The Representation of Youth Dreams in Chinese Cinema Thesis
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Cinematic History and Multi-Subcultural Analysis: The Representation of Youth Dreams in Chinese Cinema Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Sheng Qu, M.A. Graduate Program in East Asian Studies The Ohio State University 2014 Thesis Committee: Kirk Denton, Advisor Mark Bender Namiko Kunimoto Copyright by Sheng Qu 2014 Abstract The term dream (meng) may be one of the most frequently used terms in Chinese mass media today. Nowhere has the modern been as intimately connected with young people as it has been in China. As a historical testimony, Chinese film has long paid close attention to images of young people and their dreams. Despite China’s elaborate film censorship system, commercial film, as a type of new cultural production in the market economy, has a degree of freedom to express their individual understandings of the real dreams of Chinese youth, which are not always in harmony with the official “China dream”. Against this background, this thesis explores the representation of youth dreams in Chinese cinema from two perspectives, cinematic history and multi-subcultural analysis. First, inheriting the academic tradition of historical analysis from western academia, I analyze the image of youth dreams in the history of Chinese film and indicate new commercialized trends of cinematic representation of Chinese youth dreams. Second, I attempt to establish a multi-subcultural framework, consisting of generational, structural, and intersectional models of subcultural theories. By applying the framework, the thesis takes the film series Tiny Times as a case to examine how current Chinese cinema represents the image of Chinese young people’s dreams, considering their relationships with parents, peers, and lovers. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family 献给我的家人 iii Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Kirk Denton, for his constant support and insightful advice. Without the invaluable help I got from him, the completion of this thesis would not have been possible. I am grateful to Dr. Namiko Kunimoto, for her meticulous feedback and suggestions to my thesis. I also wish to thank Dr. Mark Bender and Dr. Heather Inwood, who taught me much about how to conduct academic researches. Last but not least, my deep gratitude goes to my parents for their eternal understanding and love. All of you have helped make this thesis possible. iv Vita 2001-2005......................................Hailar No.2 High School, Inner Mongolia, China 2005-2009...........................B.A. Photography, Communication University of China 2009-2011............M.A. Broadcast Journalism, Communication University of China Fields of Study Major Field: East Asian Studies v Table of Contents Abstract .............................................................................................................................. ii Dedication .........................................................................................................................iii Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................iv Vita ......................................................................................................................................v List of Figures .................................................................................................................viii Chapter 1: Introduction .......................................................................................................1 1.1. Literature Review .......................................................................................................4 1.2. Multi-Subcultural Framework on Contemporary Chinese Youth Studies..................8 Chapter 2: Locating Youth Dreams in the History of Chinese Film.................................22 2.1. Destruction of Youth Dreams (1930s and 1940s).....................................................23 2.2. Revolutionary Youth Dreams (1950s and mid-1970s) ............................................26 2.3. Renaissance of Youth Dreams (mid-1970s and 1980s)............................................28 2.4. Crisis of Youth Dreams (1990s and 2000s) .............................................................31 2.5. Commercialization of Youth Dreams (2010--present) ........................................... 34 Chapter 3: A Case Analysis on Tiny Times ......................................................................43 3.1.Guo Jingming and Tiny Times...................................................................................44 3.2.Generational Analysis: Post-80s............................................................................... 47 3.3.Structural Analysis: Rich Second Generation ...........................................................52 3.4.Intersectional Analysis: White-Rich-Beautiful Ladies............................................. 57 vi Chapter 4: Conclusion ......................................................................................................63 Filmography ......................................................................................................................67 Glossary ............................................................................................................................69 References......................................................................................................................... 72 vii List of Figures Figure 1: Multi-Subcultural Analytic Framework ............................................................19 viii Chapter 1 Introduction The word dream (meng) may be one of the most frequently used terms in Chinese mass media today, a fashion that can be attributed to Xi Jinping, who became the President of China in 2012 and who often uses the term “China dream” (Zhongguo meng) to summarize the future vision of “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.”1 As an ideological slogan to describe China’s future, the China dream is bound to be inextricably linked with contemporary Chinese young people, the future leaders of China. The context of present Chinese mainstream propaganda describes that the personal ambitions of the younger generations should be combined with the dreams of the nation at large. An example related to the medium of television, which is highly infused with the values of official state ideology, reflects that the situation constructed by the notion of the China dream is a national myth. Beginning in May 2013, Shanghai Dragon Television, a state-run provincial station, broadcast Chinese Idol after buying the rights to the show from British Fremantle Media. Although Chinese Idol is still its official English name due to production principles of the original edition, the Chinese production team now uses Voices of the China Dream (Zhongguo meng zhi sheng) as the Chinese name of the reality show that targets a youth audience. Owing to the state backing of Shanghai Dragon Television, this process of renaming demonstrates, to a large extent, a sort of unconscious in Chinese mainstream 1 Since 1997, after the Chinese Communist Party's 15th National Party Congress,“the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation (中华民族的伟大复兴)” was gradually adopted into official ideology. 1 ideology that is sensitive to the idea of idols. Concretely speaking, this unconscious has actively prohibited any form of idols from being launched upon society through its media, despite their attractiveness. This means that, to say nothing of dissenters and politicians, present Chinese mainstream ideology is afraid of any personal heroism being portrayed in popular culture. Moreover, the title Voices of the China Dream attempts to cover up individual dreams, reattributing them to those of the nation. Against this background, any personal reasons for singing are relegated to the desire to sing the praises of the national dream. To increase attention for the final episode, the penultimate episode of the show’s first season became a gala entitled “Singing the China Dream, Praising the Builders,” in which Han Hong, a famous Tibetan singer and one of the show’s judges, sang a song called “Youth.” Such concepts as dream, nation, and youth have clearly been integrated into a nationalism myth of the “China dream” on the platform of official state media. As one of “the Communist Party's mouthpieces,”2 Chinese television is controlled by the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television (SAPPRFT) and has certainly been central to the creation of the myth of the China dream, a myth that is accordance with the nationalism emphasized by Chinese mainstream ideology. Hence, in the medium of television, youth culture influenced by the national myth is bound to reflect the situation expected by the official mainstream rather than the diversified and complicated identities of real Chinese young people. By contrast, despite China’s elaborate film censorship system, commercial film, as a type of new cultural production in the market economy, does not assume the responsibility of being one of “the Communist Party’s mouthpieces.” As long as they do not radically resist the official 2 The phrase Communist Party's mouthpiece (党的喉舌) is used for describing the function of official state media by Chinese government. 2 ideology, filmmakers have a degree of freedom to express their individual understandings of the real dreams of Chinese youth,