DOCSLIB.ORG

The Case of the National Anarchist Movement

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Case of the National Anarchist Movement The Radical Left in Ukraine since Maidan: The Case of the National Anarchist Movement -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TITLE PICTURE CREDIT: NIHILIST MASTER THESIS ALEXANDRA WISHART 2313886 WORDCOUNT: 32,126 (EXCLUDING ANNEXES AND REFERENCES) DR. IVAN GOMZA & DR. HUSEYN ALIYEV INT. MASTER IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN, RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN STUDIES (CEERES) MASTER OF ARTS IN SOCIAL SCIENCES (CENTRAL AND EAST EUROPEAN & RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN STUDIES) MASTER OF ARTS IN SOCIOLOGY DATE: 02-09-2019 1 Table of Content 1. Introduction 7 1.1 Research problem and aim 9 1.2 Research Questions 12 1.3 Outline of the thesis 13 2. Theoretical Framework 14 3. Methodology 26 3.1 Limitations of Study 29 3.2 Data sources and methods 31 3.3 Sample description 32 3.4 Study populations(s) 33 3.5 Data process and coding 34 3.6 Credibility, transferability, trustworthiness and confirmability 35 4. Relevance of anarchism and left-wing social movements in Ukraine 37 5. Analysis: The National Anarchist Movement as the embodiment of 40 cleavages in the wider Ukrainian society 5.1 Cleavages within the ‘New Radical Left’ 41 5.2 Sexism 44 5.3 Cult of Personality and the old left successor 47 5.4 Attitudes towards Russia and the war 50 5.5 Nationalism 54 5.6 Changes after Euromaidan 55 6. National Anarchism 57 6.1 Origins Branding Problem 57 6.2 Coalition 58 6.3 Ideological Trajectory 59 6.4 Ideology 61 6.5 Pragmatism 64 6.6 Historical narratives 65 7. Changes in the relationship between actors of the New Radical Left 69 7.1 Relationship between members of the National-Anarchist Alliance 70 7.2 Relationship between National-Anarchist Groups with liberal and 72 human rights organizations 2 7.3 Relationship between National-Anarchist and Post-Anarchist Groups 72 7.4 Conflicts between various groups of the Ukrainian Radical Left 73 7.5 Conflicts in-between far-right groups 75 7.6 Cooperation within far-right groups 76 7.7 Relationship between members of the National-Anarchist Alliance 78 and far-right/nationalist groups 7.8 Conflicts between far-right and Ukrainian Radical Left 79 Conclusion 82 Annex 87 a) Annex A) Interview Guide 87 b) Annex B) Code Book 92 c) Annex C) Participant Observation Sheets 94 d) Annex D) Interviews 106 e) Annex E) Bibliography 257 f) Annex F) Plain Language Statement 267 g) Annex G) Consent Form 269 h) Annex H) Electronic Signature 271 3 List of Groups and Acronyms Amnesty International Autonomous Action / Avtonomy Opir / Автономний опір Avantgard / Avantgard/ Авангард Azov / Azov / Азов Black Committee / Chornyi Komitet / Чорний Комітет Black Flag / Chornyy Styag/Чорний Стяг Black Rainbow (*) / Black Rainbow’/ Chornaya Raduga / Чёрная Радуга C-14 / Sich / С14 (Січ) Carpathian Sich / Karpatska Sich / Карпа́тська Січ Ecological Platform / Екологічна платформа Ecological Action / EcoAction/ЕкоДія Freedom / Svoboda / Свобода Freikorps / фрікорпс Insight / Insight / Інсайт Katekhon / Катехон, National Corps / Nacionalnyy Korpus / Національний Корпус New Flame / Novy Vogon’/ Новий Вогонь Nihilist / Nihilist/ Нігіліст Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) / Orhanizatsiya Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv / Організація Українських Націоналістів (ОУН) Right Sector / Pravyi Sektor / Правий сектор RevDia - Revolutionary Action / Revoluciyna Diya / Revolucionnoe Deystviye / Революционное Действие Silver Rose/Sribna Roza/Срібна Роза Sisterhood of Saint Olga / Sestrynstvo Svyatoi Olgy / Сестринство Святої Ольги Sfera / Сфера (ХЖО) Social Movement / SocRukh / СоцРух Tradition and Order / Traditsia I Poryadok / Традиція і Порядок Zentropa / Zentropa / Зентропа ATO - Autonomous Resistance AWU – Anti-Terrorist Operation CFTU – Autonomous Workers Union* 4 CPSU – Communist Party of the Soviet Union* CPU – Communist Party of Ukraine DPR – Donetsk People’s Republic Academy LO – Left Opposition LPR – Lugansk People’s Republic OM RCAS – Revolutionary Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists SAU - Union of Ukrainian Anarchists SPU – Socialist Party of Ukraine *does not exist any longer 5 Abstract With political fringe groups gaining momentum during the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013, much scholarly attention has been given to actors of the radical right while dynamics by the so- called ‘New Radical Left’ have been ignored. In its past the New Radical Left was striving for cultural hegemony; however, their influence diminished when the movement developed severe ideological cleavages after Euromaidan. With an ideologically divided ‘New Radical Left’ one new group, the ‘National Anarchists’, has entered Ukraine’s political arena with the aim of re- appropriating the concepts of Ukrainian nationalism