities, State´s environmental Authorities and Companies increased substantially in the 1990s, each increasing by almost 50 per cent compared to the previous decade.

The 2000s: Gazing into the future In the 2000s the theme issues were introduced. The 21st century's most dominant categories seem to be Water Resources Management, Protection and Water Supply (Fig. 2). The number of articles in the Others category increased to as much as 25 per cent by the end of 2009. The Others category has increasingly included articles on multidisciplinary issues, co-operation between water and wastewater treatment plants, and issues of social importance. The importance of history was also brought to public attention (Juuti and Katko 2004). Several articles discussed sanitation abroad, especially in the developing countries.

Articles of the Water Resources Management category dealt with hydropower and revealed a growing concern about climate change. The 5/2007 theme issue covered mainly the effects of climate change. Kuusisto (2007) wrote about the impacts of climate change on water supply providing some examples from various countries around the world. Veijalainen and Vehviläinen (2007) studied the effects of climate change on the regulation of watercourses and dam safety.

Protection-related articles paid special attention to the conservation of the Baltic Sea. Laakkonen (2001) emphasised the relevance of environmental history in protecting the Baltic Sea. ‘The Sea and the Cities’ project concentrated on the importance of cities to the states of the Baltic Sea Region. Kohonen (2001) reminded that it is also important to reduce nutrient loads of communities in sparsely populated areas. That is important since roughly half of the permanent and recreational homes in sparsely populated areas of Finland are located so that they contribute to the load to the Baltic Sea.

The 2/2005 Baltic Sea theme issue noted that the EU’s chances of affecting the state of the Baltic Sea improved when its membership increased. Yet, Laamanen (2005) still saw demand for more goal-oriented and topical approaches to Baltic Sea monitoring. In the 2/2006 theme issue Joas and Bonsdorff (2006) pointed out how environmental policy strongly influences on how the state of the Baltic Sea is controlled. Kuosa et al. (2006) emphasised that research on the Baltic Sea has advanced to a state where changes in the catchment area, the internal load of the sea, and the ecosystem data can be integrated.

Water Supply included many articles related to crisis communication, disinfection, and safety of water ab- straction. Preparation for epidemics and microbial growth in pipes was also looked at. Vartiainen et al. (2001) discussed the causes of water epidemics. On one occasion the cause of the epidemic were viruses that had passed through the water treatment process into the network. In another case various kinds of bacteria and viruses were found in the drinking water. There, the main cause was wastewater leakage to the tap water network. Miettinen et al. (2001) talked about the prevention of epidemics and emphasised the use of preven- tative measures. The location of the water intake in relation to any possible sources of contamination as well risk assessments were considered important.

Disinfection was the theme of the 4/2007 issue. According to Valve and Isomäki (2007), chlorine in its various forms was still being used in water disinfection although, for example, UV disinfection had become common in small water treatment plants. They must naturally also be prepared for chlorine disinfection in special conditions.

Nevalainen and Rautio (2008) talked about crisis communication. They said that crises inevitably occur, and it is important to inform people properly about them. Communication after a crisis is more important than the

24 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______incident itself. Clear and simple instructions are needed for the whole water supply organization. Nowadays reputation management by water utilities is a vital part of public relations.

Munsterhjelm and Auvinen (2008) introduced factors that need to be taken into account to secure water supply. Small water treatment plants are generally not as capable at providing water in special conditions as larger ones, since many small plants are dependent on a single raw water source. As the population increases, water treatment plants are forced to complement groundwater with artificial groundwater and surface water as raw water sources. Climate change can also have a detrimental effect on water supply. Drought and flooding can impair groundwater quality. Another threat to water supply quality is land use. Excessive discharge of rainwater into sewers can lower the yield of groundwater. Protection of groundwater areas is also important in land use planning. The reliability of service in water supply depends greatly on the rehabilitation of networks and treatment plants (Munsterhjelm and Auvinen 2008). According to Heikkinen (2008), water utilities should increase their rehabilitation investments and develop a related financing plan. In the 2000s Universities and States Environmental Authorities kept their leading positions in the number of published articles (202 and 204 respectively), although the increase settled compared to previous decades. The number of articles by Consulting Engineers declined, while the number of articles by Water and Wastewater Utilities and Non-Governmental Organizations more than doubled from the 1990s. Other categories remained somewhat the same.

Fig. 4 shows the number of articles categorized according to their subject. The categories of Others, Water Supply and Protection comprise the largest number of articles while Sanitation and Water Resources Management also did well.

600

500

400

300

Number of of Number articles 200

100

Fig. 4. Total number of articles in each subject category, 1960–2009.

25 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

Figure 5 summarizes the number of articles categorized according to the interest group of their authors over the analyzed decades. The articles published by Universities and States Environmental Authorities contributed roughly half of the overall articles, with the increasing amount of articles published by universities, peak- ing in the 1990s. Articles published by Consulting engineers, Others, Non-Governmental Organizations and Companies comprised roughly ten per cent shares each, with a decreasing trend in the articles published by Companies.

700

600

500

400

300 Number of of Number articles 200

100

Fig. 5. Total number of articles in each author category, 1960–2009.

Discussion One of the key driving forces behind overall water development during the studied period was the Water Act that came into force in 1962. Additional acts and regulations concerning the protection of nature and waters were also passed during the period, and several directives introduced and adopted after Finland joined the EU were incorporated in Finnish legislation.

Early observations that became hot topics. Discussion on climate change and its impacts on the hydrological cycle started around 1987. In the 1990s, attention was directed to its impacts on water resources. In the 2000s, the melting of arctic glaciers was discussed, and a related theme issue was published in 2007. Epidemics and preparations for special conditions were discussed already in the 1980s. In the ´90s microbial growth in pipes drew interest, and a lot of papers on crisis communication, emergency conditions and water safety were written, especially after the incident in Nokia in 2007.

Continuously discussed issues. The selection of a raw water source has stayed on the agenda although groundwater, and later artificial recharge, have dominated since the 1970s. As for drinking water quality, discussion about the byproducts of disinfection started in 1981. People were concerned about natural organic

26 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______matter (NOM) and the trihalomethanes that chlorine can form in the presence of NOM. In the late 1990s bromine compounds were also discussed.

Wastewater treatment facilities started improving their activated sludge processes and biological nutrient removal in the 1980s including de-nitrification/nitrification in connection with simultaneous precipitation. Nutrients were linked to the eutrophication of the Baltic Sea, and nitrogen removal is still a topic of discussion. Articles on sludge and its treatment and usage appeared in each decade indicating that sludge treatment and final disposal/use are still largely unsolved problems.

Small scale sewage treatment plants were highlighted in 1982, and in 1985 Vesitalous carried articles about wastewaters in sparsely populated areas. In the 1990s, attention was paid to land filtration and treatment of wastewaters in rural areas. In the 2000s, the issue became a hot topic due to the decree of 2003 on sparsely populated areas and their wastewater treatment, and the debate continues.

Passé issues. Due to changes in water use purposes and their priorities, timber floating has almost ceased and is paid hardly any attention. Passé issues likely to come back. In 1988 and 1994 a few articles concerning the energy perspective of water regulations appeared. Still, it was not until in the 2000s, when hydropower, related legislation, its environmental effects and bioenergy started to get more attention. In 2008, a theme issue on hydropower was published. It is possible that the issue will return in some form. Issues that have gained focus in the last decades. Use of IT and automation in process control started in 1981, and the 1980s as a whole was the golden era of treatment process automation. In 1983 computer aided design of wastewater treatment plants began to get a foothold. Remote monitoring and automation of expanding network operations also received attention. International co-operation. Over the years some comparative papers on various topics have been written, for instance, about Swedish development. Several cases describing developing countries have also been published. Since 1990 concern for the state of the Baltic Sea and its protection has increased, and in 2005 and 2006 the theme issues on the matter were published.

Over the decades, the Others category has expanded indicating the increasing diversity of topics and themes published in the journal. In fact Maasilta (2010), the editor-in-chief, noted that originally one of the proposed titles for the journal was ”Technology and society” which in terms of water and on the basis of our results, has been highly relevant over the years, and still is.

The analysis of the number of articles published by various interest groups through the history of Vesitalous provided some interesting results. While the topics discussed in each decade seem to vary quite a bit depend- ing on the decade, the relative shares of the articles written by different interest groups stayed somewhat the same, with only a few exceptions. Because of this it can be argued that although the specific area of interest within the water sector has changed throughout the decades, the professionals classified to different interest groups have each contributed articles related to wide range of these areas. Also the number of articles published by authors classified under the Universities category has increased most substantially through the decades.

The board of the journal nowadays encourages the sector professionals to submit their papers. More recently when the theme issues have been used the role of the board has become relatively stronger. Along with this peer review system was introduced. Thus the journal can be called “semi-academic” or “pracademic” providing a feasible space for dialogue in the water sector.

27 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

Many of the papers are produced by practitioners but also by academics. In the Finnish case, perhaps due to the small size of the country, a clear distinction between academics and other sector professionals is not that clear or obvious as in many other countries. Same persons typically may have several types of duties over their careers including academic. In relation to the 50th anniversary of the journal held in 2009 in the general discussion several experts commented that such a “semi-academic” journal is what is needed in the sector. We believe that our results show an increasing and accumulating awareness in the water sector regarding water related issues. Pointing out the major challenges of each decade might give an impression of crisis. However, we tend to think that in reality they rather show that identified constraints and challenges are no- ticed and alternatives for overcoming or alleviating them are explored and proposed through better awareness among the professionals.

Several international comparisons of the water and environmental sector has placed Finland near or at the top. Among others, these include Water Poverty Index (WPI, 2002), Water Reuse Index (WRI, 2009), Rela- tive Water Stress Index (RWSI, 2009), Environmental Performance Index (EPI, 2010), Environmental Sus- tainability Index (ESI, 2005), and Human Development Index (HDI, 2009). The list could be expanded to include areas such as ”transparency” and “good governance”. Although the high ranking can partly explained by the relatively low population density and abundance of water resources in Finland, they also include many management and governance related criteria. It can be foreseen that lessons from such a country like Finland – that used to be a hinterland of Europe before the WW II but developed fast ever since – could bring valuable lessons and policy implications for other countries and regions.

Concluding remarks Our analysis of the journal topics over the decades cannot predict the futures as such, but some trends may be established. We are not so sure whether the Vesitalous journal is ahead of its time and is forecasting the future trends in the field, or whether it reflects more the developments of the present and the past. It probably does both or more likely shows the way for the futures. Still, based on our results, such trends were established especially when novel technologies that were put to use later were discussed in the journal. In 2010 Vesitalous had a special issue on rehabilatation and maintenance, the importance of which is likely to grow due to the aging infrastructure in Finland as well as in most of the other western countries and regions of the world.

Over the years the diversity of topics and themes has increased indicating multidisciplinarity as well as changes in technology, society and governance. The article topics over the years tell us about increased awareness and reactions of the authors on topical issues.

The journal continued to have theme issues also in 2011 on some of the same topics as in previous decades: sludge decomposing and biogas production (Sanitation), town planning and administration and financing of water and wastewater treatment plants (Others), as well as water and energy and stormwater drainage (Water Resources Management). All in all, the journal has actively responded to developments and social needs through a variety of interest groups and water related articles produced by professionals of the water sector.

Acknowledgements Language check-up by Jorma Tiainen, and the comments by Timo Maasilta, the Editor-in-Chief of the Vesitalous journal, and the peer reviewers are highly appreciated. The financial support from the Academy of Finland (decision no. 135843) is gratefully acknowledged.

28 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

References Ala-Peijari T (1992) Ultraviolettivalon käyttö verkostoveden desinfiointiin. [Disinfecting tap water with UV light.]2 Vesitalous. 33:2:28-31. Biswas AK (2004) Integrated Water Resources Management: A Reassessment. A Water Forum Contribution. Water Intl. 29:248. Borenius L (1962) Vesiensuojelu metsäteollisuuden kannalta. [Water pollution abatement from the viewpoint of industry.]1 Vesitalous. 3:2:5-8. Ettala M, Rossi E (1994) Kaatopaikkavesien käsittely uudella haihdutustekniikalla. [New evaporation tehnique for treating landfill leachate.]1 Vesitalous. 35:6:14-18. Haume E (1986) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosten kehittämistarpeet ja –näkymät. [Development needs and prospects of water and wastewater utilities.]3 Vesitalous. 27:4:16-17. Heikkinen M (2008) Vesihuoltoverkostojen saneeraus osana erityistilanteisiin varautumista. [Modernisation of water supply networks in anticipation of exceptional circumstances.]1 Vesitalous. 49:5:12-15. Hemánus P (1995) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosten julkisuuskuva ja tiedottaminen. [How the public sees and hears about water and sewerage system.]2 Vesitalous. 36:4:3-6. Hiisvirta L (1986) Juomaveden mutageenisuus. [Mutagens in drinking water.]3 Vesitalous. 27:6:7. Hiisvirta L, Sauri M (1994) Bromaatit ja orgaaniset bromiyhdisteet Suomen vesissä. [Bromates and organic bromine compounds in Finnish waters.]1 Vesitalous. 35:3:5-6. Hirsto I (1973) Vesien käytön kokonaissuunnittelu. [Comprehensive planning of water use.]1 Vesitalous. 14:2:5-8. Hooli J (1977) Pohjavesi hydrologisen kierron osana. [Groundwater as part of the hydrological cycle.]1 Vesitalous. 18:6:7-11. HSY (2011) Helsinki Region Environmental Services Authority. [Cited 12.5.2011]. Available at: http://www.hsy.fi/en/Pages/Default.aspx Hyyppä J (1973) Maamme pohjavesien geokemiasta. [On Finnish groundwater geochemistry.]1 Vesitalous. 14:1:10-13. Joas M, Bonsdorff E (2006) Itämeren ympäristön muuttuva hallinta ja tieteellinen tieto. [Baltic Sea environment – changing management and scientific information.]1 Vesitalous. 47:2:6-9. Juuti P, Katko T (2004) Historian hallinta on myös tulevaisuuden hallintaa. [Managing the future by understanding history.]2 Vesitalous. 45:4:21-23. Järnefelt H (1961) Limnologia ja vesiensuojelu. [Limnology and water pollution abatement.]1 Vesitalous. 2:2:3-6. Kalliola R (1960) Luonnonsuojelu ja vesitalous. [Water economy and nature conservation.]1 Vesitalous. 1:1:8-9. Katko T (1993) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosten yhteistyön organisointi ja talous. [Organizational and economic aspects of cooperation between water and sewage works.]1 Vesitalous. 34:4:17-21. Katko TS (1997) Water! Evolution of water supply and sanitation in Finland from the mid-1800s to 2000. Hämeen kirjapaino Ltd. Tampere 1997, 104 p. Katko TS, Luonsi AAO, Juuti PS (2005) Water Pollution Control and Strategies in Finnish Pulp and Paper Industries in the 20th century. IJEP. 23:368-387. Katko TS, Juuti PS, Pietilä PE (2006) Key long-term decisions and principles in water services management in Finland, 1860-2003. Boreal Environment Research. 11:5:389–400. Katko TS, Kurki VO, Juuti PS, Rajala RP, Seppälä OT (2010) Integration of water and wastewater utilities: A case from Finland. J AWWA 102:9:62-70. Kettunen I, Korhonen M (1975) Ravinteiden liukeneminen puhdistamolietteistä. [The dissolution of nutrients from treatment plant sludge.]1 Vesitalous. 16:3:7-9. Kettunen R, Rintala J, Salis I (1994) Kaatopaikkaveisen ominaisuudet ja biologinen käsittely. [Properties and biological treatment of landfill waters.]1 Vesitalous. 35:5:8-10. Kiuru H (1994) Klooridesinfiointi ja pintavedestä valmistetun talousveden terveysriskit. [Chlorine disinfection and health risks due to use of surface water for domestic supply.]1 Vesitalous. 35:6:1-3. Kiuru H (1997) Seudullinen yhteistyö vesi- ja viemärilaitosten korjaus- ja huoltotoiminnoissa. [Municipal cooperation in the repair and maintenance operations of waterworks.]2 Vesitalous. 38:4:20. Kulovaara M, Backlund P, Corin N (1994) Orgaanisten yhdisteiden hajoaminen vedessä UV-valon vaikutuksesta. [Decomposition of organic compounds in water due to UV light.]2 Vesitalous. 35:5:26-28. Kurki VO, Katko TS, Pietilä P (2010) Bilateral collaboration in water and wastewater services in Finland. Water. Open Access. doi:10.3390/w2040815 Kohonen T (2001) Suomen Itämeren suojeluohjelma – yhdyskunnat ja haja-asutus. [Finland’s Baltic Sea Protection Programme.]2 Vesitalous. 42:6:38-40. Koivukoski E (1990) Vesi-ja viemärilaitosten organisaatioiden kehittäminen. [Development of the organization of water and sewerage plants.]2 Vesitalous. 31:4:4-6. Kuosa H, Arvola L, Bärlund I, Eckholm P, Hietanen S, Kaipainen H, Lehtoranta J, Leivuori M, Lukkari K, Pitkänen H, Rask M, Tallberg P, Tulonen T (2006) Itämeren rehevöitymiseen on vaikutettava maalla ja merellä. [Variable nutrien retention in the catchment area and complex nutrient dynamics in the Gulf of Finland complicates the recovery of Baltic Sea ecosystem.]1 Vesitalous. 47:2:20-25.

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Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

Kuusisto E (2007) Miten vesisektori sopeutuu ilmastonmuutokseen? [How will the water sector adapt to climate change?]1 Vesitalous. 48:5:6-8. Laakkonen S (2001) Itämeren tuntematon ympäristöhistoria. [Unknown environmental history of the Baltic Sea.]1 Vesitalous. 42:6:34-37. Laamanen M (2005) Meriympäristön tilan seurannan haasteet. [Challenges posed by monitoring marine environment.]1 Vesitalous. 46:2:6-9. Laherto A (1986) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosten kehittämistarpeet ja –näkymät erikokoisilla laitoksilla. [Development needs and prospects of water and wastewater utilities of various size.]3 Vesitalous. 27:4:19-20. Lawrence P, Meigh J, Sullivan C (2002) The Water Poverty Index: an International Comparison. Keele Economics Research Papers, Kerp 2002/19. Lehtonen H (1979) Vedenhankinnan suojaaminen (pintavesi). [Protection of the water supply (surface water).]1 Vesitalous. 20:4:26-27. Lihavainen L (1993) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosten tuloksellisuuden mittaaminen ja laitosten vertailu. [Assessment of economy of water and sewage works and comparison of facilities.]2 Vesitalous. 34:4:11. Lindberg R (1991) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosalan yhteistoiminnan kehittäminen pääkaupunkiseudulla. [Towards better cooperation between water works and the sewerage system in the metropolitan area.]2 Vesitalous. 32:4:21-23. Långvik V-A (1989) Mutageeniset klooriyhdisteet juomavedessä. [Mutagenic chloro-compounds in drinking water.]1 Vesitalous. 30:2:1-3. Långvik V-A (1993) Onko kloorilla desinfioitu vesi terveellistä? [Is water disinfected with chlorine good for you?]2 Vesitalous. 34:2:16-17. Maasilta T (2010) Vesitalous-lehden viisi vuosikymmentä. [Five decades of Vesitalous magazine.]1 Vesitalous. 51:1:27-28. Manner EJ (1961) Vesiensuojelun ajankohtaisia kysymyksiä. [The current problems of water pollution.]1 Vesitalous. 2:1:3-4. Markkanen T (1988) Näkökohtia alueellisen vv-laitoksen järjestämiseksi. [Views on regional collaboration of water and wastewater utilities.]3 Vesitalous. 29:5:7-8. Metsälampi V-M (1965) Suomen vesiensuojelun nykynäkymät. [Water protection in Finland.]1 Vesitalous. 6:1:32-35. Miettinen I, Zacheus O, Vartiainen T (2001) Vesiepidemioiden ehkäisy. [Preventing waterborne epidemics.]1 Vesitalous. 42:5:9-11. Muinonen T (1979) Vedenhankintaan käytettävien pohjavesialueiden suojaaminen. [Protection of the groundwater areas used for water supply.]1 Vesitalous. 20:4:28-29. Munsterhjelm K (1995) EU:n asettamat jäteveden käsittelyvaatimukset ja Itämeren suojeluun liityvät jäteveden käsittelytavoitteet. [EU directives regarding wastewater treatment and Baltic Sea protection.]3 Vesitalous. 36:4:19-20. Munsterhjelm K, Auvinen H (2008) Vedenhankinnalla haastava tulevaisuus. [Water supply faces a challenging future.]1 Vesitalous. 49:5:5-8. Mälkki E (1973) Pohjavesi – aliarvostettu luonnonvara. [Groundwater – an undervalued natural resource.]1 Vesitalous. 14:1:3-4. Mälkki E (1977) Havaintoja eräiden harjumuodostumien pohjaveden laadun vuodenaikaisvaihteluista. [Observations on seasonal fluctuations in the groundwater quality in certain ridge formations.]1 Vesitalous. 18:3:6-14. Määttä R, Lindström K-E (1977) Silakanfileerauslaitoksen jätevesien puhdistaminen rinnakkaissaostuksen avulla. [The treatment of fish industry (baltic herring) wastewater using the activated sludge method combined with simultaneous precipitation of phosphorous with ferrous sulphate.]1 Vesitalous. 18:3:27-33. Nevalainen A, Rautio E (2008) Vesihuoltolaitoksille yhteiset kriisiviestintäohjeet. [All water supply plants to receive a common set of crisis communication directions.]2 Vesitalous. 49:5:18-20. Niini H (1977) Kallioperässä oleva pohjavesi. [Groundwater in bedrock.]1 Vesitalous. 18:6:22-25. Niinivaara K (1960) Vesiensuojelutoimisto aloittaa toimintansa. [Water pollution control office to start.]3 Vesitalous. 1:2:28. Nissinen T, Myllykangas T, Rantakokko P, Vartiainen T (1999) Bromidin ja bromattujen desinfioinnin sivutuotteiden esiintyminen suomalaisissa talousvesissä. [Occurrence of bromide and brominated byproducts of disinfection process in Finnish household waters.]2 Vesitalous. 40:4:4-7. Nousiainen A (1984) Vesiasiat yhdyskuntien suunnittelussa ja kehittämisessä. [Water issues in community planning and development.]3 Vesitalous. 25:6:1-4. Peräkylä O (1960) Vesiensuojelu tämän hetken ongelmana. [Water conservation, a current problem in Finland.]1 Vesitalous. 1:2:6-11. Pesonen T, Toivanen E (1983) Trihalometaanien muodostuminen vedenpuhdistuksessa. [Formation of trihalomethane in water purification.]1 Vesitalous. 24:6:1-6. Puolanne J (1993) Euroopan yhdentymisen vaikutukset vv-laitostoimintaan – lietteen käyttö. [European integration and its effects on the use of sludge.]2 Vesitalous. 34:4:7. Pääkkönen J (1981) Kemikaalien yli- ja aliannostusten estäminen vesilaitoksissa. [Preventing over and underdosing of chemicals at water treatment plants.]3 Vesitalous. 22:6:8-10.

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Focus and Change of Water Management in Finland ______

Pönkkä L (1971) Savenalaisista vettä johtavista kerrostumista. [Clay-based water conductive layers.]1 Vesitalous. 12:5:8-10. Pönkkä L (1972) Savenalaisten pohjavesiesiintymien paikallistamisesta. [Locating aquifers under-laying clay deposits.]1 Vesitalous. 13:1:18. Reinikainen A (1983a) Humusaineet vedenkäsittelyssä – osa 1 humusaineiden ominaisuuksista. [Humic sunbstances in water treatment – I about humus characteristics.]1 Vesitalous. 24:1:29-34. Reinikainen A (1983b) Humusaineet vedenkäsittelyssä – osa 2 humusaineiden saostaminen. [Humic substances in water treatment part II. Coagulation of humics.]1 Vesitalous. 24:3:25-32. Reinvall A, Halme K (1981) Rauman kaupungin vesijohtoveden trihalometaanitutkimukset 5.5. – 9.9.1981. [Surveys on trihalomethane in Rauma city piped water.]3 Vesitalous. 22:6:26-28. Riihimäki R (1984) Vastuuvakuutukset vesi-, viemärilaitostoiminnassa. [Liability insurance in water and wastewater utilities.]3 Vesitalous. 25:4:10. Rönkkömäki M (1977) Pohjavesien suojelu öljyvahingoilta ja muulta pilaantumiselta. [Protecting groundwater from oil spills and other pollution.]1 Vesitalous. 18:4:33-41. Rönkä E (1977) Tekopohjavesi tutkimuskohteena. [Artificial groundwater as a subject of research.]1 Vesitalous. 18:4:30-32. Rönkä E, Koskinen S (1979) Ensimmäisen vuoden käyttökokemuksia Harjakankaan tekopohjavesilaitoksesta. [The Harjakangas artificial groundwwater plant’s first year of operations.]1 Vesitalous. 20:1:24-31. Saari SJ (1980) Vesi- ja viemärilaitosten alueellinen yhteistyö. [Regional collaboration of water and wastewater works.]3 Vesitalous. 21:4:16-18. Sahrman K (1994) Euroopan Unioni – vaikutuksia kuntasektorille. [The European Union – municipal impact.]2 Vesitalous. 35:4:5-6. Sallanko, J (1998) Talousveden bromaattikysymys. [Bromate in household water.]1 Vesitalous. 39:4:29-31. Salman, SMA (2007) The Helsinki Rules, the UN Watercourses Convention and the Berlin Rules: Perspectives on International Water Law. Water Resources Development. 23:4:625–640. Saviranta L (1989) Vesihuollon tulevaisuus. [Futures of water services.]3 Vesitalous 30:3:41-43. Seppänen H (1981) Orgaanisen aineen merkitys talousveden valmistuksessa. [The significance of organic aterial in the preparation of drinking water.]1 Vesitalous. 22:3:1-7. Seppänen H (1982) Talousveden mikrobiologiaa: suodattimien ja verkoston pieneliöstö. [Microbiology of drinking water: organisms in filters and the distribution network.]1 Vesitalous. 23:5:24-29. Seppänen H (1991) Vesihygienia ja desinfektio. [Water sanitation and disinfection.]2 Vesitalous. 32:5:27-30. Sipilä A (1981) Desinfiointi ja siinä syntyvät yhdisteet. [Disinfectants and their by-products.]1 Vesitalous. 22:2:10-15. Suomela T (1998) Vesipolitiikkaa koskeva EU:n puitedirektiivi. [An EU framework directive on water policy.]2 Vesitalous. 39:4:2-3. Takala A (2007) Vesiyhtymien toiminnan kehittäminen [Operational development of water and wastewater asociations]2, MSc dissertation, Tampere University of Technology Tanttu U (1993) Euroopan yhdentymisen vaikutukset vesilaitostoimintaan. [Implications of European integration of water works.]2 Vesitalous. 34:4:6. Tuhkanen T (1992) Talousveden otsonoinnista. [Ozonization of domestic water.]3 Vesitalous. 33:5:23-25. Uusluoto T, Backlund P (1990) Mutageenisuus ja orgaaniset klooriyhdisteet desinfioidussa humusvedessä. [Mutagenicity and organic chlorine compounds in disinfected humic water.]1 Vesitalous. 31:5:34-36. Valve M, Isomäki E (2007) Klooraus – tuttu ja turvallinen? [Chlorination – familiar and safe?]1 Vesitalous. 48:4:6-11. Vartiainen T, Kauranen P (1988) Talousveden mutageenisuus Suomessa. [Mutagenic activities of drinking water in Finland.]1 Vesitalous. 29:5:1-6. Vartiainen T, Komulainen H, Vaittinen S-L, Mäki-Paakkanen J, Tuomisto J (1991) Talousveden mutageenisuus ja MX: ajankohtaisia tutkimustuloksia. [The mutagenicity of drinking water and the latest research findings regarding MX.]2 Vesitalous. 32:6:7-9. Vartiainen T, Zacheus O, Miettinen I (2001) Vesiepidemiat ja niiden syyt. [Waterborne epidemics in Finland.]1 Vesitalous. 42:5:6-8. Veijalainen N, Vehviläinen B (2007) Ilmastonmuutoksen vaikutukset mitoitustulviin. [Effect of climate change on the design flood.]1 Vesitalous. 48:5:9-12. Vesiensuojeluneuvottelukunta (Consultative Committee of Water Protection) (1963) Vesiensuojelu. Luku 5: Vesiensuo- jelu ja vesiensuojelupolitiikka. [Chapter V: Water pollution control and policy.]3 Vesitalous. 4:2:83-87. Wihuri H (1973) Pohjaveden muodostuminen ja virtaaminen. [Groundwater formations and flow.]3 Vesitalous. 14:1:5- 9.

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Toni Jaatinen, Tapio Katko, Sanna Pynnönen & Joni Vihanta ______

Authors

Toni T. O. Jaatinen is a MSc in Environmental Engineering graduated from Tam- pere University of Technology. His majors were Environmental Biotechnology and Water and Waste Management Technology. At the moment, he is working as a De- sign Engineer in Pöyry Finland Oy. His work mainly consists of street and water supply engineering.

Tapio S. Katko is Adjunct Professor (DTech, Civ.Eng) and UNESCO Chairholder in Sustainable Water Services at Tampere University of Technology. His main research interests are long-term development of water and related infrastructure as well as institutional, management, policy and governance issues of water and sanitation services. He is the author of several books and papers and the leader of CADWES research team at TUT (www.cadwes.org). Email: [email protected]

Sanna T. Pynnönen is a MSc in Environmental Engineering and she has BEng degree in Chemical and Environmental Engineering. Her majors were Water and Waste Management Technology and Environmental Biotechnology. Currently, she is working as a researcher at Tampere University of Technology and studying for her DrSc degree in the field of Environmental Engineering. She is also working as a secretary in the Finnish Society for Environmental Science.

Joni S. Vihanta is a MSc student at Tampere University of Technology. His majors are Water and Waste Management Technology and Water Management. He is currently working with his Master of Science thesis concerning large water cooper- atives in Finland.

32 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

______

Pekka Masonen

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse

______

Abstract: The Naked Japanese and the Western Gaze The Japanese public bath (sentō) was an institution that both excited and horrified the Western visitors who began to arrive in Japan after the re-opening of the country in 1854. There hardly exists any late nineteenth- century Western book on Japan without a reference to the public baths.

What made the institution so fascinating was the practice according to which men and women were bathing together and naked. This was seen as contrary to the Western practice according to which bathing was re- garded as private and the exposition of one’s nudity to others shameful. Thus the Japanese custom was considered both weird and promiscuous.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the Western opinions of Japanese public baths and nudity in public space during the Bakumatsu and early Meiji periods and further to analyze, how uniform these opinions actually were – and how far these opinions were shaped by the observer’s contemporary national cultural mi- lieu. That is, how “Western” the Westerners really were (and are)? I began to contemplate this question while reading modern English literature on the Western encounter with Japan, such as Ian Littlewood’s The Idea of Japan. Western images, Western myths (1996).

Being myself a member of sauna culture, which bears many similarities to the Japanese sentō, I wanted to know, what a nineteenth-century Finnish visitor might have thought of seeing naked Japanese men and women relaxing together in a public bath. Would he have run out, cursing like the American lieutenant Ed- ward Yorke McCauley? Or would he have felt the scene homelike? What about the Russians and Swedes, to whom the sauna culture is also familiar? Or the Italians and Portuguese? Attitudes towards nudity were not identical in the United States, Great Britain, and continental Europe.

The significance of the question – how uniform the Western opinions of Japanese public baths were – is that it allows us to focus on the negative aspects of anglocentrism in the current research on cultural encounters, not only in the context of Japan but in other areas, too. By anglocentrism I mean the tendency of anglophone scholars to restrict themselves only in sources written in English and to make far-reaching conclusions on grounds of these texts, which are then generalized to stand for “Western”, although these conclusions, in reality, often represent nothing but the peculiarities of the Anglo-Saxon culture and mentality.

But whose opinions, then, define the “Western” gaze? The only way to achieve a “Western” view of another culture in a certain historical moment – be it the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa, India, China, or Japan – is to adopt a wide linguistic approach. By comparing sources representing many Western languages and cultures, we may be able to distinguish which factors really constitute the general “Western” gaze and which views are more likely affected by the observer’s particular national background. However, the impact of national cultures on the way in which the Westerners have met and seen other peoples has gained relatively little attention amongst the Western and non-Western scholars.

Keywords: anglocentrism, history of Japan, public baths, 19th century, cultural encounter.

33 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Pekka Masonen ______

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse

Kun Japani kytkettiin maailman talouteen ja politiikkaan vuonna 1854, maahan alkoi pian saapua runsain määrin eurooppalaisia ja amerikkalaisia diplomaatteja, kauppiaita, lähetyssaarnaajia, seikkailijoita, onnenon- kijoita sekä asiantuntijoita, joita palkattiin perehdyttämään japanilaisia moderneihin keksintöihin. Monet heistä tallensivat kokemuksensa kirjaksi; olihan 1800-luku matkakirjallisuuden kulta-aikaa.

Paljon melua tyhjästä Yksi aihe, joka toistuu lähes kaikissa 1800-luvun Japania koskevissa länsimaisissa matkakirjoissa, on japanilaisten omituinen kylpykulttuuri. Japanilaisille kylpeminen ei edustanut vain arkista peseytymistä. Se oli myös tapa rentoutua ja tarjosi tilaisuuden sosiaaliseen kanssakäymiseen. Perinteisesti kylpeminen tapahtui yleisissä kylpylöissä (sentō), joissa oli suuret lämmitetyt altaat, tai luonnon kuumissa lähteissä (onsen). Su- kupuolia ei eroteltu vaan miehet ja naiset kylpivät yhdessä ja alasti, joskin naiset usein verhosivat alaruumiinsa ohuella alushameella (yugu). Tilana yleinen kylpylä oli säädyllinen ja seksuaaliseen häirintään puu- tuttiin: muiden kylpijöiden koskettelua tai tirkistelyä ei hyväksytty. Yhtä kielteisesti suhtauduttiin niihin, jotka esittelivät itseään liian näkyvästi. Useimmat japanilaiset osasivat (ja osaavat yhä) nähdä alastoman kehon tuijottamatta sen yksityiskohtia.1

Japanilainen kylpykulttuuri vaikutti omituiselta, koska länsimaissa kylpeminen tarkoitti ensisijaisesti pesey- tymistä ja oli tapahtumana yksityinen. Oman alastoman kehon paljastamista muille pidettiin sopimattomana ja julkiseen alastomuuteen suhtauduttiin kielteisesti. Yhdysvalloissa jopa alastonmaalaukset saatettiin tulkita pornoksi.2 Toisaalta julkinen alastomuus ei ollut länsimaissa niin harvinaista kuin viktoriaaniset moraalinvartijat teeskentelivät. Merikylpylöissä uitiin usein alasti eivätkä imettävät äidit tai vähäpukeiset työmiehet olleet poikkeuksellisia näkyjä suurkaupunkien puistoissa ja kaduilla. Porvarillinen kulttuuri kuitenkin torjui alastomuuden. Kun Lady Rothschild [Louise Montefiore, 1821–1910] käveli tyttärineen Scarborough’n rannalla kesällä 1858, hän järkyttyi pahanpäiväisesti nähdessään satoja miehiä ja naisia Adamin ja Eevan asuis- sa. Päiväkirjassaan hän julisti: “Poliisin pitäisi ehdottomasti puuttua asiaan.”3 Yhdysvalloissa pidätettiin 1900-luvun alussa naisia, jotka käyttivät miesten muodin mukaisia, ihonmyötäisiä uimapukuja, joita pidettiin liian paljastavina ja siksi siveettöminä.4

Vielä myöhäiskeskiajalla yleiset kylpylät olivat olleet tavallisia Euroopan kaupungeissa mutta ne katosivat 1600-luvulle tultaessa. Sekä maalliset vallanpitäjät että kristilliset kirkot – katolinen ja protestanttinen – suhtautuivat kylpylöihin kielteisesti, koska niiden uskottiin levittävän tauteja sekä innostavan irstauteen. Asiassa oli myös perää. Hygienia ei ollut aina paras mahdollinen ja monet kylpylät olivat todellisuudessa bordelleja.5

Uudestaan yleisiä kylpylöitä alettiin perustaa 1800-luvulla, kun läntisen Euroopan kaupungit kasvoivat teol- listumisen myötä. Henkilökohtaisen hygienian kohentaminen auttoi torjumaan kulkutauteja ja porvarillinen kulttuuri painotti puhtautta – eikä pelkästään moraalisena käsitteenä. Likaiset vaatteet ja paha haju todistivat kantajansa alhaisesta elintasosta. Isossa-Britanniassa virisi 1820-luvulla porvarillisten hyväntekijöiden ra-

1 Ks. Clark 1994. 2 Gay 1984, 389. 3 Cohen 1935, 93. Päiväkirjoistaan kuuluisa englantilainen pappi Francis Kilvert (1840–79) törmäsi samaan näkyyn Weston-super- Maren rannalla syyskuussa 1872 mutta häntä se ei järkyttänyt. Päinvastoin: Kilvert juoksenteli itsekin alasti rannalla ja kuvaili tunnetta “a delicious feeling of freedom” (Kilvert 1939, 262; ks. myös 266). 4 Ks. Ableman 1982, kuvaliite. 5 Duerr 1988, 38. 34 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse ______

hoittama liike, jonka tavoitteena oli perustaa yleisiä kylpylöitä, joissa työläiset ja alemman keskiluokan edus- tajat voisivat pestä itsensä ja vaatteensa. Slummien taloissa ei ollut juoksevaa vettä eikä välttämättä edes pesutiloja. Modernit kylpylät olivat käytännöllisiä ja kaikin puolin säädyllisiä. Miehet ja naiset erotettiin omiin osastoihinsa, jotka oli edelleen jaettu ensimmäiseen ja toiseen luokkaan kiusallisten tilanteiden välttä- miseksi.6

Egyptiläinen imaami Rifa‘ā al-Tahtāwī (1802–73), joka opiskeli Pariisissa 1820-luvulla, kuvaili maanmiehil- leen länsimaista tapaa kylpeä:

Pariisin kylpylöissä on useita pieniä huoneita ja jokaisessa on kuparinen amme, johon mahtuu kerral- laan vain yksi ihminen. Vaikka joissakin huoneissa saattaa olla kaksi ammetta, eurooppalaiset eivät kylve yhdessä kuten me egyptiläiset teemme. Heidän tapansa on säädyllisempi, koska kukaan ei voi nähdä toisensa sukupuolielimiä. Huoneissa on verho, joka erottaa ammeet, niin että kylpijät eivät näe toisiaan. Astuessaan näihin pieniin ammeisiin kylpijä ei kuitenkaan koe samaa mielihyvää, jonka voi saavuttaa egyptiläisessä kylpylässä. 7

Yleiset kylpylät eli hammām olivat (ja ovat yhä) suosittuja islamilaisen Välimeren alueella. Sukupuolet kuitenkin erotetaan tarkasti toisistaan: miehille ja naisille on joko omat kylpylänsä tai he käyttävät samaa kylpy- lää mutta eri aikoina. Vaikka kylpijät ovat peseytyessään alasti, muutoin he käyttävät erityistä kylpyvaatetta (fūṭa), joka verhoaa ainakin heidän alaruumiinsa.

Koska japanilaiset kylpivät yhdessä ja olivat silminnähden välinpitämättömiä suhteessa alastomuuteensa – myös kylpylöiden ulkopuolella – heidän kuviteltiin olevan poikkeuksellisen siveettömiä. Viktoriaanisten moraalinvartijoiden mukaan alastomuus kiihottaa viettejä ja johtaa väistämättä irstauteen, koska ihminen ei voi vastustaa alastomuuden herättämää seksuaalista himoa; siksi keho on verhottava vaatteilla kiireestä kan- tapäähän. Kuumalla kylvyllä on sama kiihottava vaikutus, kun taas kylmä kylpy toimii päinvastoin.8 Käsitys- tä japanilaisten siveettömyydestä vahvisti heidän mutkaton suhteensa seksiin. Vaikka uskottomia vaimoja rangaistiin ankarasti, esiaviolliset suhteet eivät olleet paheksuttuja, saati pilanneet nuoren naisen mainetta. Neitsyys ei ollut itseisarvo japanilaisilla avioliittomarkkinoilla. Jopa entiset prostituoidut saattoivat muuttua avioliiton kautta kunniallisiksi naisiksi, joskaan käytäntö ei ollut läheskään niin yleinen kuin länsimaiset miehet fantasoivat päiväunissaan.9 Yhtä hämmentävää oli se, että japanilaisille prostituutio oli elinkeino, jota viranomaiset valvoivat ja verottivat kuten mitä tahansa liiketoimintaa. Prostituutio ei tietenkään ollut vieras ilmiö 1800-luvun eurooppalaisille tai amerikkalaisille mutta se nähtiin eri tavalla: länsimaissa prostituutio oli likaista, paheellista, syntistä.

Varsinkin amerikkalaiset järkyttyivät näkemästään, kuten luutnantti Edward Yorke McCauley (1827–94), joka kävi Japanissa (Shimoda) kommodori Perryn mukana maaliskuussa 1854:

Menin yleiseen kylpylään – seitsemäntoistavuotiaita tyttöjä, vanhoja naisia, nuoria miehiä, vanhoja ukkoja kyykki lattialla vailla rihman kiertämää, jokaisella vierellään palju, josta he kaatoivat vettä päälleen ja samalla hinkkasivat itseään puhtaaksi, välittämättä lainkaan omasta asennostaan tai muiden läsnäolosta – he kutsuivat meidätkin joukkoonsa kylpemään – mutta olin niin tympääntynyt koko sak- kiin ja heidän riettaaseen käytökseensä että käännyin sadatellen pois.10

6 Ks. Gibson 1954 ja Williams 1991. 7 al-Tahtāwī 2004, 233. 8 Ks. Pearsall 1976 ja Smith 1996. 9 Seigle 1993, 182–83. Ks. Oliphant 1859, II, 494–96 (Appendix IV: Note on Prostitution). 10 Cole 1942, 108. 35 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Pekka Masonen ______

Myös luutnantti George Henry Preble (1816–85) tutustui Shimodassa yleiseen kylpylään ja hänen mukaansa japanilaisten tapa kylpeä oli inhottava, naurettava ja sopimaton. Silti hän ei voinut vastustaa kiusausta vierailla samassa paikassa toistamiseen voidakseen – omien sanojensa mukaan – tehdä paremmin havaintoja japanilaisten ruumiinrakenteesta.11

Kuva 1. Shimodan yleinen kylpylä saksalais-amerikkalaisen taiteilijan Wilhelm Heinen silmin. Kuva ilmestyi kommodori Perryn retkikunnan vaiheita kuvaavan raportin (Narrative of the expedition of an American squadron to the China Sea and Japan in the years 1852, 1853 and 1854 under the command of Commodore M.C. Perry) ensimmäisen osan ensimmäisessä painoksessa vuonna 1856 (Philadelphia: Duval & Co.). Kuva poistettiin teoksen myöhemmistä painoksista, koska sitä pidettiin säädyttömänä (vrt. kuva 2).

Hankalaksi japanilaisten alastomuuden teki se, että muutoin heitä pidettiin henkisiltä ominaisuuksiltaan pa- rempina kuin kiinalaisia, joihin yhdistettiin likaisuus, tapojen karkeus sekä takapajuisuus. Jos japanilaiset olivat sivistyskansa, miksi he suhtautuivat alastomuuteen ja seksiin kuin Tyynen valtameren saarten villit? Lähetyssaarnaajien ensimmäinen päämäärä oli saada havaijilaiset ja tahitilaiset pukeutumaan säädyllisesti: isoäidin yöpaidasta innovoitu muumuu oli heidän keksintönsä.

Myös britit järkyttyivät näkemästään. Christopher Pemberton Hodgson (1821–65) toimi Ison-Britannian konsulina Nagasakissa ja Hakodatessa vuosina 1859–60. Hänen mukaansa japanilaisten inhottavin piirre oli heidän irstautensa, mistä todisti miesten ja naisten rietas tapa kylpeä yhdessä. Lukijoilleen Hodgson vakuutti, että hän oli kiertänyt kaukaa nämä synnin ja siveettömyyden pesät, vaikka ei ollut voinut kokonaan välttyä

11 Szczesniak 1962, 182 ja 204. 36 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse ______

näkemästä alastomia japanilaisia.12 Samaa mieltä oli majuri Edward Barrington de Fonblanque (1821–95), joka vieraili Japanissa 1860. Hänen tehtävänsä oli ostaa hevosia Pohjois-Kiinaan sijoitettujen brittiläisten joukkojen käyttöön. Edeltäjiensä kuvausten innoittamana hänkin tietysti vieraili yleisessä kylpylässä ja hä- nen mukaansa japanilaiset olivat joka suhteessa kieroutuneita ja siveettömiä. Jopa lapset leikkivät riettailla leluilla, jotka saivat englantilaisen herrasmiehen punastumaan. Toisaalta hän kuitenkin julisti japanilaisten olevan kaikista Aasian kansoista hengeltään vapaimpia ja ehdottomasti parempia kuin orjasieluiset kiinalai- set.13

Barrington de Fonblanque ei ollut ainoa, jonka mielipiteet japanilaisista olivat ristiriitaisia. Amerikkalainen William Elliot Griffis (1843–1928) vietti Japanissa neljä vuotta (1870–74) ja hänen teoksensa Mikado’s Em- pire (1876) oli suosittu sekä Yhdysvalloissa että Euroopassa. Griffis tietysti huomasi – muiden tavoin – japanilaisten omituisen kylpykulttuurin sekä mutkattoman suhtautumisen alastomuuteen, seksiin ja prostituuti- oon. Hänen mukaansa japanilaiset rypivät paheissa, synnissä ja saastassa, vailla mitään käsitystä moraalisista hyveistä (emt. 568). Vain kaksi sivua myöhemmin Griffis kuitenkin hehkuttaa lukijoilleen, kuinka japanilaiset ovat rehellisiä, luotettavia, ystävällisiä, avuliaita ja käytöstavoiltaan oikeasti parempia kuin monet kristi- tyt. Kaikki ei ole kohdallaan – paitsi, jos ymmärrämme Griffisin inhoamien paheiden tarkoittavan tekopy- hyyden puutetta.

Griffisin omista moraalisista hyveistä kertoo se, että julkisesti hän väitti aina olevansa tinkimätön raittiuden ystävä ja paheksui japanilaisten holtitonta alkoholin käyttöä. Hänen päiväkirjastaan löytyy kuitenkin merkin- töjä, joissa hän valittaa päänsärkyään vietettyään iltaa japanilaisten seurassa, puhumattakaan lauseesta: “Felt, as usual, after a wine dinner, very stupid”.14

Yksi yli muiden Englanninkielisessä tutkimuskirjallisuudessa japanilaisen kylpykulttuurin kauhistelu esitetään aina yhtenäi- senä länsimaisena reaktiona.15 Japanilaisille se puolestaan toimii argumenttina, joka tukee myyttiä heidän kulttuurinsa ainutlaatuisuudesta. Toisin sanoen, länsimaalaiset järkyttyivät, koska japanilainen kylpykulttuuri oli heidän silmissään niin erilaista että he eivät voineet ymmärtää sitä. Onkin mielenkiintoista, että japanilaiset eivät edelleenkään viihdytä länsimaisia vieraitaan viemällä heidät kylpylään – siinä missä suomalaiset pakottavat vieraansa saunaan kansallisuudesta riippumatta.16 Tärkein syy on se, että japanilaiset olettavat länsimaalaisen tuntevan olonsa epämiellyttäväksi joutuessaan paljastamaan muille alastoman kehonsa. Vaik- ka miesten ja naisten julkinen yhteiskylpeminen on päättynyt Japanissa, kylpylöissä toimitaan kuin suomalaisen uimahallin pesutiloissa eli uimapukua ei käytetä.

Lukiessani englanninkielistä tutkimuskirjallisuutta pysähdyin miettimään, kuinka yhtenäinen edellä kuvattu reaktio todellisuudessa oli. Olenhan itse saunakulttuurin edustaja ja tottunut kohtaamaan alastomuuden lap- suudestani lähtien. Kauhistelivatko kaikki Japanissa 1800-luvulla vierailleet länsimaalaiset japanilaisten alastomuutta yhtä jyrkästi vai oliko suhtautumisessa eroja, jotka selittyisivät paitsi vierailijan persoonallisuu- den myös hänen kansallisen kulttuurinsa erityispiirteiden kautta? Olisiko esimerkiksi Venäjän laivastossa palveleva suomalainen upseeri järkyttynyt yhtä pahasti kuin McCauley ja Preble nähdessään alastomien japanilaisten naisten ja miesten kylpevän yhdessä? Ainakaan suomalaiset lähetystyöntekijät eivät erityisesti tuominneet japanilaisia kylpylöitä, vaikka he suhtautuivat kielteisesti moniin muihin japanilaisen kulttuurin

12 Hodgson 1861, 251–52. 13 Barrington de Fonblanque 1862, 46–47, 133–35 ja 162. Riettaat lelut olivat oikeasti falloksia, joita myytiin shintolaisissa pyhäköissä. Ne eivät olleet leikkimistä varten vaan uskonnollisia kulttiesineitä. Vrt. Humbert 1870, II, 269. 14 Rosenstone 1988, 105. 15 Kawano 2005. 16 Vesterinen 2001, 92–93. 37 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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piirteisiin. Silti julkisen alastomuuden kohtaaminen oli heillekin hämmentävää. Saavuttuaan Japaniin tammi- kuussa 1939 Tuulikki Korpinen nolostui, kun hän näki äidin imettävän lastaan junassa: “Suomessa eivät noin tekisi muut kuin mustalaisakat – tuskin hekään.”17

Venäläisten sotalaivojen mukana Japanissa kävi suomalaisia meriupseereja mutta he eivät dokumentoineet kokemuksiaan matkakirjoiksi.18 Ensimmäiset suomalaiset lienevät käyneet Japanissa hollantilaisten laivojen mukana jo 1600-luvulla. Ensimmäinen suomalaisen kirjoittama omakohtainen kuvaus Japanista sisältyy Adolf Erik Nordenskiöldin kertomukseen Vega-laivan purjehduksesta. Paluumatkallaan hän vietti Japanissa vajaat kolme kuukautta syksyllä 1879.19

Entä venäläiset ja ruotsalaiset, joille saunakulttuuri on myös tuttu?20 Tai muut eurooppalaiset? Suhtautumi- nen alastomuuteen ei ollut yhtenäistä 1800-luvun Euroopassa ja Pohjois-Amerikassa, kuten se ei ole nytkään. Hyvän ajankohtaisen esimerkin tarjoaa Michel Ocelotin palkittu lasten piirroselokuva Kirikou ja paha noita, joka sai ensi-iltansa Ranskassa 1998. Yhdysvalloissa sen esittäminen aiheutti ongelmia, koska afrikkalaiset naiset esiintyvät elokuvassa rinnat paljaina ja mikä pahinta, pikku-Kirikou ja muut vesselit vipeltävät pippelit vilkkuen. Niinpä ohjaajaa pyydettiin valmistamaan siistitty versio, jossa naisille on lisätty rintaliivit ja viika- reille pöksyt. Ocelot tietenkin kieltäytyi. Lopulta elokuvateatterit varustettiin julisteella, jossa vanhemmille kerrottiin elokuvan perustuvan vanhaan afrikkalaiseen tarinaan ja sisältävän tahdikkaasti kuvattua alastomuutta (“tastefully-rendered cartoon nudity”). Vastaavaa ei tapahtunut missään manner-Euroopan maassa; ei edes Pohjois-Afrikan maissa.21

Länsimaalaisten suhtautuminen japanilaisten alastomuuteen tarjoaakin mielenkiintoisen näkökulman pohtia, kuinka yhtenäinen länsimainen kulttuuri oikeasti on? Käsitteenä “länsimaat” saa eri yhteyksissä hyvin erilaisen sisällön, puhujasta ja tilanteesta riippuen. Toisaalta länsimaat kuitenkin nähdään usein – sekä myöntei- sessä että kielteisessä merkityksessä – monoliittisena superkulttuurina, joka pakottaa kaikki kerhon jäsenet ajattelemaan ja toimimaan samalla tavalla. Tällöin kulttuurien kohtaaminen latistuu binaaristen oppositiopa- rien törmäykseksi ja matkakirjat pelkäksi kolonialistisen projektin diskurssiksi.22 Kun englantia äidinkielenään puhuva tutkija puhuu “länsimaiden” ja muiden kulttuurien kohtaamisesta, hän ei välttämättä näe aihettaan samalla tavalla kuin ranskaa tai saksaa äidinkielenään puhuva tutkija. Anglosak- sinen näkökulma on usein kapeampi, mihin kielen ohella vaikuttaa se insulaarinen mentaliteetti, joka vallit- see sekä Isossa-Britanniassa että Yhdysvalloissa, kun taas Euroopan mantereella länsimaisen kulttuurin mo- nimuotoisuus ja monikielisyys tiedostetaan paremmin. Pahimmillaan englannin kieleen perustuva anglosentrismi johtaa amerisentrismiin, joka korottaa Yhdysvallat länsimaiden perikuvaksi, ja tällöin eurooppalaisten kulttuurien “länsimaisuus” määräytyy sen perusteella, missä määrin niistä löytyy vastaavuuksia amerikkalai- seen elämäntapaan.

Hyvän esimerkin anglosentrisen näkökulman ahtaudesta tarjoavat ne englanninkieliset tutkimukset, jotka väittävät tarkastelevansa länsimaiden ja Japanin kohtaamista. Yksi tällainen on Patricia Barrin vuonna 1967

17 Korpinen 1949, 33. 18Yksi heistä oli vara-amiraaliksi kohonnut Hampus Furuhjelm (1821–1909), joka osallistui Jefimi Putjatinin johtamaan retkikuntaan vuosina 1853–54. Toinen oli niin ikään vara-amiraaliksi kohonnut Oskar Wilhelm Enqvist (1849–1912), joka solmi 1893 Nagasakissa pitkäaikaisen suhteen Omatsu-nimisen japanilaisen naisen kanssa (ks. Guzanov 1992). 19 Nordenskiöld 1881; ks. 2. osa, luvut 17 ja 18. Ruotsinkielinen alkuteos Vegas färd kring Asien och Europa ilmestyi Tukholmassa samana vuonna. 20 Venäläinen Sergei Vasiljevitš Maksimov kävi Japanissa 1850-luvun lopulla ja hänen silmissään yleiset kylpylät muistuttivat yleisiä saunoja hänen kotimaassaan. Myös Venäjällä miehet ja naiset, munkit ja nunnat olivat muinoin saunoneet yhdessä, vaikka nyt tapa rajoittui vain “keisarikuntamme syrjäisiin ja takapajuisiin seutuihin”. Maksimovin matkakirja ilmestyi 1864 (На востоке. Поездка на Амур). Ks. Russian views of Japan 2004, 139. 21 Ocelot 2003, 144–45. 22 Driver 2001, 7–8. 38 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse ______

ilmestynyt Coming of the barbarians, joka on alaotsikkonsa mukaan “a story of Western settlement in Japan 1853–1870”. Kirjasta on ilmestynyt useita uusintapainoksia (viimeksi 1988) ja siihen viitataan yhä ahkerasti. Sinänsä tutkimus on pätevä mutta ei lunasta alaotsikkonsa lupausta, sillä Barr analysoi vain brittien ja amerikkalaisten kokemuksia, kun taas hollantilaiset, venäläiset, ranskalaiset ja saksalaiset ovat äänettömiä ja passiivisia sivustakatsojia.

Samaa voi sanoa Neil Pedlarin tutkimuksesta Imported pioneers, joka ilmestyi 1990. Alaotsikkonsa mukaan teos käsittelee “Westerners who helped build modern Japan”. Kaikki kirjassa esitellyt henkilöt ovat kuitenkin brittejä sekä amerikkalaisia, vaikka Japanin hallitus värväsi 1800-luvulla neuvonantajia runsaasti myös Ranskasta, Saksasta, Italiasta, Sveitsistä, Alankomaista, Ruotsista ja muista Euroopan maista.23 Mielenkiintoinen on myös vuonna 2003 ilmestynyt Gary Leuppin tutkimus Interracial intimacy in Japan, joka alaotsikkonsa mukaan käsittelee länsimaalaisten miesten ja japanilaisten naisten suhteita 1500-luvulta 1900-luvulle. Tarkastellessaan aikakautta ennen Japanin avautumista 1854, Leupp erottaa portugalilaiset, hollantilaiset ja englantilaiset toisistaan sekä tuo esiin, kuinka erilaisella tavalla he kohtasivat japanilaiset. Vuoden 1854 jälkeen hän kuitenkin rajoittuu vain brittien ja amerikkalaisten kokemuksiin ja mielipiteisiin. Kirjassa ei juuri lainkaan pohdita, kuinka ranskalaiset tai venäläiset suhtautuivat japanilaisiin naisiin – tai miksi esimerkiksi saksalaiset miehet solmivat enemmän virallisia avioliittoja japanilaisten naisten kanssa kuin amerikkalaiset?24

Kuva 2. Yleinen kylpylä Tokiossa: huomaa miesten puuttuminen (teoksessa Humbert, Le Japon illustré, 1870, osa II).

23 Japanisten tutkijoiden näkökulma on tässä suhteessa monipuolisempi. Vrt. Muramatsu 1995. 24 Koyama 1996. 39 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Pekka Masonen ______

En väitä, että olisi olemassa jokin anglosaksinen salaliitto, joka pyrkii pimittämään Totuuden. Usein englantia puhuvien tutkijoiden rajoittuminen vain heidän omalla äidinkielellään kirjoitettuun aineistoon tapahtuu vailla tietoista tarkoitusta. Kun ihminen elää yksikielisessä ympäristössä eikä osaa muita kieliä, on luonnol- lista sivuuttaa merkityksettömänä informaatio, jota ei kykene ymmärtämään. Varsinkin, kun maailma näyt- täisi olevan englanninkielinen. Tuoreen tilaston mukaan 51 prosenttia Ison-Britannian koululaisista ei opis- kele yhtään vierasta kieltä, kun taas manner-Euroopan maissa lähes kaikki koululaiset opiskelevat ainakin yhtä vierasta kieltä; monet kahta tai useampaa.25 Yksi kieli helpottaa toki globaalia kanssakäymistä mutta myös sulkee paljon aiheita keskustelun ulkopuolella. Kaikkea ei aina sanota englanniksi ja se, mitä ei sanota englanniksi, ei ole aina merkityksetöntä.

Ongelmalliseksi anglosentrismi muuttuu silloin, kun sen vaikutusta ei tunnisteta vaan kuvitellaan, että tutkija on käyttänyt kaikkia relevantteja lähteitä ja hänen johtopäätöksensä ovat oikeasti “länsimaisia”. Näin esimerkiksi suomalainen lukija voi helposti yleistää imperialismin ajan brittiläiset mielikuvat ja mielipiteet selittämään myös suomalaisten reaktioita – sen sijaan, että suomalaisten käyttäytymistä tarkasteltaisiin poh- joismaisessa tai keskieurooppalaisessa kontekstissa. Toki muillakin suurilla kielialueilla tutkijoiden näkö- kulma on usein yhtä ahdas mutta johtopäätökset ymmärretään luonteeltaan kansallisina. Kun ranskalainen tutkija analysoi oman kulttuurinsa suhdetta Afrikkaan tai saksalainen tutkija maanmiestensä kokemuksia Japanissa, he harvemmin yleistävät tuloksensa länsimaisiksi.

Mielikuvat eivät aina siirry kulttuurista toiseen sellaisenaan. Vaikka tietolähteet ja kokemukset voivat olla yhteisiä, niiden tulkinta tapahtuu kansallisen kulttuurin kontekstissa ja siksi mielikuvat voivat muodostua hyvin erilaisiksi.26 Esimerkiksi 1980-luvulla Japani edusti amerikkalaisille “keltaista vaaraa”, joka vähitellen alistaa Yhdysvaltain talouselämän valtaansa. Suomalaiset sen sijaan mainostivat maataan ylpeästi “Pohjolan Japanina”, vailla mitään ironiaa. Ruotsalaiset puolestaan kuvittelivat Japanin olevan teollisuuden saasteiden pilaama helvetti.27

Kansallisen kulttuurin osuutta länsimaiden ja Japanin kohtaamisessa ei kuitenkaan ole tutkittu kattavasti, vaikka asian merkitys on tiedostettu. Joulukuussa 1989 järjestettiin Tokiossa konferenssi, jossa pohdittiin kuinka kansallinen kulttuuri on vaikuttanut Japanintutkimukseen kymmenessä eri maassa. Järjestäjien mukaan kyseessä oli ensimmäinen kerta, kun kysymystä pohdittiin vakavasti – eikä liene sattuma, että konfe- renssin organisoi Tokioon perustettu Saksan kulttuuri-instituutti.28

Osa anglosaksisista tutkijoista tiedostaa ongelman, kuten Hugh Cortazzi teoksessaan Victorians in Japan (1987). Esipuheessaan kirjoittaja pahoittelee, että hän keskittyy vain brittien kokemuksiin, vaikka Japanissa vieraili myös muiden eurooppalaisten kansakuntien edustajia. Hän on rehellinen eikä yleistä brittien reaktioita “länsimaisiksi”. Hänen perustelunsa rajaukselleen on kuitenkin ongelmallinen. Cortazzin mukaan muiden kokemukset voidaan sivuuttaa, koska britit muodostivat määrällisesti suurimman yhteisön Japanissa. Tämä on totta: brittejä sekä amerikkalaisia oli yhteensä yli puolet kaikista länsimaalaisista. Silti neljä kymmenestä Japanissa 1800-luvulla pysyvästi oleskelleesta länsimaalaisesta ei puhunut äidinkielenään englantia eikä heidän osuuttaan voi pitää marginaalisena.29

25 Eurostat Newsrelease 137/2009 (24.9.2009). 26 Ks. Ōnō 1972. 27 Bert Edströmin mukaan ruotsalaisen mielikuvan taustalla oli yksittäinen Dagens Nyheterissä ilmestynyt kirjoitus (ks. Edström 1995). 28 Befu & Kreiner 1992. 29 Itävaltalaisen diplomaatin Joseph Alexander von Hübnerin mukaan Japanissa oleskeli keväällä 1871 pysyvästi 1586 länsimaalaista. Heistä 728 oli brittejä; 229 amerikkalaisia; 164 saksalaisia; 158 ranskalaisia; 87 hollantilaisia; loput edustivat muita eurooppalaisia kan- sallisuuksia (Hübner 1874, I, 337; ranskankielinen alkuteos Promenade autour du Monde 1871 ilmestyi 1873). Samuel Mossmanin mukaan Jokohamassa oleskeli 1868 pysyvästi 570 länsimaalaista, joista 260 oli brittejä ja 80 amerikkalaisia (Mossman1873, 352). 40 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse ______

Cortazzin rajaus on toki perusteltu siinä mielessä, että anglosaksien mielipiteillä oli eniten merkitystä japanilaisten kannalta, mikä perustuu siihen tosiasiaan, että Iso-Britannia ja Yhdysvallat olivat vahvasti läsnä Itä- Aasiassa ja Tyynellä valtamerellä, ja niiden päätökset puolestaan vaikuttivat muiden läntisten suurvaltojen toimiin. Kiinan tavoin Japani joutui solmimaan länsimaiden kanssa epäoikeudenmukaisia sopimuksia, jotka rajoittivat sen suvereniteettia. Yksi nöyryyttävimmistä myönnytyksistä oli eksterritoriaalioikeus, jonka mukaan Japanissa oleskelevat länsimaalaiset eivät olleet maan lakien alaisia. Sama käytäntö vallitsi Kiinassa ja Turkissa. Rationaalinen perustelu oli se, että itämaiden oikeuslaitoksia pidettiin länsimaissa mielivaltaisina ja rangaistuksia epäinhimillisinä.

Japanin hallituksen tavoitteena oli korjata sopimukset oikeudenmukaisemmiksi ja poistaa eksterritoriaalioikeus (mikä toteutui lopulta 1899). Tämä olisi mahdollista vain, jos länsimaat tunnustaisivat Japanin sivistys- valtioksi. Siksi Japanin lainsäädäntö ja oikeusjärjestelmä muokattiin länsimaisten asiantuntijoiden avulla vastaamaan länsimaisia käytäntöjä.

Myös ulkonaisesti Japanin oli näytettävä sivistyneeltä. Sotilaat, virkamiehet ja poliisit saivat länsimaisen muodin mukaiset virka-asut. Muutokset ulotettiin myös arkiseen elämään. Koska japanilainen kylpykulttuuri järkytti anglosakseja ja sai heidät pitämään japanilaisia siveettöminä, tapoja oli sivistettävä. Jo 1869 annettiin määräys, joka kielsi miesten ja naisten yhteiskylpemisen Tokion alueella. Kolme vuotta myöhemmin määrä- ys ulotettiin koko maahan. Samalla kiellettiin alastomuus julkisilla paikoilla, mikä tarkoitti käytännössä, että naisten oli verhottava yläruumiinsa ja työmiesten käytettävä peittävämpää asua kuin pelkkä lannevaate.

Kysymys ei ollut siitä, että japanilaisten oma suhtautuminen alastomuuteen olisi muuttunut vaan nykykielel- lä sanottuna Japanin brändistä.30 Määräyksiä vastustettiin yleisesti, sillä kansalaiset eivät ymmärtäneet, miksi heidän oli yhtäkkiä muutettava tapojaan, jotka siihen asti olivat olleet hyväksyttyjä. Uudet määräykset kuitenkin ohjasivat vähitellen japanilaisten suhtautumista alastomuuteen vastaamaan anglosaksisia käytäntöjä, vaikka edelleenkin japanilaiset ovat tässä suhteessa lähempänä suomalaisia kuin brittejä ja amerikkalaisia.31 Muutos ei myöskään ollut yhtäkkinen ja rajoittui vain niille alueille, missä liikkui länsimaalaisia. Suur- kaupunkien ulkopuolella miesten ja naisten yhteiskylpeminen jatkui aina toiseen maailmansotaan asti.32

Toinen tekijä, joka on merkittävästi muuttanut japanilaisten suhtautumista alastomuuteen, on omien kylpy- huoneiden yleistyminen. Vielä 1960-luvun lopulla puolet suur-Tokion alueen asunnoista oli vailla kylpyhuo- netta; 1980-luvun alussa enää neljännes oli kylpyhuoneettomia. Omat kylpyhuoneet tekivät yleisistä kylpy- löistä tarpeettomia ja niiden määrä laski nopeasti 1970-luvulla. Samalla peseytyminen on muuttunut (länsi- maiseen tapaan) yksityiseksi ja nuoremmat sukupolvet ovat selvästi häveliäämpiä kuin vanhempansa.33

Kukin makunsa mukaan Jos tarkoitus on tarkastella länsimaiden ja muiden kulttuurien kohtaamista, näkökulman on oltava laajempi kuin yhden kielialueen kokemukset. Vain vertaamalla eri kielialueita edustavia lähteitä voimme tunnistaa,

Lisäksi on hyvä muistaa, että Bakumatsu–kaudella (1853–68) Japanissa oleskeli myös paljon intialaisia mutta heidänkään kokemuksiaan ei huomioida, kun aiheena on “ulkomaalaisten” (foreigners) ja japanilaisten kohtaaminen. 30 Pflugfelder 1999, 146–47. Myös suhtautuminen homoseksuaalisuuteen muuttui kielteiseksi “länsimaisten” (ts. brittiläisten ja amerikkalaisten) esikuvien mukaisesti (emt. 193). 31 Kawano (2005); ks. Toselowski 1875, 37–38. 32 Ks. Edgar Lajthan kuvaus Noboribetsun kylpylästä (1936, 72). Saksankielinen alkuteos Japan. Gestern, Heute, Morgen. Erlebnis einer Reise ilmestyi samana vuonna (Berlin: Rowohlt) ja käännettiin pian englanniksi, espanjaksi, hollanniksi, italiaksi, ranskaksi, ruotsiksi, tanskaksi ja unkariksi. Kirja varmasti vaikutti suuresti eurooppalaisiin mielikuviin mutta omana aikamme se on unohdettu. Edgar Lajtha oli unkarilainen toimittaja, joka kirjoitti 1930-luvun lopulla useita suosittuja matkakirjoja. Maailmanpalon alkaessa hän muutti Yhdysvaltoihin ja toimi myöhemmin armeijan sotakirjeenvaihtajana Kaakkois-Aasiassa. Kersantti Laytha ilmoitettiin kadonneeksi Poh- jois-Burmassa huhtikuussa 1945. 33 Clark 1994. 41 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Pekka Masonen ______

mitkä reaktiot olivat aidosti “länsimaisia”, siis yhteisiä, ja mitkä puolestaan perustuivat kansallinen kulttuurin erityispiirteisiin.34 Toisenlaisen näkökulman Japanin ja länsimaiden kohtaamiseen tarjoaa saksankielinen matkakirjallisuus, joka on englanninkielisissä maissa tyystin sivuutettu, eikä syynä ole aineiston vaikea saa- tavuus vaan pelkkä kieli.35

Preussi lähetti laivastonsa Itä-Aasian vesille joulukuussa 1859. Virallinen tarkoitus oli solmia kauppa- ja ystävyyssopimukset Siamin, Kiinan ja Japanin kanssa. Preussilla, kuten muillakaan saksalaisilla valtioilla, ei ollut siirtomaita eikä edes intressiä hankkia sellaisia. Saksalaisia kauppiaita kuitenkin toimi kaikkialla maailmassa ja he olivat jo löytäneet tiensä Japaniin. Laivastovierailulla oli myös epävirallisia tarkoituksia. Yksi oli muistuttaa muita läntisiä suurvaltoja Preussin olemassa olosta ja toinen oli korostaa Preussin johtavaa asemaa Saksan valtioiden parissa. Muodollisesti Preussin lähettiläs neuvotteli Saksan tulliliiton nimissä.36

Kreivi Friedrich Albrecht zu Eulenburgin (1815–81) johtaman lähetystön vaiheet kirjattiin neliosaiseksi ra- portiksi. Lisäksi monet lähetystön jäsenistä julkaisivat oman epävirallisen päiväkirjansa.37 Näin Preussin lähetystö on parhaiten dokumentoitu ulkomainen diplomaattinen vierailu Japaniin 1800-luvulla. Vierailun tuottamat kuvaukset ovat mielenkiintoisia, kun niitä vertaa samanaikaisiin englanninkielisiin kuvauksiin, sillä preussilaiset kävivät samoissa paikoissa, näkivät samat asiat ja tapasivat samoja ihmisiä. Jos siis oli olemassa jokin “länsimainen” tapa nähdä Japani, preussilaisten pitäisi arvioida näkemäänsä ja kokemaansa samalla tavalla. Näin ei kuitenkaan ole.

Preussilaisia ei japanilaisten kylpykulttuuri järkyttänyt. Asia toki mainitaan kirjoissa mutta vailla moraalista kauhistelua. Kyseessä oli vain maan tapa. Preussilaiset ymmärsivät näkemänsä oikein. Se, että japanilaiset miehet ja naiset kylpivät yhdessä ja suhtautuivat mutkattomasti alastomuuteensa, ei tarkoittanut, että he oli- sivat siveettömiä. Toisaalta japanilaiset eivät myöskään olleet mitään viattomia luonnonlapsia, kuten monet maassa vierailleet ranskalaiset kuvittelivat. Japanilaiset tiesivät kyllä, missä kulkee säädyllisen ja säädyttö- män raja. Käsitteillä vain oli erilainen sisältö: se, mikä oli länsimaalaisista säädyllistä, saattoi japanilaisten silmissä olla säädytöntä.38 Japanilaiset, jotka vierailivat 1860-luvulla Yhdysvalloissa ja Euroopassa, pitivät rivona miesten ja naisten tapaa suudella ja kosketella toisiaan muiden nähden.39 Aikuisten julkiset hellyy- denosoitukset ovat yhä sopimattomia Japanissa, vaikka niihin ei toki puututa.

Preussilaisten erilaisen mielipiteen selittää se, että saksalaisessa kulttuurissa alastomuuteen suhtauduttiin vähemmin hysteerisesti kuin viktoriaanisessa Isossa-Britanniassa ja Yhdysvalloissa. Samanlaisia mielipiteitä esittivät myös pohjoismaalaiset. Tanskalainen Eduard Suenson (1842–1921) palveli Ranskan laivastossa ja kävi Japanissa 1866–67. Häntä ei järkyttänyt japanilaisten alastomuus tai siveettömyys. Sen sijaan Suenson paheksui brittiläisiä ja amerikkalaisia turisteja, jotka tunkeutuivat yleisiin kylpylöihin voidakseen tirkistellä

34 Japanilaisten tutkijoiden lähestymistapa on monipuolisempi, vaikka heidän kielitaitonsa ei ole välttämättä parempi. Artikkelissaan “Länsimaalaiset ja japanilaisten alastomuus Bakumatsu–kaudella”, Rie Suzuki (1993) esimerkiksi viittaa englanninkielisen aineiston ohella myös hollannin-, italian-, ranskan-, saksan-, tanskan- ja venäjänkieliseen matkakirjallisuuteen. Nämä teokset ovat kuitenkin japa- ninkielisiä käännöksiä, kun taas “ulkomaiset” lähteet ovat kaikki englanniksi. Niin ikään japanilaisten tutkijoiden näkemys maansa avau- tumisesta 1853–54 on monipuolisempi ja he painottavat enemmän venäläisten merkitystä, siinä missä amerikkalaiset pitäytyvät Perry– myytissä. Eron selittää jo se, että amerikkalaiset tutkijat harvoin vaivautuvat käyttämään japanilaisia alkuperäislähteitä. Vrt. Mitani 2006 (Perī raikō, Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan 2003) ja Jansen 2002; myös McOmie 2006. 35 Dobson 2009, 112. 36 Salewski 1988. 37 Raportti ilmestyi anonyymina mutta sen toimitti lähetystön virallinen taiteilija Albert Berg. Lähetystön jäsenistä oman kuvauksensa Japanista julkaisivat Wilhelm Heine, Johannes Kreyher, Hermann Maron, Eduard von Martens, Georg Schober, Gustav Spiess, Rein- hold Werner ja Max Wichura. Muistelmissaan Japania käsittelivät Max von Brandt, Ferdinand von Richthofen sekä Hermann Rose. Kreivi Eulenburgin Japanista lähettämät kirjeet julkaistiin hänen kuolemansa jälkeen. 38 Werner 1863, II, 71–73. 39 Kawano 2005, 156. 42 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse ______

alastomia japanilaisia ja tyydyttää näin moraalinen ylemmyydentuntonsa.40 Samaa mieltä oli ruotsalainen Anton Bæckström (1840–99), joka myös palveli Ranskan laivastossa ja vieraili Japanissa 1868.41 Kumpaa- kaan miestä ei kuitenkaan mainita koskaan englanninkielisessä tutkimuskirjallisuudessa. Syy on ymmärret- tävä: Suenson kirjoitti tanskaksi, Bæckström ruotsiksi. Japanilaisille tutkijoille Suenson on kyllä tuttu, sillä hänen kuvauksensa ilmestyi japaniksi 1989.

Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld ei myöskään kauhistellut japanilaisten kylpykulttuuria vaan kävi itsekin yleisissä kylpylöissä; ei tirkistelemässä vaan kylpemässä.42 Hänen kuvauksensa Vega-laivan matkasta ilmestyi heti myös englanninkielisenä käännöksenä mutta silti häntäkään ei kelpuuteta joukkoon, kun tutkimuksen aiheena ovat Japaniin liittyvät länsimaiset mielikuvat. Japanilaiset kyllä muistavat Nordenskiöldin länsimaalaise- na, joka arvosti heidän kulttuuriaan.43 Yleistäen voidaankin sanoa – ja yleistys tekee aina väkivaltaa yksi- tyiskohdille – että muut eurooppalaiset suhtautuivat japanilaisten alastomuuteen ymmärtäväisemmin kuin britit ja amerikkalaiset, mikä herättää kysymyksen, kumpi tapa edustaa oikeasti länsimaista katsetta?

Niin ikään ne, jotka eivät kauhistelleet japanilaisten alastomuutta, suhtautuivat myönteisesti myös muihin japanilaisen kulttuurin osa-alueisiin. Yksi oli ruokakulttuuri. Britit ja amerikkalaiset olivat tässäkin suhteessa ennakkoluuloisempia. Laurence Oliphant (1829–88), joka vieraili Japanissa 1857 lordi Elginin sihteerinä, kertoi uteliaisuudesta kokeilleensa japanilaisen keittiön antimia mutta varoitti maanmiehiään tekemästä samaa virhettä. Kokemuksesta viisastuneena hän tyytyi paistettuun kalaan ja riisiin.44 Rouva Hodgsonille kelpasi vain sokerikakku.45 Englantilainen seikkailijatar Isabella Bird (1831–1904) puolestaan julisti japanilaisen keittiön antimet syömäkelvottomiksi.46 Preussilaisten mielestä japanilainen ruoka oli mautonta mutta muuten syötävää.47 Suenson myönsi, että hän oli aluksi pitänyt kypsentämätöntä kalaa vastenmielisenä mutta voitettuaan ennakkoluulonsa hän huomasi sen olevan sangen maukasta.48 Nordenskiöld ei erityisesti pitänyt japanilaisesta ruuasta mutta ei myöskään inhonnut sitä. Hänen ruotsalaiset matkatoverinsa söivät mielellään japanilaista ruokaa.49

Miksi sitten anglosaksit näkivät asiat eri tavalla kuin muut? Yksi syy oli heidän vahva ylemmyydentuntonsa, joka perusteltiin rasistisin argumentein. Myös mannereurooppalaiset tiedostivat kulttuurisen ylemmyytensä mutta he eivät kieltäneet yhtä ehdottomasti japanilaisten mahdollisuutta sivistyä. Japanilaiset eivät olleet takapajuisia, koska he ovat värillisiä ja siksi tyhmempiä kuin länsimaalaiset, vaan koska he olivat eläneet eristyksissä muusta maailmasta ja jääneet jälkeen. Ranskan, Saksan ja Portugalin siirtomaissa ei ollut yhtä jyrkkää roturajaa kuin brittiläisessä imperiumissa ja Yhdysvalloissa; olkoonkin että britit olivat kotisaarel- laan avarakatseisempia kuin merten takana.

40 Suensonin kuvaus ilmestyi alun perin artikkelisarjana tanskalaisessa lehdessä Fra all lande, et månedsskrift for nyere rejsebeskrivel- ser (1868–70). Jostakin syystä ruotsinkielisen käännöksen (Suenson 1890) kaikki päivämäärät ovat virheellisiä: kirjoittajan esimerkiksi kerrotaan lähteneen Saigonista Jokohamaan 5.7.1886 (po. 1866). 41 Bæckström 1871. 42 Nordenskiöld 1881,II, 286. 43 Ks. Nobuoka 1996 [“Japani Nordenskiöldin silmin”]. 44 Oliphant 1859, II, 132. 45 Hodgson 1861, 110. Japanilainen sokerikakku eli kasutera on tempuran tavoin lainattu portugalilaisesta keittiöstä 1500-luvulla. 46 Bird 1880, I, 51 ja 240; vrt. Pearson 1886, 48. 47 Die Preußische Expedition nach Ost-Asien. Nach amtlichen Quellen, I, 262. 48 Suenson 1890, 39. 49 Wråkberg & Lindqvist 2002. Ruotsissa Nordenskiöld on tietysti aina ruotsalainen ja hänen suomalainen taustansa sivuutetaan. Myös japanilaiset mieltävät hänet ruotsalaiseksi (Nobuoka 1996). Niin ikään Adam Laxman (1776–1806?) on Ruotsissa aina ruotsalainen; japanilaisille hän on venäläinen. Laxman saapui Japaniin (Hakodate) Katariina Suuren edustajana 1792. Hänen isänsä oli kasvitieteili- jänä mainetta saanut suomalainen pappi ja tutkimusmatkailija Erik Laxman (1737–96), joka muutti Venäjälle. Adam puolestaan syntyi ja varttui Siperiassa (Barnaul). Venäläinen Adam Laxman oli siinä mielessä, että hän oli maan hallitsijan palveluksessa; suomalaiseksi hänet tekee isän syntyperä; ruotsalaiseksi vain äidinkieli. 43 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Pekka Masonen ______

Toinen tärkeä syy oli viktoriaanisen ajan kompleksinen suhtautuminen seksuaalisuuteen. Japanilaisten alastomuus häiritsi anglosakseja, koska se herätti kiellettyjä tunteita. Elettiinhän aikaa, jolloin jopa Raamatusta löydettiin kohtia, jotka olivat sopimattomia nuorison luettavaksi (eikä Korkea Veisu ollut ainoa).50 Vaikka englanninkieliset kirjoittajat kauhistelivat japanilaisten siveettömyyttä, heidän oli kuitenkin lähes jokaisen pakko vierailla itse yleisessä kylpylässä – eikä vain kerran vaan toistuvasti. Alastomat japanilaiset vetivät heitä puoleensa, vaikka he eivät halunneet myöntää sitä. Kauhistelu oli tarpeen, jotta lukijalle voitiin todis- taa, että kirjoittaja ei ollut langennut kiusauksiin.

Matkakirjan oli myös vastattava – ja vahvistettava – vallitsevia ennakkoluuloja. Liian voimakas ristiriita herättäisi kysymyksen kirjoittajan luotettavuudesta. Varsinkin Japania koskevalle kirjallisuudelle on tyypil- listä se, että kirjoittajat auktorisoivat kuvauksensa viittaamalla edeltäjiinsä ja toistamalla heidän havaintonsa omina kokemuksinaan. Näin samat mielipiteet ja mielikuvat kertautuvat teksteissä vuosikymmenestä toiseen; vielä senkin jälkeen, kun ne eivät enää vastaa kirjojen ulkopuolella vallitsevaa todellisuutta.51 Japani oli vaarallinen maa. Kuten hollantilais-amerikkalainen lähetyssaarnaaja Guido Verbeck (1830–98) tallensi päiväkirjaansa: “Tämän maan kiusaukset ovat pelottavia ja moni sellainen on langennut, joka kotona olisi raudanluja.”52 William Elliot Griffis kirjoitti Japanista (Fukui) sisarelleen:

Kotitaloudessani on tapahtunut toinenkin muutos. Nuori 18-vuotias tyttö, joka otin palvelijattarekseni, osoittautui luotettavaksi, ahkeraksi ja kaikin puolin miellyttäväksi. Hän täytti kaikki toiveeni ja teki ta- lostani kodin veroisen. Pidin hänestä paljon. Se kaikki muodosti voimakkaan houkutuksen väsyneelle ja koti-ikävän riivaamalle nuorelle miehelle hänen yksinäisinä hetkinään. Kahden viikon kuluttua huomasin, että hän oli liian miellyttävä ja liian viehättävä. Pidettyäni hänet 11 päivää lähetin hänet pois, ennen kuin kiusaus johtaisi syntiin. 53

Länsimaalaiset, jotka saapuivat Japaniin, olivat lähes yksinomaan miehiä. Kun Alankomaiden konsuli järjesti Jokohamassa tanssiaiset 1863, paikalla oli 150 miestä ja 9 naista (joista 6 oli iältään sellaisia, että tanssimi- nen ei heitä enää kiinnostanut).54 Toisaalta kukaan ei kuvitellut, että länsimaalaiset miehet eläisivät Japanissa selibaatissa.

Japanilaiset naiset eivät suinkaan olleet rumia, vaikka lähes kaikki länsimaalaiset vierailijat korostivat, kuinka vastenmielinen oli naimisissa olevien ylä- ja keskiluokkaisten naisten tapa mustata hampaansa ja nyppiä kulmakarvansa. Silti tässäkin suhteessa oli eroja kansallisuuksien välillä. Anglosaksit, sekä miehet että naiset, korostivat muita useammin japanilaisten naisten (ja miesten) rumaa ja apinamaista ulkonäköä suhteessa länsimaisiin kauneusihanteisiin.55 Preussilaisten mielestä japanilaiset naiset olivat sieviä ja suloisia; samaa mieltä olivat ranskalaiset. Nordenskiöldin mukaan “japanilainen talonpoikaistyttö, kuten tytöt yleensä, on joko kaunis tai ruma, mutta aina puhdas ja miellyttävä, jota ei suinkaan aina käy meidän talonpoikaistytöistä sanominen”.56

50 Muita sopimattomia kohtia olivat esimerkiksi profeetta Joosuan kuvaus israelilaisten ympärileikkauksesta (5:2–8) sekä evankelista Matteuksen kuvaus Jeesuksen syntymästä (1:18–25). Täydellinen lista Raamatun tuhmuuksista löytyy Pearsall 1976, 200–1 (Appendix A). 51 Wilkinson 1983, 28. 52 Griffis 1900, 209. 53 Rosenstone 1988, 111–12. 54 Humbert 1870, II, 376. 55 Barrington de Fonblanquen mukaan japanilaiset naiset olivat “in general devoid of beauty of either form or feature” (1862, 109n.). Isabella Bird puolestaan teilasi japanilaiset naiset: “I saw nothing like even passable good looks” (1880, I, 76). Henry Adamsin mukaan useimmat japanilaiset naiset olivat “badly made, awkward in movement, and suggestive of monkeys” (1930, 373). Adams kävi Japanis- sa 1886. 56 Nordenskiöld 1881, II, 307. 44 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Alastomat japanilaiset ja länsimainen katse ______

Kaikesta huolimatta japanilainen nainen kelpasi länsimaalaisen miehen vuoteeseen, kansallisuudesta riippumatta. Japanilaiset viranomaiset perustivat Jokohamaan erityisen bordellin (Gankiro) länsimaalaisia varten, mikä tietysti sai moraalinvartijat jälleen kauhistelemaan japanilaisten siveettömyyttä: valtio ylläpitää ilota- loa! Kunniallinen herrasmies ei tietenkään vieraillut kyseissä instituutiossa – paitsi tekemässä empiirisiä antropologisia havaintoja, kuten majuri Barrington de Fonblanque perusteli oman käyntinsä.57 Vaikka länsi- maalaisten miesten ja japanilaisten naisten yhteiselämä oli tavallista, ei suhteista puhuttu ääneen, saati ku- vailtu kirjeissä kotiin eikä niihin juuri viitata matkakirjoissakaan. Ulkonaisesti elettiin mitä säädyllisimmin.

Yhteiselämä vastasi avoliittoa. Länsimaalainen mies sai seuralaisen ja kodin hoitajan, joka tunsi paikalliset tavat; japanilainen nainen ja hänen perheensä toimeentulon. Kyse ei ollut aina prostituutiosta vaan osapuol- ten välillä saattoi vallita molemminpuolinen kiintymys. Virallisia avioliittoja solmittiin vähän (alle 200 vuosina 1873–97), mihin vaikuttivat sekä Japanin oma lainsäädäntö että länsimaalaisten ennakkoluulot.58 Ang- losaksien oli kaikkein vaikeinta hyväksyä roturajan rikkovat avioliitot,59 kun taas saksalaiset, ranskalaiset ja italialaiset suhtautuivat niihin myönteisemmin. Gustaf Ramstedt mainitsee muistelmissaan englantilaisen lakitieteen tohtorin Joseph Ernst de Beckerin (1863–1929), joka oli Japanin ulkoasianministeriön palveluksessa. Becker oli naimisissa japanilaisen kanssa ja hänen puoliverisiä tyttäriään ei hyväksytty Tokion englan- tilaiseen kouluun. “Englantilaisille on seka-avioliitto kauhistus, ja niinpä minuakin usein varoitettiin suoje- lemaan tytärtäni läheisemmästä ystävyydestä Beckerin neitosten kanssa.”60 Varoituksista piittaamatta Ram- stedt solmi läheiset suhteet Beckerin perheeseen. Saksalaiset miehet olivat yleensä uskollisempia japanilai- selle rakastajattarelleen eli he eivät vaihtaneet naistaan yhtä usein kuin britit ja amerikkalaiset. Saksalaiset myös tunnustivat lapsensa ja lähettivät heidät usein kasvatettaviksi Saksaan, kun taas anglosaksit hylkäsivät puoliveriset jälkeläisensä, joita Japanissa odotti ankea elämä.61 Naisia, jotka elivät länsimaisten miesten kanssa, ei arvostettu.62

Olen edellä esitellyt, kuinka eri tavalla eurooppalaiset ja amerikkalaiset suhtautuivat 1800-luvulla Japaniin, ja kuinka kansallisen kulttuurin erityispiirteet vaikuttivat heidän mielipiteisiinsä ja käytökseensä. Vaikka joissakin asioissa suhtautuminen oli yhdenmukaista, erot ovat siinä määrin merkittäviä, että on vaikea määri- tellä mitään yleistä “länsimaista” mielikuvaa Japanista, paitsi että Japani oli eksoottinen ja erilainen. Tilanne on tietenkin sama muuallakin. Jos Samuel Baker (1821–93) kiroaa afrikkalaiset alimpaan helvettiin ja Hein- rich Barth (1821–65) kertoo viettäneensä erinomaisen miellyttävän illan afrikkalaisten ystäviensä seurassa, kumpi heistä puhuu länsimaalaisen suulla?

57 Barrington de Fonblanque 1862, 45–46. 58 Koyama 1996. 59 Vielä 1950-luvun alussa suurin osa Yhdysvaltain osavaltioista kielsi valkoisten ja “värillisten” väliset avioliitot. Ks. Lake & Reynolds 2008. 60 Ramstedt 1950, 84–85. 61 Mees & Mees 2006, 7; ks. Humbert 1870, II, 378. 62 Nordenskiöld 1881, II, 266. 45 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Kirjallisuus ABLEMAN, Paul. Anatomy of Nakedness. London: Orbis Publishing 1982. ADAMS, Henry. Letters of Henry Adams (1858–1891). Edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford. London: Constable and Company 1930. BARR, Patricia. The coming of the barbarians : a story of Western settlement in Japan 1853-1870. London: Macmillan 1967. BARRINGTON DE FONBLANQUE, Edward. Niphon and Pe-che-li; or, two years in Japan and North China. London: Saunders, Otley, and Co 1862 BÆCKSTRÖM, Anton. Ett besök i Japan och Kina jemte bilder från vägen dit öfver Goda-Hoppsudden, Bourbon, Nya Kaledonien, Manilla och Kokinkina. Anteckningar och minnen från en treårig tjenstegöring i franska flottan. Stock- holm: Albert Bonnier 1871. BEFU, Harumi & KREINER, Josef (eds). Otherness of Japan. Historical and cultural influences on Japanese studies in ten countries. München: Iudicium Verlag 1992 [Monographien aus dem Deutschen Institut für Japanstudien der Phi- lipp-Franz-von-Siebold-Stiftung, Band 1]. BIRD, Isabella. Unbeaten tracks in Japan. An account of travels in the interior, including visits to the aborigines of Yezo and the shrines of Nikkô and Isé. London: John Murray 1880, 2 vols. CLARK, Scott. Japan, a view from the bath. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1994. COHEN, Lucy. Lady de Rothschild and her daughters 1821–1931. London: John Murray 1935. COLE, Allan B. (ed.). With Perry in Japan. The Diary of Edward York McCauley. Princeton University Press 1942. CORTAZZI, Hugh. Victorians in Japan. In and around the Treaty ports. London: Athlone 1987. DOBSON, Sebastian. “Photography and the Prussian expedition to Japan, 1860–61”, History of Photography 33:2, 2009, 112–131. DRIVER, Felix. Geography militant. Cultures of exploration and empire. Oxford: Blackwell 2001. DUERR, Hans Peter. Nackheit und Scham. Frankfurt-am-Main: Suhrkamp Verlag 1988. EDSTRÖM, Bert. Japan and Sweden: two counties far apart. Center for Pacific Area Studies at Stockholm University, Working Paper 38, April 1995. Eurostat Newsrelease 137/2009 (24.9.2009). GAY, Peter. The bourgeois experience. From Victoria to Freud, volume I: Education of the senses. Oxford University Press 1984. GIBSON, Edward H. III. “Baths and washhouses in the English public health agitation, 1839–48”, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 9:4, 1954, 391–406. GRIFFIS, William Elliot. The Mikado’s empire. New York: Harper 1876. GRIFFIS, William Elliot. Verbeck of Japan. A citizen of no country. A life story of foundation work inaugurated by Guido Fridolin Verbeck. New York: Fleming H. Revell 1900. GUZANOV, Vitaly. “Madame Butterfly: a Russian version”, Far Eastern Affairs 19:3, 1992, 83–95. HODGSON, Christopher Pemberton. A residence in Nagasaki and Hakodate in 1859–1860 with an account of Japan generally with a series of letters on Japan by his wife. London: Richard Bentley 1861. HUMBERT, Aimé. Le Japon illustré. Paris: Hachette 1870, 2 vols. HÜBNER, Joseph Alexander von. Ramble round the World. Translated by Lady Herbert. London: MacMillan and Co 1874, 2 vols. JANSEN, Marius. The making of Modern Japan. Cambridge MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press 2002. KAWANO, Satsuki. “Japanese bodies and Western ways of seeing in the late nineteenth century”. In: Adeline Masquelier (ed.) Dirt, undress, and difference. Critical perspectives on the body’s surface, Bloomington: Indiana University Press 2005, 146–67. KILVERT, Francis. Kilvert’s Diary, volume two. Selections from the Diary of the Rev. Francis Kilvert 23 August 1871 – 13 May 1874. Chosen, edited and introduced by William Plomer. London: Jonathan Cape 1939. KORPINEN, Tuulikki. Seitsemän vuotta sotaisessa Japanissa. Helsinki: WSOY 1949. KOYAMA, Noboru. “Marriages between Japanese and foreigners Meiji 6 – Meiji 30 (1873–1897)”, Papers of the British Association for Korean Studies 6, 1996, 158–63. LAJTHA, Edgar. Japani. Sen entisyys, nykyisyys ja tulevaisuus. Helsinki: WSOY 1936. LAKE, Marilyn & REYNOLDS, Henry. Drawing the global colour line. White men’s countries and the international challenge of racial equality. Cambridge University Press 2008.

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LEUPP, Gary. Interracial intimacy in Japan. Western men and Japanese women, 1543–1900. London: Continuum 2003. MCOMIE, William. The opening of Japan, 1853–1855. A comparative study of the American, British, Dutch and Rus- sian naval expeditions to compel the Tokugawa shogunate to conclude treaties and open ports to their ships. Folke- stone: Global Oriental 2006. MEES A.W. & MEES R.S.H. Japanese women and foreigners in Meiji Japan. The Japanese roots of the Dutch family Mees. Mainz: Books on Demand 2006. MITANI, Hiroshi. Escape from impasse. The decision to open Japan. Tokyo: International House of Japan 2006. MOSSMAN, Samuel. New Japan, the Land of the Rising Sun; its annals during the past twenty years, recording the remarkable progress of the Japanese in Western civilization. London: John Murray 1873. MURAMATSU, Teijiro. Westerners in the modernisation of Japan. Tokyo: Hitachi Ltd. 1995. NOBUOKA, Shigeru. “Nōdensherudo no mita Nippon”, Chubu University Women’s College Gazette 7, 1996, 75–103. NORDENSKIÖLD, Adolf Erik. Vegan matka Aasian ja Euroopan ympäri. Viipuri 1881, 2 osaa [näköispainos Otava 1980]. OCELOT, Michel. Tout sur Kirikou. Paris: Seuil 2003. OLIPHANT, Laurence. Narrative of the Earl of Elgin’s mission to China and Japan in the years 1857, ’58, ’59. Edinburgh and London: William Blackfoot and Sons 1859, 2 vols. ŌNŌ, Setsuko. A Western image of Japan. What did the West see through the eyes of Loti and Hearn? Université de Genève 1972 [Institut universitaire de hautes études internationales, thèse no. 235]. PEARSALL, Ronald. Public purity, private shame. Victorian sexual hypocrisy exposed. London: Weidenfeld and Nicol- son 1976. PEARSON, George Cullen. Flights inside and outside paradise by a penitent peri. New York & London: G.P. Putnam’s Sons 1886. PEDLAR, Neil. The imported pioneers. Westerners who helped build modern Japan. Japan Library New York: St. Mar- tin’s Press 1990. PFLUGFELDER, Gregory. Cartographies of desire. Male-male sexuality in Japanese discourse, 1600–1950. Berkeley: University of California Press 1999. Die Preußische Expedition nach Ost-Asien. Nach amtlichen Quellen. Berlin: Verlag der königlichen geheimen Ober- Hofbuchdruckerei 1864–73, 4 Teilen. RAMSTEDT, Gustaf. Lähettiläänä Nipponissa. Helsinki: WSOY 1950. ROSENSTONE, Robert A. (1988). Mirror in the shrine. American encounters with Meiji Japan. Harvard University Press 1988. Russian views of Japan, 1792–1913. An anthology of travel writing. Edited and translated by David N. Wells. London: Routledge Curzon 2004. SALEWSKI, Michael. “Die Preussische Expedition nach Japan (1859–1861)”, Revue internationale d’histoire militaire, no. 70, 1988, 39–57. SEIGLE, Cecilia Segawa. Yoshiwara. The glittering world of the Japanese courtesan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1993. SMITH, Alison. The Victorian nude. Sexuality, morality and art. Manchester University Press 1996. SZCZESNIAK, Boleslaw (ed.). The opening of Japan. A diary of discovery in the Far East, 1853–1856. From the original manuscript in the Massachusetts Historical Society by Rear Admiral George Henry Preble, U.S.N. Norman: Universi- ty of Oklahoma Press 1962. SUENSON, Eduard. Skizzer från Japan och Kochinkina, Stockholm: Ulrik Fredriksons förlag 1890. SUZUKI, Rie. “Bakumatsu Meiji shoki no ratai shūzoku to ōbeijin”, Nihon Rekishi 543, 1993, 62–78. AL-TAHTĀWĪ, Rifa‘ā. An Imam in Paris. Account of a stay in France by an Egyptian cleric (1826–1831). Introduced and translated by Daniel L. Newman. London: Saqi 2004. TOSELOWSKI, Franz. Eine Reise um die Erde mit zweijährigen Aufenthalt in Japan. Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn 1875. VESTERINEN, Ilmari. “Japanese baths seen by the eyes of foreigners”. In: Juha Pietikäinen (ed.) The Finnish Sauna – the Japanese Furo – the Indian Inipi. Bathing on three continents, Helsinki: Rakennustieto 2001, 84–93. WERNER, Reinhold. Die preußische Expedition nach China, Japan und Siam in den Jahren 1860, 1861 und 1862. Reise- briefe. Leipzig: F.M. Brockhaus 1863, 2 vols. WILKINSON, Endymion. Japan versus Europe. A history of misunderstanding. London: Penguin Books 1983.

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WILLIAMS, Marilyn Thornton. Washing “the Great Unwashed”. Public baths in urban America, 1840–1920. Colum- bus: Ohio State University Press 1991. WRÅKBERG, Urban & LINDQVIST, Julia. “A.E. Nordenskiöld’s impressions of Meiji Japan”. In: U. Wråkberg & G. Lindberg-Wada (eds), An Arctic passage to the Far East. The visit of the Swedish Vega expedition to Meiji Japan in 1879, Stockholm: The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences 2002, 61–80.

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Kirjoittaja

Pekka Masonen on yleisen historian dosentti Tampereen yliopistossa. Hänen tutkimukselli- nen mielenkiintonsa kohdistuu eurooppalaisten tutkimusmatkojen ja kulttuurien sovinnolli- sen kohtaamisen historiaan vanhassa maailmassa. Hän on myös perehtynyt yleisemmin siir- tomaakautta edeltävän Afrikan sekä modernin Japanin historiaan. Email: [email protected]

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Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova

The Opening of the Circumpolar World

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Abstract The article tracks the general effects and trends of the military use of natural systems and natural resources in the northern zone during and after the World War II. The demands created by the World War II made the natural resources of the northern regions priceless and became a turning-point in the economic and environmental history of the northern zone.

The theoretical approach relates to ecological world-system analysis and the theory of the extractive economy. The article follows the synthetic tradition of environmental history and is based on general geographical, historical and anthropological texts about the northern regions. Of course, there is only fragmentary information about the ecological costs of the war-based economic activities, and information on the northern native peoples has not been comprehensive.

It is not quite accurate to say that the exploitation of the north began during World War II, because it continued a trend already apparent for several decades in the zone. This article describes how the World War II with its various consequences, resulted in the increasingly extensive exploitation of the world's northern peripheries.

Three processes of the extractive economies - the resource capitalist version in Canada, the totalitarian variant of the Soviet Union and the government-led model in Finland - are distinguished. These trends continued during the Cold War until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Now we see a trend towards remilitarization, when the value of the northern resources is rising again and the global warming will make the Arctic ice-free in summer.

Keywords: northern zone, World War II, environmental history, economic history, extractive economy, ecological world-system analysis, Northern Canada, the Soviet Union, Northern Finland.

49 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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The Opening of the Circumpolar World The World War II as a turning-point on the economic and environmental history of the northern Canada, the Soviet Union and Northern Finland

Introduction This article considers the northern expansion of the world economy caused by the World War II. We define northern expansion as the mobilization of resources in the northern regions and people’s migration to those regions. We aim at an overall picture, not a detailed description, which would not be possible in such a short paper. The article defends the hypothesis that the world as a whole reacted to the crisis brought on by the war by geographical expansion and by building up an associated extractive economy. The demands created by the World War II made the natural resources of the northern regions priceless, and became a turning-point in the history of the northern zone.

We try to see the northern zone as a whole because we are interested in the reactions of the entire world- system to the pressures of the war, rather than the activities of individual countries. We are tracking the general effects of trends in the war-based use of natural systems and natural resources in the northern zone.

The article follows the synthetic tradition of environmental history as defined by Sverker Sörlin and Paul Warde.1 Nature is seen as a large-scale actor which plays an important but unarticulated role in the history of the northern regions. Our theoretical approach relates to ecological world-system analysis and the theory of the extractive economy. First, the world-system theory stresses that world-systems (and not nation states) should be the basic unit of social analysis. The history of the world-system refers to the international division of labor that divides the world into the core, semi-periphercal and peripherical countries. Core countries focus on higher skill and capital-intensive production, and the rest of the world focuses on low-skill, labor- intensive production and the extraction of raw materials, which continually reinforces the dominance of the core countries.2 In our case, the core countries were Canada and the United States as early as 1940-50.3 Fin- land remained a borderland between core and semi-periphery and the Soviet Union was still a semi- periphery.4

The ecological version of world-system analysis links the core, semi-periphery and periphery model into the corresponding environmental problems.5 The concept of the extractive economy introduced by Stephen Bunker is often used in world-system analysis to refer the excessive and unsustainable use of natural systems and natural resources in the peripheries.6 More recently, Jason Moore’s “world-ecology” concept shows that the global economy has not only an economic dimension but an ecological one as well.7 The source of envi-

1Sörlin &Warde, 2007,116-118. The “staple goods’ approach by Canadian historian Innis (1930/1975, 1979) is an early attempt to write history from an ‘environmental’ point of view. 2Shannon (1996) gives the basics of world-system analysis. Galois & Mabin (1982, 37-62) have used the world-system perspective in their article. 3While US is definitely a major core power, Canada can also be considered as a minor core power, see Shannon 1996, 87. 4Finland’s position in the world system was definitely still semi-periphery on the eve of World War II. Chase-Dunn (1982) has seen the Soviet Union as a semi-periphery; see also Shannon 1996, 71-45-125. 5The ecological version of world-system analysis has evolved during recent decades; see Chase-Dunn & Hall,1997, 1-24 and Gold- frank, Goodman & Szasz 1999. Hacquebord & Avango (2009, 25-39) have used a core-periphery model in order to understand the general trends in the history of natural resource exploitation in Spitsbergen. 6Stephen G. Bunker (1988) uses the concept of the extractive economy at the general level in describing the relationships between peripheral Amazonia’s local economy and industrial “productive economy’. A Finnish environmental social scientist, Jussi Raumolin (1984) wrote in a path-breaking history of the concept of ‘Raubwirtschaft’. Ilmo Massa (1994, 1999) has used the same term to refer to the originally German concept of Raubwirtschaft. J. R. McNeill (2003,24-25) acknowledges the Latin American concept of the Raub- wirtschaft. 7Moore 2003, 307-377. 50 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

The Opening of the Circumpolar World ______

ronmental or resource conflict can be as both a resource scarcity and a resource plethora, as Thomas Homer- Dixon argues in his ecoviolence theory.8

We include in the northern zone those areas that administrators and policy-makers have culturally and habit- ually thought of and referred to as belonging to the northern area. This often depends on the status of the region in the country’s economy and the economic opportunities it provides, in addition to climate and geographical location. In our view, they are the internal peripheries or semi-peripheries of the concerned countries. This is a very broad definition, and some would say too broad. However, it is only possible in the context in which we try to describe the evolution of the southern limits of the circumpolar north associated with World War II.

The northern zone may bring scarce resources to mind and to some extent this is appropriate. On the other hand, the region has several “oases of natural resources” around which the main human activities are concentrated. A modern example of this is oil and gas resources. The strategic significance of the northern zone as a buffer between the belligerents has added to the importance of the region.9

Fig. 1 offers a schematic and simplified representation or model of the expansion and development of the intensive extractive economy associated with the wartime economy. Resource scarcity caused by the war is seen as the engine driving political and economic development towards an intensive extractive economy, which in turn aggravates the scarcity of resources and increases the possibility of conflict.

Wartime economy

Resource depletion and environmental damage

Political pressures Economi and technological pressures  Increasing role of the government , resource  War - induced economic expansion ministries and resource agencies  Diminishing juridical regulation of economic  Increasing support of private investment in activities for private and state companies the wartime economy  New markets for weapons and other  New governmental resource mobilisation wartime products schemes and programmes  Increasing demand and consumption of the  Improving the railway and road network resources  New defense and military projects  Dimishing environmental contro of private  Increasing role of the centres in the business resource frontiers and peripheries

Th intensive extractive economy

Fig.1. The extractive economy in the wartime economy

8We have not systematically used the concept of ecoviolence because it would require a case-study approach and field-work based research. By ecoviolence, Thomas Homer-Dixon (1991,1999) means both wars over resources and peaceful, natural resource-driven conflicts. Environmental violence has no one cause, but may arise from economic, social, political, demographic factors and their inter- actions. 9The interactive Arctic Environmental Service, developed by the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), presents environmental variables and parameters in the circumpolar North. (http://maps.grida.no/arctic/). 51 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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To keep this text relatively short, we will look at the impact of the World War II in northern Canada, the northern Soviet Union and northern Finland. Nonetheless, we will discuss these areas in the context of the circumpolar North as a whole. We assume that the reader knows the main elements of the geography and history of the northern zone. Our review will span the period from the World War II to the Cold War decades beginning in the 1950s.

The article is mainly based on general geographical, historical and anthropological texts about the northern regions.10 While it is not based on systematic fieldwork, both writers have travelled extensively in the northern areas of Russia, Scandinavia and Canada. We do not know any previous environmental historical research which looks at the entire northern zone of the globe. Instead, there are a few national, provincial or local environmental history case studies in this field.11

It is simply impossible to provide a detailed description of all the environmental damage caused by war in the northern zone. There is only fragmentary information about the all ecological costs of the intensified extractive resource strategies in the northern zone and information on the native peoples has not been comprehensive. Even where we found environmental information in the past, it was often quite scattered and random. We agree with Joachim Radkau that slight and scattered material is a typical feature of nearly all environmental history research.12

As far we know, the interaction between war and the environment has not previously been adequately studied in the circumpolar perspective. One reason may be that the historical profession has had a strong tendency to use the nation-state as its preferred bases of analysis.13 This leaves aside global analysis, which unfolds with no regard for borders. The general works in environmental history have left out the military dimension almost entirely despite its obvious connection with environmental history in the wider sense (for example, toxic effects, landscape destruction, food production and security, legitimation in nature ideologies, war- related environmental science and medicine, etc.).14 However, the body of work is now growing and should be open to increased interaction with contemporary history. The topic of the environmental history of the war merits much more thorough analysis than is possible here.15

We have tried to avoid a "declenisionist narrative of environmental history”16 according to which environmental history is perceived as a progressive downward spiral leading inexorably to collapse. In our case, this narrative would mean that we see everything as steady and balanced until the war came and destroyed it. World War II created a lot of economic opportunities, opened up new communication routes, and helped to find some new resources in the northern zone. The war even swept fishing fleets from the sea and allowed the fish resources to recover, particularly in the North Atlantic.17 However, the sad story is mainly that the World War II was the deadliest war in human history. Some 60 million people died, including about 20 million soldiers and 40 million civilians.18 It also consumed a huge amount of energy and minerals and caused major environmental problems.

10The most important general references on circumpolar zone are Armstrong, Rogers & Graham Rowley (1978) and Rea (1976). 11In Europe: Sörlin 1988, Massa 1994; Hacquebord and Avango 2009, 1-2, 25-39. In the United States and Canada: Cherest 1975 and 1980, Morissonneau 1978; Marchak 1983,Wynn 2007, Lackenbauer & Farish, 2007; Piper, 2009. 12Joachim Radkau (2008, 32-35) argues that the object of environmental history research is still ‘Terra incognita’, unknown territory. 13McNeill 2003, 25. 14Sörlin 2011. John McNeill (2000) occasionally touches upon the world wars. 15In Europe: Corvol & Amal 1994; Radkau & Uekötter 2003; Josephson 2002; Tucker & Russell 2004; Chickering,Förster & Greiner,2005; Brady 2005; Laakkonen & Vuorisalo 2007; McNeill & Unger 2010. 16Merchant 2003 and Wikipedia entry on ´Environmental history’. 17McNeill 2000, 246. 18“World War II’ Wikipedia entry; Mawdsley 2009; Liddell Hart 1970. 52 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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The World War II and the northern expansion of the world economy By the beginning of twentieth century, the idea of the Arctic as the margins of human history was being su- perseded by the idea of the Arctic as a frontier waiting for industrial colonization and western man. The Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen (1861-1930) and the Icelandic-Canadian-American explorer Vilhjalmur Stefansson (1878-1962) in particular challenged the traditional view of the marginal and unproductive Arc- tic.19 In fact, the geographical literature of the 1920s and 1930s contained much about the north as a promis- ing region in other countries as well. One example is Suomi Jäämerellä (Finland at the Arctic Ocean) (1918) by Väinö Voionmaa, in which the ideas of northern development were mixed with a nationalistic Great Fin- land –ideology. The idea of the northern dimension was compatible with progressive industrial ideology that was realized under Nazism and Communism. In the USSR, active northern expansion started soon after the revolution of 1917.20

However, the intensive extractive economy was not generally extended deep into the circumpolar north before the World War II. During and after the war, the focus of the world economy shifted significantly towards the north, which gave rise to the extractive economy led by the belligerent states. What follow is the summary war-induced environmental histories of Northern Canada, the Northern Soviet Union and Northern Finland.

Northern Canada By the end of the 1930s, the northern regions of Canada had experienced the initial stages of integration into their provincial units and the Canadian nation, but remained still very much on the periphery.21 World War II represented a major turning-point in the history of the Canadian territorial and provincial north, the most important single event being the massive attack against the United States naval base at Pearl Harbor by the Empire of Japan on December 7, 1941. All eight battleships in the harbor were hit and more than 180 aircraft were destroyed and others damaged. The Americans suffered 3435 casualties. Coming as a surprise, this single event aroused such anger against Japan that it brought the United States into the war before any decla- ration of war. On December 8, the U.S. Congress declared war on Japan with only one dissenting vote.22

How did the hegemony of the United States affect the position of Canada and particularly northern Canada in the world-system during and after World War II? The United States was the overwhelmingly dominant core country in North America and it “consolidated its role as the undoubted centre of the capitalist world- system” during the war particularly.23 A Canadian economist, Kari Levitt24, sees Canada almost as a semi- peripheral state within the core-periphery system dominated by the United States. However, Canada is not a semi-periphery, but a “minor core power” with its independent state institutions and strategies.25

Both the United States and Canada fought with the Allies against the Axis powers and Japan. War-related projects had an impact over the whole northern region of Canada, from Labrador to the territorial Norths on the Alaskan border.26 During the war, there were tens of thousands of American military and civilian workers carrying out various duties in Canada “with virtually no supervision from Canadians, forming a kind of

19Emmerson 2011, 16-17. 20McCannon (1998) has written an interesting analysis of the myth of the north in the Soviet Union. For an analysis of conquest of nature and colonization of the North in the USSR, see Bolotova &Vorobyev 2007, 29-41 and Bolotova 2004,104-123. 21Coates & Morrison 1992, 63. 22Liddel Hart 1970, 269-278. One reason for the Japanese attack was that the United States had cut the oil and metals exports to Japan in July 1940; see Vuorisalo & Lahdenperä 2007, 419. 23Galois & Mabin1982,42; Kennedy 1987, 432;‘World War II’, entry on Encyclopædia Britannica. 24 Levitt 1971,23–24. 25 Shannon 1996, 87. See also Burgess 2002. 26Zaslow 1988, 209, Lackenbauer & Farish, 2007,5-6 and Piper 2009, 8. 53 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______friendly army of occupation”.27 During the war, the federal government became directly involved in the uranium-mining industry; for example, through the creation of a crown corporation, Eldorado Mining and Re- fining, and its auxiliaries. The governments also continually intervened in electric power production, mining, transportation and even fisheries.28 Technological advances during the war, such as the development of freight planes, aerial photography and nuclear power, prepared the way for the race for resources that reached the Canadian north.29

The greatest changes took place in the Yukon and the Northwest Territories, which had previously been thought of as a “wasteland”.30 The territories comprise more than 40 percent of the country’s land area, but contain only about one percent of its population. Because of the war, the region’s military and strategic significance began to increase. Japan attacked the Aleutian Islands and occupied Kiska and Attu Islands in 1942. Nearly 4,000 American soldiers fell in the recapture of Attu. The armaments industry and defense investment became the single most important factor that influenced the development of Alaska. Before the war, Alaska had relatively little economic or political significance as part of the United States. The World War II, especially the Allies war against Japan, and the Cold War from the 1950s onwards increased the

27Coates & Morrisson 1992, 85. 28Rea (1976) gives an overview of the changes brought by World War II in the Canadian North. There were, for example, several industrial fisheries supported by the federal government in Lake Athabasca, Lake Claire, Great Slave Lake and Great Bear Lake, see Piper 2009,174-179, 223, 229. 29Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 87–88; Rea 1976, 55 and Wynn 2007, 274-275,317. 30Rea 1976, 3–13. 54 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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strategic importance of Alaska. Under the threat of Japanese invasion, the government of the United States established the Alaskan Military Force in 1940 and built large military bases at Fairbanks, Anchorage, and on the Aleutian Islands with several thousand personnel. Alaska was supplied mostly by sea from the south.31 In 1942, within only weeks of the attack on Pearl Harbour, the United States received permission from Ottawa to construct the Alaskan Highway from Dawson Creek, British Columbia, across northern Brit- ish Columbia and the Yukon territory to Fairbanks, Alaska. The stated purpose of the new road was to provide a communications and transportation link between the lower forty-eight states and Alaska that was not susceptible to Japanese attack. The highway was approximately 2500 kilometers long and was constructed in only one year, in 1942-1943. At its peak, 40000 men and lots of heavy equipment worked on the project. The highway and the adjacent telephone lines and emergency airstrips were opened to military traffic in Novem- ber 1943.32

The Alaskan Highway was a major example of the so-called Northwestern Defense Projects (Canol pipeline project, Northwest Staging Route, Haines Highway etc.), which brought great changes to the Yukon Territo- ry and the Mackenzie River valley environments and native societies. The defense projects were built with a series of airstrips, airports, whether stations, radar stations and radio ranging stations in British Columbia, the Yukon and Alaska. The Canol Pipeline linked the oil fields at Norman Wells to a refinery in Whitehorse. Three pipelines were built to take refined oil to Skagway and Fairbanks in Alaska, and to Watson Lake in the Yukon.33 The Northwest Staging Route, built by Canada and the US between 1940 and 1944, is an air route from Edmonton, over northwestern Canada to Fairbanks, Alaska, which proved important for the support of defense projects in the northwest and for delivering aircraft to Alaska and the Soviet Union (known there as Alsib, the Alaska- SIBerian air road). Major landing fields in Canada included Grande Prairie, Fort St John, Fort Nelson, Watson Lake and Whitehorse.34 The Northwest Staging Route also provided a diplomatic route between Washington, D.C. and Moscow. Diplomats, senior political figures and other government officials shuttled back and forth along it in transports during the war.35

The most important defense project in north-eastern Canada was the Crimson Route (also called the North East Staging Route). This was a set of joint United States and Canadian transport routes planned for ferrying planes and material from North America to Europe during World War II. The project ended in 1943 and was never fully developed. However, the newly-built airfields of Goose Bay, Fort Chimo, Frobisher Bay, The Pas, Churchill and Southampton Island in 1941-1942 opened up the Canadian Arctic Archipelago and Greenland to air traffic. A telecommunications network was also built in association with the airfields.36

As an extension of the Crimson Route, the United States occupied both Greenland – a Danish colony - and Iceland April on 8, 1941 to help to ensure the security of trans-Atlantic convoys to European battlefields and the Allied supplies of the Soviet Union through the port of Murmansk. The Thule air base in Greenland and the Keflavik air base in Iceland were witness to the hegemony of the United States in Greenland and Iceland. This was a strategic countermove, because Germany has occupied both Denmark and Norway in the early stage of the war. Denmark regained Greenland in 1945, but the US maintained its military presence in Thule, in the north of Greenland.37

31Coates 1993, 62-80. 32Coates & Morrison 1992, 63-64. 33Coates & Morrison 1992, 63 and Emmerson 2011,199. The Canol was closed already in 1945, because oil was then deemed to be too costly in the peacetime world. 34Northwest Staging Route (http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/northwest-staging-route, The Canadian Encyclopedia. 35Hays, Jr.,1996. 36Coates & Morrison 1992, 64-65. 37Emmerson 2011, 124, 137. In 2006, the United States ended over half a century of military presence in Iceland and shifted the Keflavík airbase to Iceland, see Taagholt 1952, 23-24. 55 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Rising demand for agricultural products (wheat, flour, and bacon) produced a three- to fourfold increase in Canadian exports of those commodities between 1939 and 1945.38 Demand for canned and cured freshwater and saltwater fish also increased sharply because of the wartime exigencies which encouraged further expansion of fishing operations and the intensification of fishing with the federal government support.39

After the war, the United States, which had escaped the ravages of war, became an economic and military superpower.40 It became the “locomotive” for post-war economic reconstruction in Western Europe and Ja- pan as well as the world economy as a whole. Thus the US consumption of raw materials also rapidly increased. The World War II and the Korean War had exposed the gaps in U.S. raw materials procurement. Canada’s role as a raw material supplier to the United States grew significantly after the war, and the country’s abundant natural resources were also needed for the reconstruction of Europe. This had its effects in the Canadian north as well.41

In the Paley Report,42 commissioned by the U.S., Canada was considered the most reliable supplier of 13 of the 22 indispensable raw materials (nickel, copper, lead, zinc, asbestos, iron ore, sulphur, titanium, cobalt, oil, natural gas, newsprint and aluminum). In line with the policies outlined in that report, Canada became increasingly close integrated into the U.S. sphere of influence as a specialized producer of raw materials. Canada’s own post-war governments participated in paving the way for this “American resource capitalism”, as, for example, Prime Minister John Diefenbaker’s Roads to Resources programme (1959–1970) shows.43 The programme included improving the railway and road network of Canada’s northern provinces. The goal was to channel the natural resources of this region, called the “Middle North”, to benefit industry.44

Almost all provinces had their own northern development programs, which had different emphases. In Brit- ish Columbia, the first post-war government to undertake promoting new economic activity was the Liberal- Conservative coalition administration that ran the province from 1941 to 1952. The Coalition government worked to foster northern resource use and transportation development throughout its term in office. John R. Wedley45 describes the Coalition government’s northern interest as follows:

The first post-war government to undertake the challenge of promoting new economic activity in northern B.C. was the Liberal-Conservative coalition administration that ran the province from 1941 to 1952. Led by Premier John Hart and, after 1947, by Premier Byron (Boss) Johnson, the Coalition government worked diligently to foster northern resource use and transportation development throughout its term in office. In so doing, it launched a post-war governmental assault on the north that would proceed without interruption for nearly twenty-five years.

The Coalition's interest in the north of British Columbia was also aroused by a comprehensive northern resources survey, begun in 1943 by a special U.S.-Canada Economic Committee, called the North Pacific Planning Project. Its aim was to jointly develop a huge territory encompassing northern B.C., Alaska, northern Alberta, the Yukon, and the Mackenzie region of the Northwest Territories. Both the United States and Canada eventually lost interest and withdrew from the project, but the North Pacific Planning Project in its

38Wynn 2007,274. 39Piper 2009, 174-179, 194-195. 40Shannon 1996, 86. 41Zaslow 1988, 237. Tucker (2007, 135-150 has an interesting story on how World War II caused an strategic crisis in the U.S. rubber supply and the associated rise of synthetic rubber. 42Resources for freedom 1952. 43Marchak 1983, 39 and Wynn 2007, 315. 44Zaslow 1988, 253. 45Wedley 1990-91, 58-92 gives an extensive report on the northern policy. 56 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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early phase, around 1943-44, caused considerable excitement in the province and encouraged the Coalition to believe that the time was ripe for industrial expansion on the northern frontier.46

The Coalition's role in northern development has also been overshadowed by the high level of activity that took place during the ensuing Social Credit administration of Premier W.A.C. Bennett. The Opening of the North -program centered on the development of the wood-processing industry, the mining industry and hydroelectric power. An important project in the program was revitalising the Pacific Great Eastern railway plan as a reaction to a good market in raw materials in the 1950s.47 The underlying reason for all these projects was the channeling of northern natural resources for the use of industry in the southern centers.

In Manitoba, since the transport network of the northern regions was fairly well developed even before the World War II, the main focus was on improving it. The foundation of the system included the water transport system on Lake Winnipeg, the Hudson Bay Railway (completed as far as Churchill by 1929) from The Pas to Churchill and highways to The Pas and Flin Flon. A route to the considerable ore and mineral deposits of northern Manitoba and Saskatchewan had thus been opened up. For example, a nickel mine near the Hudson Bay Railway, coppermines at Lynn Lake, Fox Lake, Ruttan Lake and Flin Flon were developed. In the late 1950s, the huge Nelson River Hydroelectric Project was founded, later including the diversion of the upper Churchill River into the Nelson River and the transformation of Lake Winnipeg, the world's 11th largest freshwater lake, into a hydroelectric reservoir. The eutrophication of Lake Winnipeg it is not primarily caused by the war, but nitrogen and phosphorus emissions from cities, agriculture and livestock rising. How- ever, Manitoba Hydro’s dams have compounded the problem by controlling flow and preventing the surplus nutrients from travelling downstream.48

In Quebec, the building of the St. Lawrence Seaway in 1954-1959 was directly linked to the post-war Amer- ican interest in Canadian resources. The Seaway is the usual name for a system of locks, canals and channels that permit ocean-going vessels to travel from the Atlantic Ocean to the North American Great Lakes, as far as Lake Superior. The declining iron ore deposits in the Mesabi Ranges of Minnesota had provided a major impetus to Seaway construction, an interest which grew when the iron ore deposits of the Ungava District of the Labrador-Quebéc border region were discovered. The Iron Ore Company of Canada was formed to exploit the new reserves. The Company built a 575 kilometer long railroad from Sept-Iles on the St. Lawrence River to Knob Lake, where the town of Schefferville was erected as the center of mining operations.49 In Quebec, World War II also prompted an economic revival. Kenneth McRoberts and Dale Posgate describes the province’s northern drive because of the war:50

The armed forces, in spite of Quebec’s political resistance to conscription, provided one type of escape from unemployment for 120,000 French Canadians. The war also opened up Quebec’s interior. It contained the strategic resources to feed the industrial boom in war production, was vulnerable to attack, and reasonably close to the industrial centres. Quebec’s raw materials played an important part in the development of the continental economic structure that began to emerge in Canada during the war years.

In Quebec, the most important new investments were made in the Manicouagan-Outardes system on the North Shore and in the James Bay region to support the building of hydroelectric power plants. The factor

46Wedley 1990-91, 65, Bradbury 1982,349. 47Bradbury 1982, 349-354, Marchak 1983, 38–40. 48Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 86, 89-90, see also Casey 2006. 49Wynn 2007, 281-291. 50McRoberts &Postgate,1980,38. 57 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______driving the development of the Quebec-Labrador iron ore mines was the increase in demand for steel caused by the war.51

The post-war resource boom in Newfoundland was particularly influenced by Premier Joseph Smallwood’s policies, which were based on exploiting the province’s natural resources by giving private big business relatively free rein. For instance, in 1952 the Premier presented the British Rothschilds with the idea for an integrated development project for Labrador’s natural resources. The Rothschilds considered the plan “somewhat remote”. However, they established, a development company called Brinco, for the purpose of exploiting mineral, hydroelectric and forest resources in Labrador and Newfoundland. Brinco later implemented one of the largest hydroelectric power schemes in the world by harnessing the falls of the Churchill River.52 The diversion of water through the power station has meant “the virtual elimination of the Falls and its associated unique environment”.53

In Canada the new resource-based industrialization caused quite a few local environmental problems although no major catastrophes happened. Graeme Wynn54 describes the social and environmental effects of highway construction being as “enormous” as new diseases, the melting of permafrost, fires, waste, fuel oil spills and decreasing stocks of fish and wildlife followed the huge projects. The native people were also ex- cluded from their traditional hunting territories. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the highway in opening up regions previously accessible only to canoes, barges, and bush planes. British Columbia, in particular, benefited from the construction of the Alaska Highway, which made it possible to build the first road to the Peace River region, with the aim of being able to harness hydroelectric power.

In Canada, defense projects briefly destroyed game hunting as a livelihood across large areas. Forest fires, which broke out as result of the projects, were an important reason for the decline in the game stocks. Thou- sands of military personnel and civilians decimated the game stock by overhunting.55 P. Whitney Lacken- bauer and Matthew Farish56 describe the environmental and health effects of these military projects in the western sub-Arctic:

These military mega-projects radically transformed the human and physical geography of the North. Bulldozers tore permafrost off the ground, disrupting ecosystems and creating impassable quagmires. Forest fires, logging, over-hunting, and over-fishing depleted resources in the region. Immigrant workers brought diseases, from measles to VD, which devastated indigenous population [sic].

The traditional cut-and-run forestry continued because there was no shortage of forest reserves, and there was not enough political pressure to adopt ecologically sound forest management. A descriptive term quite commonly used in critical Canadian forest research is “forest mining”, which refers to efficient felling re- gardless of forest management aspects. The forest industry has faced increased opposition from indigenous peoples and nature conservationists since the 1950s. This opposition made conflicts more common in the Canadian forestry regions.57 In all, there were tens of thousands of American military and civilian workers carrying out various duties in Canada during the war, with virtually no supervision from Canadians, forming a kind of friendly army of occupation. The greatest changes took place in the Yukon and the Northwest Ter-

51Rea1976, 58–60; Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 89, Wallace 1982, 383. 52Newfoundland 1980, 4–12; Neary 1980; Wynn 2007, 311-312. 53Crabb 1973, 334. 54Wynn 2007, 281-283. 55Zaslow 1988, 209. 56Lackenbauer & Farish 2008, 5-6. 57Marchak 1983, 67–80. 58 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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ritories, which had previously been thought of as a “wasteland”. During the war, the changes confronting native people in the provincial and territorial north were small and localized, but after that they saw a great deal of turmoil and upheaval, much of it in the name of progress, charity and social engineering.

After the war, Canada’s own post-war governments participated in paving the way for this “American resource capitalism”. Almost all provinces had their own northern development programs, which had different emphases. The many signs of progress include: highways, railways, radio and television, schools, recreational and cultural facilities, airline services, thousands of new jobs in resource and service industries, all favora- ble for modern businesses. But this development had its extractive features as more and more peripherical lands were opened up to war-induced modernization.

In North America, there is a resource capitalist version of the extractive economy. The economic centre of gravity shifted to the North, and almost the whole of northern North America, from Labrador to Alaska, came under the influence of the various war projects. This resource capitalism proceeded in harmony with the aims of the provinces and/or federal governments trying to attract new investment to their areas.

Northern Soviet Union Christopher Chase-Dunn portrayed the Soviet Union’s position in the world-system during and after World War II as an authoritarian and repressive semi-peripheral state. It attempted to improve its competitive position relative to the core as part of a drive to become a great socialist world power. In the 1930s, starting with a very limited industrial base, the Soviet state embarked on a policy of rapid, forced modernization and industrialization, including high capital accumulation obtained by limiting consumption, forced collectiviza- tion of agriculture to extract the maximum surplus and necessary food production from the peasantry, and forms of coerced labour. Its centrally planned economies were plagued by bureaucratic mismanagement and burdened by massive military expenditures.58

During World War II, the Soviet Union, however, developed into a “military giant and at the same time, economically poor, deprived and unbalanced” as Paul Kennedy puts it.59 The Soviet Union was clearly a semi-periphery economically, but a core in the military sectors. It concentrated upon military-industrial production and made drastic decreases in every other sector, like consumer goods, retail trade, and agricultural production. In the military area, the Soviet Union was the largest defense establishment in the world.

World War II represented a major turning-point in the history of the Soviet Union and, consequently, the northern and eastern part of the country. For our analysis of northern expansion in the Soviet Union, we will also focus somewhat on the eastern territories of the country. There are two main reasons to enlarge our perspective: the harsh climatic conditions in most of the eastern USSR, which make living conditions there the equivalent of the circumpolar regions60 and the general importance of the East for the Soviet war economy. Official Soviet rhetoric often referred to the east as the “strong people” and the considerable natural resources of the east helped to save the country from German occupation.

58Chase-Dunn (1982) sees the Soviet Union as a semi-periphery. See also Shannon 1996, 71-45,125. 59Kennedy 1987, 362-363. 60For the territorial conceptualisation of the Soviet North we follow the official Soviet demarcation of the ‘Far North’, and ‘Regions equated to the Far North’, which also included a large part of the eastern territories. This concept was officially used from 1932 to calculate of subsidies for people working in the remote northern and eastern regions (‘Polozhenie ... 1932). Slavin (1982, 12-13), an influential soviet economist, later divided the northern part of the Soviet Union into far and near northern economic zones, which depended on the status of the region in question in the country’s economy and the opportunities for economic development this region provided. 59 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Before we move on to the war-induced changes in the Soviet north and east, we comment briefly on the pre- war northern expansion and effects of the revolution and the Gulag system, which were also essential during World War II. The northern extension of the Soviet economy during and after the World War II was firmly based on the consolidation of Soviet power during the pre-war period. Soviet authorities started to pay special attention to the northern periphery of the country soon after the revolution of 1917: Lenin first supporting scientific explorations in the Arctic in 1918 while Stalin continued this trend involving the northern territories into the industrialization campaign. In the words attributed to Stalin by a Deputy Chairman of the Council of Peoples Commissars in 1936: “The Arctic and our northern regions have colossal wealth. We must create a Soviet organization which can in the shortest period include this wealth in the general resources of our socialist structure.” 61 The ruling Soviet elite prioritized development of natural resources in the northern and north-eastern parts of USSR with the intention of reducing dependence on the raw materials of the capitalist countries and also to earn foreign currency to acquire machinery for industry.62 The indigenous people of the North should have taken part in the industrial development and turned into useful and productive citizens, with little heed paid to the preservation of their ethnic cultures.63

The distribution of industrial production in the pre-war Soviet Union was rather unbalanced, almost all industries being concentrated in a few highly industrialized regions in the European part of country.64 The northern periphery mainly supplied raw materials for industries situated in the milder climatic conditions. Several new industrial complexes for production of mineral resources were built in the North before the WWII, but only for development of the most valuable and rich deposits, since the Soviet authorities then

61Na priyeme v Kremle 1936, 6-27, cited by Armstrong 1965,154. 62Popov 2002, 4–10. 63Vakhtin 1992, Appelbaum 2004 and McNeill 2004,162-166. 64Kantor 1991, 88-89. 60 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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prioritized quick resource extraction at the lowest possible cost.65 The major industries built in the northern regions before WWII were situated in the European part of the northern periphery: three mining complexes on the Kola Peninsula (Murmansk Oblast) – Kirovsk, Pechenga and Monchegorsk, a shipyard in the Ar- khangel region in Molotovsk (now Severodvinsk), and several paper mills in Karelia and the Arkhangel Ob- last. There were also several other large enterprises under construction, but they were not finished before the war. There were also many small-size enterprises constructed with minimal infrastructure alongside the mineral deposits in order to process minerals and transport those southwards to a production site.66

The extremely poor transport communications in all northern regions of the USSR meant that the northern expansion before WWII was primarily focused on construction of transportation networks of all kinds: automobile, railroad and sea transport routes. Only a very few automobile roads in bad condition existed in the northern and eastern peripheries before Soviet times. There were two major railroads constructed shortly before the revolution of 1917: the Petrograd – Romanov-na-Murmane railroad (later Leningrad - Murmansk) and the Trans-Siberian Railway, both of which were completed in 1916 and opened up North-West Russia, Siberia and the Russian Far East to economic development.67 The Leningrad-Murmansk railway, renovated in the early 1930s, enabled transportation of nickel and apatite from Monchegorsk and Kirovsk to the south and stimulated the economy of the entire North-Western USSR. Another important railway was the Pe- chorskaya railway, Konosha – Kotlas – Vorkuta (1,558 kilometers), built by the labor of prisoners in 1940- 1941. The main purpose was to transport coal from Pechora and oil from Ukhta (the Komi Republic) to the north-western Soviet Union.

65Bolotova &Vorobyev 2007, 29-41. 66Slavin 1982, 155. 67Marks 1991, Heywood 1999. 61 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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One of the best-known and most ambitious constructions of the pre-war period was Belomorkanal – the White Sea–Baltic Sea Canal opened in 1933, which was built by the labor of Gulag68 prisoners. This canal connects the Baltic Sea with Lake Onega which is further connected to the White Sea.69 Another important waterway was the Northern Sea Route in use from 1932, which goes along the Arctic coast connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Its administration became an influential factor in the development of the Arctic coast of the Soviet Union.

The work force of the industrialization process in the northern and eastern part of the USSR was to a large extent based on the labor of Gulag prisoners. There were already prison camps in Siberia in the tsarist era, but the actual forced labor camp system was established during the Soviet era, particularly under Stalin, starting from the late 1920s. The secret police (OGPU - NKVD) shouldered a considerable responsibility for the economic development of the Soviet Union, especially in mining and wood production. It controlled the vast territory from the Solovetski Islands to the Kamchatka Peninsula, which was very thinly populated. The Gulag labor camps served the goal of coping with the lack of a work force in the remote northern and eastern regions. The Gulag system was a flexible one from the point of view of production, since camps could be quickly moved to sites suffering from labor shortages.70

The Gulag not only developed into a network of penal establishments but also into an economic system.71 The duties of the penal colonies and economic organizations were united and managed by regional departments of the secret police. In the northern and eastern regions such organizations often had absolute power. The majority specialized in the mining industries, but in practice they controlled all activities in the region. A striking example of such a regional organization was Dalstroy in the Far East of the USSR, which adminis- tered more than 130 prison camps in an area that stretched over more than 2 million square kilometers in the Magadan region. The total area ruled by Dalstroy reached its peak in 1951, when one seventh of the area of the Soviet Union was under its control.72

Before we consider the development of the northern and eastern peripheries during WWII, some important historical facts should be mentioned. On August 24, 1939, the Soviet Union signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany. In a secret clause of the pact, Finland, Estonia, eastern Poland, Latvia and Bessara- bia (part of Romania) were shifted to the Soviet sphere of influence. The Soviet Union used the early years of the war to strengthen its position in its “own” sphere. On 30 November 1939, the Soviet Union attacked Finland, called in Finland the Winter War (Fin. talvisota) and the Soviet–Finland War 1939–1940 in the Soviet Union. The following year, the USSR annexed the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, as well as parts of Romania.73

However, the Soviet Union did not avoid war with the Axis powers (Germany, Italy, Japan, Hungary, Ro- mania, and Slovakia). On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, effectively ending the Molo- tov-Ribbentrop Pact. The Japanese leadership was also interested in oil and other natural resources in Sibe- ria. Despite its non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union, it considered an invasion of Siberia, if the Soviet

68Gulag is an abbreviation of Glavnoe upravlenie lagerey, the main camp administration. 69More than 170,000 prisoners participated in building the White Sea–Baltic Sea Canal. Thousands of people perished during its construction but from the government’s viewpoint the project was a great success and was completed in less than two years, an amazingly short time. Later, the construction of the canal was used for advertising Soviet efficiency. After this experimental stage in Soviet Karelia, the Gulag system began to develop very quickly, particularly in the northern and north-eastern regions of the Soviet Union. Ruder (1998) gives number of 126,000 prisoners working at the construction between 1931 and 1933. See also Chukhin (1990). 70The origins and expansion of the Gulag system, Bacon (1996), 42-47, 55. 71Borodkin, Gregori & Khlevnyuk 2005. 72Norlander 2005,239–254. 73Liddell Hart 1970, 16-17,54-61. 62 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Union was sufficiently weakened by the war.74 The Soviet Union became one of the main members of the Allies, a huge anti-German coalition at the start of the war. After October 1941, the country was also eligible for lend-lease, according to which American deliveries of aircraft, tanks, and other supplies began to flow to the USSR.75

It is said that Germany destroyed 1,500 towns in the Soviet Union and more than 25 million people were moved to regions such as Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Siberia. The evacuation of Soviet industry to the eastern and northern peripheries began at the end of June 1941 and continued until the end of December. In order to save the war industry, 1,523 large industrial plants were moved east during the war and 3,500 new ones were also built. Industrial plants that hitherto produced non-military items were also converted to serve the armaments industry.76 In general, all production was re-oriented to military interests. Nearly half of the evacuated factories went to the Urals, the rest to the Volga region, Western Siberia, Kazakhstan and Central Asia, while a handful travelled still further to Eastern Siberia. A permanent eastward shift in the Soviet defense industry’s center of gravity resulted. Because of the war, the industrial output of the country’s economic heartland plummeted to a fraction of what it used to be.77

The Ural Mountains region became one of the industrial heartlands of the Soviet Union because its mineral deposits were fairly well mapped out and the transport network was already developed. Major transfers of industrial plants included moving the Kirovskiy plant from Leningrad to the Ural region and moving two aluminum factories, one from Dnepropetrovsk, Ukraine, and the other from Leningrad to the Ural region. The Severonikel plant was moved from Monchegorsk to Norilsk in the Komi Republic, and to Uzhuralnikel (another Soviet nickel plant) in the southern Ural region. Ironworks were also transferred to Uzhuralnikel, in addition to the Amur Valley in the Soviet Far East.78

The evacuation of the factories was directed more eastwards than northwards in the Soviet Union because of the very poor transportation networks, harsh climate and long distances in northern regions. Nevertheless, northern and north-eastern regions played a very important role during the WWII period, providing minerals and ore for machinery and other industries that started to work intensively in the eastern regions in 1942 once the evacuation process was completed. The orientation to development of military-oriented production required intensification of natural resource extraction. Gold was the most important ore in the northern Far East (Kolyma, Aldan), which was called “metal number one” by the Soviet media. It paid for imported machinery and equipment, airplanes and food.79 The war added the task of finding volumes of specific raw materials for military production. Aluminum was a very important mineral in the war conditions because it is necessary for arms production. Another important mineral which belongs among the so-called 'strategic minerals' was nickel. At the end of WWII, two more minerals, uranium and diamonds, became very important.

As huge defense and metallurgical factories were transported to the remote interior, sparsely settled rural communities were required to develop rail and road links, electric power lines and generating capacity, homes and services for workers, in a brief period of weeks and months. Prison labor was used to build transport networks, such as roads, railways and airfields, in the northern regions. The Northern Sea Route

74Vuorisalo & Lahdenperä 2007, 412. 75Harrison 1994/2008, 250. According to a barter agreement concluded by the Soviet Union and the United States, the Soviet Union bartered natural resources, such as gold, tin, timber, furs and caviar for tanks, cars, oil products, railway engines and rails, food and clothing; see Butenina 2004, 104–106, 292. 76Voznesenskiy 1948, 42–43; Narodonaselenie. Entsiklopedicheskiy slovar’ 1994, 561; Velikaya otechestvennaya voyna, 1941–1945. Entsiklopediya. (Encyclopaedia of the Great Patriotic War), 1985, 739. 77Harrison 1994/2008, 250-253. 78Slavin 1972. 79The Trans-Siberian Railway was completed in 1916 and opened up Siberia and the Russian Far East to economic development, see Marks 1991and Butenina 2004, 104–106, 292. 63 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______was essential to the war effort because war materials and food could be imported from the west through it. This shipping route was complemented by river navigation to the interior of Siberia.80

Railways had great military and strategic importance because they made it possible to transport heavy vehi- cles and troops. In the northern periphery, two routes were particularly important: the Leningrad – Mur- mansk railway and the Pechorskaya railway line. When the Donbass coal mines in Ukraine were lost to the enemy and new sources of coal were needed for energy production, the Pechorskaya railway was used to transport coal from Pechora to central Russia. The first coal train from Pechora arrived in Leningrad in De- cember 1941.81

Several important roads were built during the war, once again by using the labor of Gulag prisoners. The Kolyma road from Magadan to Ust’-Nera, which was more than 1,000 kilometers in length, was constructed because of the gold deposits found in and around the River Kolyma. An enormous number of people died of cold and starvation during its construction. The road came into use during the war but it was not fully completed until 1953.82 The most important air-traffic route created during the World War II was the 4,850 kilometer-long Alaska–Siberia route (ALSIB). It was used in 1942–1945 to transport destroyers from the United States to the Soviet Union. Several thousand prisoners participated in building the airstrips. After the war, information on this air route was classified as highly secret in the Soviet Union.83

Special reindeer-transport brigades run by indigenous people – the Saami, Nenets and Komi - were organized at the front on the Kola peninsula and some other places. These brigades were used for transportation of military goods, sending the injured back from the front line, contacts with partisans and other needs. Dur- ing the war, more than 10,000 people were evacuated from the front line by indigenous reindeer herders. Besides, 17,000 tons of weapons and military goods were delivered to the front through off-road areas. In- digenous people were also used for fishing and hunting for military purposes.84

During the World War II, many people were driven into internal exile within the Soviet Union, contributing to the northern expansion. The purposes of the forced migration were both to reduce security risks to the Soviet state and to sovietise conquered peoples. According to Anne Applebaum, the expulsions constituted ethnic cleansing that was carried out under the pretence of war. The forced migrations were based on Stalin’s grand plan for “settling the northern regions of the USSR”. An estimated two million people were exiled from their home districts and transported to Central Asia and Siberia. The largest group among the many different peoples and ethnic groups were the 1.2 million Volga Germans, who had been recruited to Russia as immigrants in the 18th century. They were transported to Central Asia and Siberia because the authorities claimed that there were “thousands and thousands of dissidents and spies among them” [sic].85

In addition to the internal “administrative transfers” (the term used by the official propaganda), hundreds of thousands of people from the Soviet-occupied areas were transported to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the placement of hundreds of thousands of prisoners of war that resulted from the defeat of the Axis powers also fuelled the northern expansion. According to calculations by Applebaum, the total amounted to approximately 760,000, the largest group of which comprised people exiled from Eastern Poland.86

80 Spasskiy 1996, 9–10. 81Azarov 2012. 82See Shirokov 2000, 145–146. 83Paperno 1997, 2, 125–126; Negenblya 2000. 84Kiselev 1995. A Swedish ethnographer Kerstin Eidlitz (1979, 184) writes, somewhat ironically in this context, that the Soviet Union has never accepted nomadism, but has always striven to get the nomads settled or restricted as far as possible. 85Appelbaum 2004, 383–387. For experiences of Finnish prisoners, see Vettenniemi 2001. 86Appelbaum 2004, 383. 64 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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The significant turning-points in the Germany’s total defeat were in Stalingrad on January 31, 1943 and the lifting the Siege of Leningrad on 27 January 1944, 872 days after it began. The USSR then launched a new offensive from the east, recapturing the areas which Germany had occupied. On May 2, 1945, Soviet troops completed the capture of Berlin and all remaining German troops surrendered within a few days. The war in Europe was over.

However, the wartime Soviet economy was not dismantled, continuing as actively as ever after the war and during the Cold War. One of the most ambitious projects was thought up by Stalin himself, claims a Russian modern historian.87 This was to dig a tunnel from the Soviet mainland to Sakhalin Island. The decision to excavate the 10 kilometer tunnel and build a 1,000 kilometer railway, which was to join it to the Komso- molsk-na-Amure and Pobedino was made by the Supreme Soviet in 1950. This project also used prison labor. The project and about 20 other mega-projects (railways, the Arctic Circle road, etc.), which exploited the labor of hundreds of thousands of prisoners, were abandoned only in 1953 when Stalin died. The Arctic Circle railroad, still visible in the northern tundra, was later known as the “Road of Death”, as a monument to Stalin’s tyranny.88

The Gulag system reached its height after the World War II, covering the entire country although it was at its most intense in the country’s northern and eastern regions. In 1950, the Gulag system accounted for as much as seven percent of the Soviet gross national product. A total of approximately 1.7. – 2.7 million people lost their lives in the Gulag Archipelago.89

The main objective of the military industry after the World War II was the development of nuclear weapons, destroyers, missiles and radar technology. To this end, three special committees (Glavks) were established within the military industry complex. They had nearly unlimited financing and almost absolute power in the Soviet Union. All organizations in the country were bound to immediately meet the requests of these super ministries. As a consequence, the entire Soviet economy was subordinated to the needs of the armaments industry at the expense of other industries.90

The Soviet nuclear bomb project had already been launched during the war. The first uranium mine was opened in 1942. A secret uranium mine complex was also built during the war in Central Asia, in addition to a laboratory in Moscow for developing the bomb. After the Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear bombs had been dropped, work continued more urgent than ever, and the mightiest of all the super-ministries, led by L. Beria, (Glavk №1) was established. The first Soviet nuclear bomb tests were carried out in 1949 and the first “peaceful” nuclear power plant were commissioned in 1954.91

Uranium prospecting was extended to the entire Soviet Union, and in 1946 uranium of relatively poor quality was discovered near the Kolyma River in the Soviet Far East. However, the problem was not solved until 1950 when significant uranium deposits were discovered in Central Asia. Soviet uranium output, once again produced by prison labor, doubled between 1945 and 1950. In 1949, Stalin decided to establish several uranium and plutonium plants, located in the eastern Soviet Union, as far as possible from a dreaded attack by

87Kostanov 2012, 15. 88Armstrong 1965, 135-141, Gritsenko & Kalinin 2010. 89Popov 2002,122; Kokurin & Petrov 2002. Many scholars have speculated about the number of the victims in the Gulag. About 28 million people passed through the Gulag system. A minimum number of victims might be 1.7 million during the entire Soviet era, which seems fairly small. Edwin Bacon (1996, 24) gives an exact number of 2 561 351 (based on the Russian sources) when number of prisoners of Gulag camps and colonies was at its highest in 1950. Appelbaum (2004, 515-522) estimates the number of victims at 2.7 million, but seems to believe that the true figure is higher. 90Pyzhikov & Danilov 2002,109. 91Pyzhikov & Danilov 2002, 122; Simonov 1996, 191. 65 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______the United States. The first plutonium-producing plant (Krasnoyarsk-26) was dug into rock in Krasnoyarsk using prison labor in 1949. The second plant, which produces nuclear materials, was established near Tomsk in the same year.92

After the death of Stalin, during the Cold War period the incoming migration to the northern peripheries continued, but on a voluntary basis, stimulated by the authorities with special northern benefits and incen- tives and powered by new industrial schemes and technology. Enormous post-war infrastructure projects, such as the BAM railway, hydroelectric power stations in Siberia, military, air and radar bases, industrial cities, nuclear and space research centers, and oil and other energy projects also meant internal expansion towards the north and east. It is no miracle therefore that the population of Siberia increased four- or fivefold over the 1926–1956 periods.93

The World War II demonstrated that modern development was not possible without cheap fossil fuels. The first oil deposits in the northern Soviet Union had been discovered in the 1930s in Komi.94 After the war, deposits were discovered in the West Siberian plains between the Ob’ and Yenisey rivers in 1953. The exploitation of the oilfield, which later proved to be one of the largest in the world, began in 1963–1964. In the following decades, enormous natural gas fields were discovered in West Siberia and the Yamal Peninsula (such as Urengoy, Yamburg and Bovanenko), which have been calculated to contain a third of the known gas reserves in the world. In addition to West Siberia, oil and gas were also pumped in the Pechora River valley west of the Urals.95

In all, the totalitarian and repressive version of the extractive economy developed in the Soviet Union during World War II. It can be called the forced extractive economy with the Gulag system as its main economic and political organization. However, the Soviet Union made a significant contribution to the defeat of the Nazis and emerged from the war as one of the two post-war military superpowers. One of the most important reasons why the Red Army was able to defeat the Wehrmacht was the northern and eastern shift and expansion of the industrial heart of the country. The transport connections of the northern and eastern peripheries of the country greatly improved as a result of the expansion. This expansion was based on forced labor and prison camps, but, at least after the War, with some real financial benefits. In this highly centralized system, little thought was given to the huge human and ecological cost of this expansion.96

Northern Finland At the outbreak of World War II, Finland’s position in the world-system was a minor borderland between the core (Germany) and the semi-periphery (the Soviet Union).97 The weak position of Finland in the world system is illustrated in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 24 August 1939 between Germany and the Sovi- et Union. In a secret clause of the agreement, Finland (with eastern Poland, Estonia, Latvia and part of Ro- mania) was shifted to the Soviet sphere of influence. This pact was to be the start of the Finnish involvement in the World War II.98

92Kruglov 2002, 21-31. 93Eidlitz 1979; Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 45–53. 94Appelbaum 2004, 90–92. Large-scale oil exploration started in the Russian Empire in 1870 around Baku on the Caspian Sea. In the Russian arctic, some wells were drilled near Ukhta between 1869 and 1917. The Russian Empire still led the large-scale world oil production at the turn of the century, see McNeill 2000, 292 and Emmerson 2011, 197. 95Armstrong , Rogers and Rowley 1978, 31-36; Goldman 1980, 34–35. Currently, the expansion of the Siberian oil and gas industry on the continental shelves of the Arctic Ocean seems probable. The Russian oil and gas business is gravitating towards the control of American–Russian joint ventures. The latest trend is cooperation between China and Russia in harnessing the energy reserves in Sibe- ria. 96Armstrong 1965, 171.Traditional Soviet policy towards the northern peoples has been to promote their material well-being as judged by Soviet standards and, if neccessery, using force, but to inhibit their political and cultural development. 97Shannon 1996, 61,86-87. 98Jakobson 1961;Spring 1986. 66 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

The Opening of the Circumpolar World ______

The Winter War against the Soviet Union began with a Soviet offensive on 30 November 1939 – three months after the start of World War II and the German invasion of Poland – and ended on 13 March 1940 with the Moscow Peace Treaty. During the Winter War, 23,000 men were killed and more than 43,000 wounded in Finland. However, the Soviet Union suffered much greater casualties and failed to conquer Fin- land. This might be the most important root of the misconception that the USSR was not a first-class military power, and that Germany no longer needed to view the Soviet Union as a serious military or economic threat.99

The focus of the Winter War was not in northern Finland but in the Karelian Isthmus. In the Moscow Peace Treaty, Finland lost the Karelian Isthmus and the cities of Viipuri (Ru. Выборг, Vyborg), Käkisalmi (Ru: Приозе́рск, Priozersk) and Sortavala (Ru: Сортавала), all in the eastern heartland of the country. More than 400,000 Karelians were evacuated to other parts of Finland. The treaty was seen in Finland as very unjust and had an influence on the Finnish war-related decisions and activities later on.100

In the Continuation War (25 June 1941 – 19 September 1944), Finland not only recaptured territory lost in 1940 but also continued its offensive deeper into the Soviet Union. To this end, Finland allied actively with Nazi Germany, which has its own interest in enlisting Finland as its co-belligerent in its advance towards the Soviet Union. It also had a keen interest in the nickel deposit at Pechanga (Fin. Petsamo) and a copper mine at Outokumpu. German self-sufficiency in copper during the war was only 30% and in nickel it was almost non-existent. Germany hoped that Pechenga would satisfy 70% of its entire war-time nickel requirement. Finland, in turn, was able to acquire armaments and even everyday bread by selling its copper and nickel to Germany.101

At the same time, the German occupation of Finland was a part of penetration of German forces into other Nordic countries, Denmark and Norway, on 9 April 1940. The most important reason for the invasion was to control of the Baltic Sea and the North Atlantic naval and shipping routes. On 19 August 1940, Finland agreed to grant access to its territory to the Wehrmacht, the agreement being signed on 22 September. Initial- ly this was for transit of troops and military equipment to and from northernmost Norway, but soon for mi- nor bases along the transit road that eventually would grow in preparation for Operation Barbarossa as well. The German troops were given the responsibility of defending the northern and eastern part of the country. In the Finnish Lapland, Germany’s main goal was the capture of the key Soviet port at Murmansk through attacks from Finnish and Norwegian territory. This operation, Silberfuchs, was unsuccessful and the port of Murmansk continued to operate throughout the war. Finland's own military forces could then be saved for the south-western front in Karelia. However, Finland kept its army outside the German command structure despite numerous German attempts to knit them more tightly together.102

Sweden was only Nordic country which remained formally neutral, but it did permit transit of German military goods and soldiers by an agreement reached on 18 June 1940. Germany’s interest was to secure the export of Swedish iron ore from Kiruna (northern Sweden, Fin. Kiiruna) through Norway’s rail terminus and the port of Narvik. A total of 2.14 million German soldiers, and more than 100,000 German military railway carriages crossed Sweden before this traffic was officially suspended on 20 August 1943.103

99Reese 2008,852. 100Finland was also partly dependent on food and armament shipments from Germany. She did not participate directly in the Siege of Leningrad. William R. Trotter (1991) has written a solid history of the Winter War. There is, of course, a lot research on the Winter War written in Finnish; for example, Manninen 1994. 101A Finnish historian, Markku Kuisma (1985, 222-228, 234-235) has analyzed Germany’s interest in Outokumpu’s copper and the Finnish response to that. 102Vehviläinen 2002. 103Armstrong, Rogers & Rowley 1978, 212–213;Emmerson 2011, 125. 67 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______

After German losses in Stalingrad in 1943 and later after the Normandy landings on 6th June 1944, Finland made several efforts to end the Continuation War, with no result. On 9 June 1944, the Red Army launched a massive attack on Finland. The fact that the enemy had vast numerical superiority and had managed to surprise the Finnish army led to a retreat approximately to the same positions as the Finns were holding at the end of the Winter War. By September 1944, the Soviet Union had forced Finland into a cease-fire treaty.104

The Moscow armistice signed by Finland and the Soviet Union on 19 September 1944 ended the Continua- tion War, though the final peace treaty was not to be signed until 1947 in Paris. The conditions for peace were similar to those previously agreed in the 1940 Moscow Peace Treaty, with Finland being forced to cede parts of Finnish Karelia, part of Salla (in Finnish Lapland) and islands in the Gulf of Finland. The new armistice also handed the whole of Petsamo over to the Soviet Union. Finally the armistice also demanded that Finland drive German troops out of its territory. This demand was the cause of the third successive war in Finland, the so-called Lapland War.105

The World War II drastically altered the social and environmental conditions in the Finnish north. The Ger- mans took responsibility for a 500 km stretch of the front in Finnish Lapland, stationing over 200,000 Ger- man soldiers in Northern Finland at the peak of the military buildup. Including the German and Soviet troops in Norway and Soviet Lapland this figure amounted to at least a half million more inhabitants. The World War II thus emerges as a highly exceptional, absurdly vigorous time from the point of view of the north. Such a time inevitably left ecological, genetic and cultural traces. The Germans even built close to 100 labor camps in the area, and imprisoned some 30,000 USSR soldiers there. There were also some Finnish labor camps in the north. Since Lapland’s infrastructure was very poor, the prisoners were used as a workforce for tasks such as building and improving roads and bridges. For example, roads from Karigasniemi–Kaamanen and Muonio-Kilpisjärvi were constructed in this way.106

The Lapland War resulted in a comparatively small number of casualties, about 1,000 men killed and 3,000 wounded in all. Most of the civilian population of Lapland, totaling 168,000 people, was evacuated to Swe- den and Southern Finland, including a total of 2000 Sami people.107 However, material losses were enormous. As they retreated, the German forces devastated large areas of northern Finland with scorched-earth tactics. As a result, some 40–47% of the dwellings in the area were destroyed, and the provincial capital of Rovaniemi was burned to the ground, as were the villages of Savukoski and Enontekiö. Two-thirds of the buildings in the main villages of Sodankylä, Muonio, Kolari, Salla and Pello were demolished, most of the bridges were blown up, all main roads were mined, and telephone lines were destroyed.108

The Germans destroyed not only their former bases and camps, but also burned down every Finnish minor village within their reach, some 16,000 buildings in total. Over 1,000 road bridges, some 100 railroad bridges and 40 ferries were blown up; 170 km of railroad, 9,500 km of road and almost 3,000 culverts were destroyed; and most electricity poles cut down. Tens of thousands of head of cattle and reindeer were killed, and over 130,000 landmines and other explosives planted across the terrain. In the years after the end of the war, these mines would kill about 2,000 people.

104Vehviläinen 2002, 65. 105Ahto 1980. 106Ursin 1980, 398. As to the prison camps in Lapland, see Seitsonen & Herva 2011. 107Vehviläinen 2002, 257. 108Ursin (1980, 395-412) has studied the destructions wreaked by the Lapland War in great detail. Veli-Pekka Lehtola (2007) describes the fate of the Sami people during the war. 68 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

The Opening of the Circumpolar World ______

Losing Petsamo cut off Finland’s access to the Arctic Ocean and crushed the dreams, particularly prevalent among right-wing circles, of Finland as a new northern power. However, the key territory Finland lost in WWII was not in the north, but the Karelian Isthmus in the south-east of the country. The mining of nickel in Petsamo is connected to the history of the World War II, in many ways. The war made nickel a strategic metal fought over by the belligerents. The upshot was that Finland lost its nickel mines and finally the whole Petsamo area to the Soviet Union.109

109Eloranta & Nummela 2007, 322–345, see also Vuorisjärvi 1990. 69 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______

The war created the basis for extractive exploitation of natural resources in Finnish Lapland.110 Finnish elite circles have entertained nationalistic and romantic ideas about the north as the “land of the future” as early as the Finnish autonomous era (19th century), and such ideas were fuelled by the cultural atmosphere of the early 20th century.111 The known value of natural resources in Lapland – forests, hydroelectric power, arable land, and minerals – was still negligible in the 1920s and 1930s. During the World War II, Finnish geogra- pher Ilmari Hustich, for example, clearly saw not only Finnish Lapland but the whole of the northern zone as a huge region of untapped natural resources, suggesting that the northern countries should take advantage of these richers.112The impact of the war was evident in both the 1951 report of a national industrial committee and in a book by the then Prime Minister, Urho Kekkonen, published in 1952, Onko maallamme malttia vaurastua? (Has our country the patience to prosper?).

The post-war cession of territories to the Soviet Union, the loss of hydroelectric power from the Vuoksi river and the expanding forest economy meant that the unharnessed rivers in Northern Finland began to interest power companies. Opportunities for the cultivation of new arable land in Lapland were also once more considered because the food situation was so poor after the war and domestic politics dictated that promises made during the war to give to war veterans their own land had to be fulfilled.113

In forestry, areas offering zero profit disappeared and ecologically valuable old-growth forest began to be cut down. The logic behind clear-felling, the increasingly efficient regeneration of forests, proved to be untena- ble when the seedling stands planted did not grow as well as expected.114 Harnessing the Kemijoki river for hydroelectric power from the estuary upwards put an end to the industry based on anadromous fish in the river and, with that, an end to the salmon peasant culture.115 The northward expansion of settlement proved to be state-subsidized poverty because most of the settlements emptied as the population escaped poverty and unemployment, either to Sweden or Southern Finland.

The programme of the Finnish government’s industrial committee began with the resource needs of the country’s government and business life.116 The underlying motivations were industrialization and compensation for the cession of territories to the Soviet Union caused by the war. The programme did not take into consideration developing the traditional local means of livelihood in Lapland or the conservation or protection of natural resources. In this sense, it represented intensification of the extractive economy. However, immediately after the war Lapland was an economically active area with positive net migration, thanks to new major industrial projects. The loss of migrant fish in Kemijoki aroused much widespread criticism. Nevertheless, there was no united opposition to the power plants since the mainstream population and the municipalities gave them their support because of the local jobs they created.117

Northern Norway occupied by Germany suffered from the ravages of war, as well. During the war, the towns of Kirkenes, Vardø, and Vadsø were bombed. The Germans also built camps for about 75,000 mainly USSR prisoners of war between 1941 and 1945. About 13,000 – 15,000 of the prisoners were killed. How- ever, it was not until the German retreat in late 1944 that the area between Southern Varanger (Nor: Sør-

110The following discussion on Finnish Lapland’s development is mainly based on Massa (1994). Ilmari Hustich (1946) gives an unique overview on Finnish Lapland based on a field trip through the whole area just after the war. Kustaa Vilkuna (1974) gives an idea of how the whole of the fishing culture in Lapland was lost directly because of the war. 111Klinge 1982. 112Hustich 1946, 216. Hustich continued to return to the idea of Finland’s northern natural resource reserves, particularly in his writings from the 1950s, see Hustich 1953. 113Varjo 1971, 47-74 and Varjo 1974. 114Järvinen,Kuusela &Väisänen 1977. 115Järvikoski 1979 ; Vilkuna 1974. 116Teollistamiskomitean mietintö 1951. 117Massa 1994, 234-247. 70 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

The Opening of the Circumpolar World ______

Varanger) and Lyngen were nearly completely destroyed. The scorched-earth policy was extended to Finn- mark and Troms in Norway and the result was complete destruction of all property and means of communication as the Germans withdrew.Almost the entire population (50,000) had to be evacuated south from Troms.118

Consequently, a development plan for Northern Norway was drawn up in the same year (1951) as a similar plan in Finland. The core of the plan consisted of supporting the mining and extractive industries, particularly the iron and steel works complex in Mo i Rana. Harnessing the hydroelectric power of Northern Norway was not only intended to the electrify the larger rural areas but also to support aluminum production and other electrochemical industries.119

The adoption of the northern reserves of fossil fuels, oil and natural gas, is partly connected to the World War II because the war had exposed the vulnerability of the energy economy of the industrialized western world. The history of the exploitation of the oil and gas reserves in the continental shelves around the North Sea and other northern seas began in 1959 with the discovery of the second largest natural gas field in the world in Slochteren, northern Netherlands. The gas was discovered in sediments, which geologists estimated would continue west and north, from Dutch coastal waters to the North Sea, all the way to the continental shelves off Britain and Norway.120 It was the offshore technology, tested on Lake Maracaibo, in Venezuela, the Gulf of Mexico and other places in the 1960s, that made the commercial exploitation of offshore oil possible. The discovery of the Ekofisk oil and gas field in 1969 was a turning-point in the history of the North Sea oil economy. After this, new oil and gas fields were discovered under both the Norwegian and British continental shelves.

In all, the war history of the Finnish Lapland is in many ways special case. Finland like Denmark, Norway and to a lesser degree Sweden were colonized by Nazi Germany and became, at least partly, its peripheries. Finland tried to maintain its independence between the pressures coming from not only from Germany but also from the Soviet Union. After three wars, the entire infrastructure of Finnish Lapland was destroyed and some key areas lost. After the war, the country tried to get itself straight to compensate for the loss of Karelia and put the most prolific natural resources to use, not considering the traditional industries and the conservation of resources. This reaching out towards the north was an attempt by Finland’s government to solve se- vere economic problems brought on by the Winter War, the Continuation War and the Lapland War, sepa- rately and in combination. As a consequence, the economic focus in Finnish Lapland shifted between 100 and 200 kilometers further north than before the war, which is why we can talk about the government-run extractive economy in Finnish Lapland developing particularly after World War II.

Conclusions This article defends the hypothesis that the world as a whole reacted to the crisis brought on by the World War II by geographical expansion and by building up an associated extractive economy. In general, the war and its various consequences resulted in increasingly extensive exploitation of the world’s northern peripheries. However, it is not quite accurate to say that the exploitation of the north began during World War II since it continued a trend already established over several decades in the circumpolar north.

We followed the trends in the three separate national and sub-national regions in the circumpolar north whose position in the world system were different. The main players were Germany, the United States (to-

118Mead 1974, 32 and Rea 1976, 181-182. 119Paine 1982. 120Lind & Mackay 1979, 10. 71 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Ilmo Massa & Alla Bolotova ______gether with Great Britain) and the Soviet Union, all exercising powerful influence in the circumpolar world. The first important shift was Germany’s penetration in Denmark, Norway, and Finland, somewhat lesser extent Sweden and finally in the Soviet Union. The second was the penetration of the Soviet Union first into Finland during the Winter War and then towards its own northern and eastern peripheries, particularly after the attack by the Nazi Germany. The third was the decision of the United States to take part in the war and consequently to colonize, more or less benignly, Canada, Iceland and Greenland to counter-attack the Axis powers.

The most important trends were the following. First, the war alerted the belligerent core governments to the strategic, economic, political and geopolitical importance of the northern regions. Second, there was the direct impact of combat on the northern environment in the form of scorched-earth tactics and increased levels of pollution. Third, the dwindling resources of the belligerents increased reliance on northern sources. Fourth, because of the advances in weapons technology, nuclear weapons in particular, the Arctic Ocean became the intermediate sea across which the former Allies, the United States and the Soviet Union, would have been able to attack each other’s heartlands. Fifth, after the war the southern parts of the northern zone were opened up for extractive industrialization. The industrial extractive economy seems to have had a relatively marked effect in the northern zone because the resistance to the developers has traditionally been quite low. The ecological costs of development were totally ignored during war as well as during the decades of post-war reconstruction and rapid economic growth.

The extractive economies of the centers produce many political and economic variations in the various parts of the northern zone. Fig. 2 shows three types of intensive extractive economy associated with World War II. First, in North America there is a expansive resource capitalistic type. The economic centre of gravity shifted to the North and almost the whole of northern North America from Labrador to Alaska, after which Green- land and Iceland came under the influence of the various war projects. This resource capitalism proceeded in harmony with the aims of the provinces and/or federal governments which were trying to attract new investment to their areas. Second, there is the Soviet expansive totalitarian variant of the extractive economy based on forced labor and prison camps, and later with some genuine financial benefits. In this highly centralized system, little thought was given to the increasing costs and risks of production on northern nature and native peoples. Third, there is a defeated Finland, which almost fell victim to the war between the Soviet Union and Germany and then tried to put itself straight thorough the government-run extractive economy. This happened with little regard for the traditional industries and the conservation of resources.

The end of the Cold War led to a steep decline in the Arctic strategic significance when NATO’s emphasis was shifted from territorial defense against the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, its fa- mous northern fleet was decommissioned. In 2006, the United States pulled out of the Keflavik airbase in Iceland.

The remilitarization of the Arctic states is now under way in the cores, the United States and Canada and Russia. Outside of them, Denmark and especially Norway have developed considerable naval strength and military presence in the Arctic.121 A reason for renewed militarization might be that the value of the northern resources is rising again as a raw material source of timber, minerals, and especially fossil fuels. One reason for this is the global warming which could make Arctic ice-free in summer, perhaps more rapidly than the climate models are projecting. Multinational companies and “circumpolar” governments are waiting impa- tiently to tap the huge natural resource potential of the circumpolar north. The core countries will support the resource companies and give them generous support, because they want to protect their high-energy socie-

121Emmerson 2011, 136-137. 72 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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The resource scarcity

World War II

The northern Soviet Norhern Canada Northern Finland Union’s -Expansive northern - The total ravages of economy and natural war -Stalin’s totalitarian regime resource sector - Intensive state-run

- Forced extractive

-U.S. based multinationals extractive economy economy T -Northern development - State-run development -The forced migrations programs programmes - The GULAG system as an -New defense and military - Hydroelectric power economic organization projects, extensive traffic stations, intensive - Mining for precious networks forest ry, marginal metals and transport agricultural networks. colonisation.

The intensive extractive economy

Fig. 2. The processes of extractive economy caused by the WW II in northern Canada, the Soviet Union and Northern Finland ties. The peripheries are once again the peripheries and semi-peripheries in the circumpolar north. The development of more accessible and more economically important Arctic hydrocarbons is of global, economic, environmental and geopolitical significance.122 The Arctic will become much more integrated into the industrialized world, becoming its economic engine and raw material source. It has become important to study the northern regions, take military control of them and develop new defensive weapons for a possible threat from the north. It is also important to see that the Arctic Ocean has become an important area for cooperation in the solving the sea’s pollution problems. In 1996, the Arctic Council was formed. The 1990s were a time of unprecedented cooperation between northern countries operating at many different levels.123

The large-scale historical exploitation of the northern zone fits in very well with the model we constructed in the introduction. However, this model has its weaknesses, being an idealized description of general relationships that tends to miss differences in scale and power between various core regions. However, we hope that our article will stimulate new interest in research and discussion on these important problems.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank anonymous referees for their comments on the previous version of the article. A starting-point of the article is Ilmo Massa’s article “Toinen maailmansota ja maailmantalouden pohjoistuminen” in Simo Laakkonen and Timo Vuorisalo (eds) Sodan ekologia. Sodankäynnin ympäristöhistoriaa. Ilmo Massa has written the theoretical and methodological sections and the chapters on Northern Canada and Northern Finland. Alla Bolotova is responsible for the section concerning the Soviet Union. The maps have been drawn by Tarmo Virtanen. Finnish Academy has supported Ilmo Massa’s work.

122Emmerson 2011, 219 123Smith 2011, 248-261. 73 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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Authors

Docent, Associate Professor Ilmo Massa ([email protected]) is an environmental social scientist in the University of Helsinki, Department of Environmental Sciences. He has written the first doctoral theses related to environmental history in Finland (Poh- joinen luonnonvalloitus, The Northern Conquest of Nature, 1994) and has been pioneer- ing in other areas of environmental social science, as well.

Alla Bolotova, PhD candidate, University of Lapland. Alla is a qualitative sociologist interested in human-nature relation and environmental history of Soviet industrialization. She studied sociology at the European University at St. Petersburg and worked at the Centre for independent social research (St. Petersburg, Russia) and the Arctic Cen- tre (Rovaniemi, Finland).

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______

Petri Juuti Halpa vesi vai hyvä palvelu?

______

Abstract: Cheap Price or Good Service? Management of water resources and water services is currently a subject of public discussion worldwide. A multidisciplinary “Water and society” series of seminars focusing on long-term development of water services and communities were held in Tampere 2011-2012. The seminar series aim at creating and promoting discussion and presenting the views of researchers of various fields to decision-makers.

The seminars were co-hosted by the International Environmental History Group (IEHG) at University of Tampere, the Capacity Development in Water and Environmental Services (CADWES) team at Tampere University of Technology, and the joint International Centre for Environmental Services Governance Re- search (ICES) formed by the IEHG and CADWES teams. Some of the presentations were held in English by invited international experts. Argumenta funding is intended to stimulate dialogue between researchers of different fields of science on important current research topics. From time to time, the Finnish Cultural Foundation requests proposals from university departments or scientific organizations for initiating Argu- menta projects. Our Water and Society (In Finnish: Vesi ja yhdyskuntien kehitys) Argumenta series received funding for six seminars, 2011–-2012.

The fifth Argumenta seminar was held at the University of Tampere on December 11th 2012. The seminar theme was “Cheap price or good service?” The topic was approached from various perspectives by six lecturers. The lecturers were: Prof. Johannes Haarhoff, University of Johannesburg, MA Viktor Pál, University of Tampere, Adjunct Prof. Tapio Katko, Tampere Univesity of Technology, Dr. Riikka Rajala, University of Tampere, MSc Ossi Heino, Tampere Univesity of Technology, and Adjuct Prof. Pekka Masonen, University of Tampere. The last seminar Water myths and facts is 21st of September at University of Tampere. More about it in next issue.

Keywords: Argumenta, IEHG, CADWES

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Petri Juuti ______

Halpa vesi vai hyvä palvelu?

IEHG-ryhmä, YKY, Tampereen yliopisto, isännöi 11.5. Vesi ja yhdyskunnan kehitys -seminaarisarjan vii- dettä seminaaria. Yhteensä päivän aikana tilaisuutta saapui kuulemaan reilut 30 henkilöä.

Tietoa ja koulutusta tarvitaan Päivän ensimmäisen esitelmän piti professori Johannes Haarhoff, University of Johannesburg: "Social equality and opportunity versus environmental concerns: a political dilemma".

Työkaluja water governanceen eli hyvään vesihallintoon tarvitaan kipeästi. Tarvitaan myös mallia veden hinnan muodostamiseen ja veteen liittyviin arvoihin, korosti Haarhoff. Water policy, vesipolitiikka, ei riitä yksin, ei myöskään säätelyinstrumentit eli regulointi. Tarvitaan laajempaa tietoisuutta asioista sekä koulutusta. Malli veden hinnoitteluun voi muodostua useista eri asioista. Ensin täytyy kuitenkin määritellä, onko vesi erityistapaus? Savanije 2002 toteaa, että vesi on erityinen, sitä on vähän, sitä ei voi tehdä lisää eikä sitä voi vangita, vesi on systeemi, emme voi pakata vettä pienempään tilaan, se on mitä on ja se ei ole vapaasti liiku- teltavaa tai kaupattavaa ja kaiken tämän lisäksi se on monimutkainen asia.

Veden hinta koostuu useista eri komponenteista (supply cost, economic cost, full cost). Veden arvo myöskin koostuu lukuisista komponenteista. Haarhoff myös haastoi kuulijat miettimään mikä on kestävää kehitystä. Ovatko "cost of water" & "value of water" miten syhteessa toisiinsa. Veden arvo on huomattavasti enemmän kuin veden hinta on.

Professori Haarhoff myös käsitteli Etelä-Afrikan taustoja, ihmisiä, ympäristöä, vesivaroja ja vesivarojen hallintaa. Etelä-Afrikassa on hyvin paljon terveyteen liittyviä ongelmia, mm. imeväiskuolleisuus on huomattavasti suurempi kuin muissa keskitulon maissa. Etelä-Afrikan imeväiskuolleisuus on 13 kertaa suurempi tällä hetkellä kuin Suomessa. Myös elinikäodote on huomattavasti alhaisempi, naisilla hieman yli 50 vuotta ja miehillä n.50 vuotta. Myös työttömyys on erittäin vakava ongelma.

Noin 40% eteläafrikkalaisista elää köyhyydessä. Nämä ja monet muut ongelmat saadaan ratkaistua vain pois- tamalla köyhyys. Ympäristöongelmia on useita. Esimerkiksi kaivosteollisuus aiheuttaa runsaasti ympäristö- ongelmia. Acid mine drainage, AMD, on valtava ongelma. Vesi täyttää hylätyt kaivokset ja saastunut vesi, joka sisältää paljon sulfaatteja, metalleja ja jopa radioaktiivisia aineksia, pääsee vesistöihin.

Seuraava esitelmöitsijä oli MA Viktor Pál, TAY, IEHG, otsikolla: "What was cheap in state-socialism: To pay the pollution fine, or to modernize waste-water treatment? A history of water pollution fines in Hungary in the 1960s." Esitelmä perustui hänen loppusuoralla olevaan väitöskirjaansa. Esitelmä julkaistaan myöhemmin lehdessämme.

Kohti kestävämpiä vesihuollon periaatteita Päivän kolmannessa esitelmässä dosentti Tapio Katko, TTY, puhui aiheesta: "Kohti kestävämpiä vesihuollon periaatteita". Katko kertoi muun muassa, että pitkän aikavälin tarkastelua tarvitaan. Nyt monet asiat esi- tetään suurimpina haasteina koskaan, vaikka pitkällä aikavälillä tarkasteltuna suuria ratkaisuja on tarvinnut tehdä aiemminkin. Vesihuolto on muutakin kuin yksityinen tai julkinen hyödyke. Vedellä on lukuisia funkti- oita. Erityisesti kehittyvissä maissa jokaisen tulee maksaa vedestä tavalla tai toisella. Ei välttämättä kuitenkaan samaan aikaan, samaa määrää tai samalla tavalla. Kustannusminimi on äärimmäisen harvoin edulli- suusoptimi. Sen sijaan, että puhutaan kustannuksista, pitäisikin puhua arvoista. Mitä me todella haluamme?

80 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Halpa vesi vai hyvä palvelu? ______

Pitkälti epäonnistuneita politiikkatason asioissa on ollut mm. ilmaisen veden politiikka ja yksityistämispoli- tiikka. Ne hyvin pitkälti osoittautuivat epäonnistuneiksi. Kansalaisen kannalta on kehityksessä tässä asiassa menetetty puoli vuosisataa vaikka pitkää historiallista kokemusta olisi ollut käytettävissä hyvin pitkältä aika- väliltä.

Vettä, voita vai sähköä? Seminaaripäivän neljännessä esitelmässä luennoi TkT Riikka Rajala, TAY: "Vettä, voita vai sähköä?". Ve- den hinnasta Rajala käytti esimerkkinä Hämeenlinnan veden hintaa. Hän käsitteli hinnan vaihtelua 100 vuoden aikana. Vesilaitos perustettiin Hämeenlinnaan 1910. Indeksikorjatun hinnan muodostus meni siten, että alussa vesi oli suhteellisen kallista. Alkuvuosien jälkeen hinta halpeni kunnes se 1970-luvulta alkaen alkoi taas kallistua. Tällä hetkellä vesi on suurin piirtein yhtä kallista elinkustannusindeksillä korjattuna kuin 1910. Lähtökohtaisesti vesi on aina mitattu ja laskutus on perustunut kulutukseen. Nyt myös kerrostaloihin saadaan huoneistokohtaisia mittareita.

Veden lämmittäminen noin 55 -asteiseksi maksaa n.4-5 euroa. Sähkön hinnalla on suuri merkitys kokonai- suuden kannalta. Sähkön hinta on muuttunut rajusti alkaen tarkastelun alkuvuodesta 1911. Aluksi sähkö oli hyvin kallista, mutta vuoteen 1995 mennessä hinta oli laskenut noin yhteen kahdeskymmenesosaan elinkus- tannusindeksillä korjattuna. Vuodesta 1993 alkaen nykyhetkeen tarkasteltuna kotitalouskäyttäjän ja sähkö- lämmittäjän hinta on noin kaksinkertaistunut. Voita on jatkuvasti saanut ns. työmiehen palkalla tarkasteluai- kana enemmän ja enemmän. Kulutukseen vaikuttavat kuitenkin monet muutkin tekijät kuin hinta. Esimerkik- si voin kulutus on laskenut yli 10 kilosta vuodessa per henkilö noin kolmeen kiloon. Asenteet vaikuttavat myös veden kulutukseen, ei vain hinta. Asumiseen ja energiaan menee yli neljännes menoista tällä hetkellä. Kylmä ja lämmin vesi on noin 18 % näistä menoista, sähkö n. 6 %. Esimerkiksi Ylöjärvellä nyt saa yhdellä eurolla kylmää vettä ja jätevedenpuhdistusta 250 litraa, voita 330 g tai yleissähköä 9,6kWh. Kuluttajan nä- kökulmasta muuten kehitys on ollut toivottavaa, mutta sähkön osalta viime vuosien kehitys on ollut epätoi- vottava.

Tuleeko halpa vesi kalliiksi? Päivän viides esitelmä: DI Ossi Heino, TTY: "Tuleeko halpa vesi kalliiksi? Heino aloitti esitelmänsä kahta ongelmakenttää kuvaavalla lainauksella: "Meiltä ei koskaan puutu rahaa, kun on kyse mieliteoista ainoastaan hyödyllisen ja välttämättömän hinnasta me marisemme". Näin totesi Honoré de Ballzac. Alf Rein puolestaan kertoi, että hintakäsitys muodostuu siitä, mihin on totuttu. Heinon mukaan veden hinnoittelu ei ole pelkäs- tään taloustieteellinen ongelma, vaan moniulotteinen ja kompleksinen asia. Vesi on myös elämän ehto, sitä ilman ei voi elää. Suomessa olemme tavallaan mukavan ongelman edessä, sillä meillä on vettä saatavilla johonkin hintaan.

Halvan veden hinta on historiallinen ilmiö, erityisesti 1950-l Yhdysvalloissa keskusteltiin vesialan ammatti- lehdissä laajasti siitä, että vesi on liian halpaa. Pohdittava olisikin, mitä eroa on hinnalla ja kustannuksilla. Vertaa autokauppaan, kustannukset eivät pysähdy kaupankäyntiin. Jos taas verrataan virallista autokauppaa ja autojobbaria, jobbarilta saa auton halvemmalla hinnalla, mutta kustannukset voivat koitua todella kalleik- si. Sama analogia pätee veteen. Adam Smith mietiskeli, miksi ihmiset ovat halukkaita maksamaan timanteis- ta paljon enemmän kuin vedestä, vaikka vesi on elintärkeää, timantit eivät. Kyseessä on ns. vesiparadoksi. Vesihuollolta ei puutukaan rahaa vaan prioriteetteja ja arvostusta.

Elämme sosiaalisten ja markkinatalouden pelisääntöjen maailmassa eli kahdessa maailmassa samaan aikaan. Kun maailmat sekoittuvat, ollaan ongelmissa. Niin kauan kuin maailmat ovat erillään, ei tule ongelmia. Ve- sihuoltoon liittyy hyviä ja lämpöisiä, rahassa mittaamattomia arvoja. Samalla kuitenkin vaikuttavat taloustie- 81 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

Petri Juuti ______

teelliset realiteetit. Ollaan epämukavuusvyöhykkeellä. Uutisjutun saa tehtyä kun esimerkiksi kyseessä on suuri näkyvä, äänekäs, skandaalimainen asia. Hiljaisista, mukavista asioista on vaikea saada uutista. Dobellin 2010 mukaan on olemassa asioita, joita on helppoa aliarvostaa ja yliarvostaa. Esimerkiksi joidenkin kymme- nien kuolema vuosittain lento-onnettomuuksissa on suurempi uutinen kuin miljoonien kuolema vesi- ja sani- taatio-ongelmissa. Jos hiljaisia tapahtumia ja vähemmän mediaseksikkäitä asioita ei uutisoida niin todennä- köisyys suurien ongelmien kärjistymiseen entuudestaan kasvaa entisestään.

Lyhyen tähtäimen ratkaisuja on helpompi tehdä kuin pitkän aikavälin ratkaisuja. Alf Rehnin mukaan todelli- nen johtaja pystyy tekemään pitkän aikavälin ratkaisuja vaikka ne lyhyellä aikavälillä toisivatkin ns. lokaa niskaan. Hitaissa prosesseissa on vaikea tarttua päätöksien tekoon vaikka seuraukset toimettomuudesta olisi- vatkin tiedossa. Nyt verkostojen ikääntyminen on monella tapaa vaikea asia tarttua. Aristoteles on todennut, että on todennäköistä, että jotain epätodennäköistä tapahtuu. Kannattaisi kehittää järjestelmä, joka kestää muutoksia mahdollisimman hyvin. Kannattaa pelata varman päälle.

Puhdas keho, epäpuhdas mieli Päivän viimeisen esitelmän: ”Puhdas keho, epäpuhdas mieli: japanilainen kylpyläkulttuuri länsimaisin silmin” piti dosentti Pekka Masonen, TAY. Katso asiasta tarkemmin tässä lehdessä julkaistusta Masosen artik- kelista, alkaen sivulta 33.

82 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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News

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New water related project:

Water as Social and Cultural Space: Changing Values and Representation

The Academy of Finland has selected the projects to be included in the Research Programme on the Sustain- able Governance of Aquatic Resources (AKVA). Within the AKVA programme, a total of EUR 11 million is granted to twelve research projects. The programme is highly multidisciplinary and focuses on researching aquatic resources and their use from various perspectives, including environmental research, law and culture research.

The aim of the project is to understand the meanings of water and how water, as an essential life-vitalizing element, plays a conceptual role in cultural orientation both in global and local contexts and how cultural practices intersect with environmental concerns. Water will be understood as a geographical and physical construct, as well as a cognitive and cultural construction. It is our aim to underline the polyvalence of meanings, and values given to water. At stake are the economic, social and political implications of the cultural representations of water. The project aims to enlarge knowledge of the large reservoir of symbols, metaphors and imagery of water; to enhance the capacity and competence for the future governance of sustainable water issues; to enhance critical knowledge of the technological infrastructure as part of the social imagination; and to create a productive methodological dialogue between literary, language and cultural studies, historical, and environmental studies, and engineering. More information: www.uta.fi/aqua

83 Ympäristöhistoria Finnish Journal of Environmental History 3/2012

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New books, highly recommended by YFJEH

Paperback edition: Thinking through the Environment. Green Approaches to Global History. See at: http://www.whpress.co.uk/TTE.html