and the idea of an anti-imperial struggle against Russia embodying contemporary Ukrainian society’s internal division on those issues. This research aims to address the ways in which social movements and radical groups can change their political agendas due to shocking and unexpected political events, such as the Euromaidan Revolution in 2013. While political opportunity structures matter, internal dynamics within movements are often stronger indicators for the movement’s political course and path of alliance building. Posing the question of how and why internal cleavages within the pre-Maidan Ukrainian radical left have led to a fragmentation of the movement, this research additionally seeks to address how this dynamic has led to the creation of a new Ukrainian political phenomena - national anarchism. By analyzing how different social movements active on the political fringes of the Ukrainian presidential democratic system operate, this research aims to give insight into the existing political players but also on the ways political communities are built in contemporary Ukraine. As a country undergoing significant political and social transformation, the timeliness of this research cannot be overestimated. With Ukraine pushing for democratic reform, the country experiences the effects of a pro-European alignment with political fringe groups on both sides of the political spectrum striving for visibility. The fact that most scholarly attention is directed at the prominence and dynamics of the Ukraine’s Radical Right, similar patterns on the left remain understudied. 6 (1) Introduction When in November 2013, a small group of students protested the Ukrainian government’s refusal to sign the Free trade and Association Agreement with the European Union, it kicked off a series of events that later became known as the Euromaidan Revolution (Onuch, 2015). Protesting for more political participation, human rights and socioeconomic stability and against corruption, large parts of the Ukrainian society mobilized (Onuch & Sasse, 2016); (Averre & Wolczuk, 2016). The sheer endless sea of opposition parties, social movements and later self- defense battalions that originated at this time would unify under the banner of fighting for Ukrainian dignity and against what they perceived as a return into the Russian orbit. While many researchers have analyzed the origins of the revolution and actors driving the Revolution, little to nothing is known about a small group of activists that has fought for the underlying values of self-determination, human rights, socioeconomic rights as well as freedom of expression and movement for over a decade. Although the Radical Left in Ukraine has been historically weak since the country’s independence in 1991, internal cracks related to differences in norms and values came to the forefront pre- and post-Maidan (Ichshenko, 2016). Like much of the Ukrainian population pre-Maidan, the heterogeneous Radical Left at the time was split on the issues of how to interpret what Euromaidan signifies for the movement and whether turning one’s back on Russia is the right way to move the country forward (ibid.). The events of the Euromaidan, the annexation of Crimea and the Russian-backed separatist war in Ukraine’s East have all influenced the building of ideological cleavages within an already diverse group of actors among Ukraine’s radical left. Often the existing cleavages were linked to linguistic issues as well as issues of identity and belonging. This meant that the question of what it meant to be Ukrainian, and especially who belongs and who doesn’t, was affecting the way different groups prioritized their political goals. While some anarchist groups highlighted that no state should be trusted, they withdrew their support of Euromaidan (ibid.). Others saw themselves in the history and lineage of radical left writers and intellectuals such as Mykhailo Drahomanov, Ivan Franko and Mykhailo Pavlyk which were key figures in the creation of the Ukrainian nationalist movement. Being strongly inspired by the socialist political tradition they not only set the tone for the intellectual Ukrainian left but also fulfilled a key role by creating the first Ukrainian political party the Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party and were among the first to verbalize the Ukrainian political struggle for independence. Their tradition which preceded the Soviet Union, later became interwoven by leftwing groups with the legacy of Nestor Makhno’s Black Army which became interwoven again with the continuity of Ukraine’s anti-imperial struggle (Zak, 2019); (Skirda, 2004). 7 Already existing pre-Maidan cleavages openly erupted in 2013 with the breakup of Ukraine’s biggest anarchist organization, the Autonomous Workers Union, on the issue of political support for Euromaidan. Splinters of different factions
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Language, Culture, and National Identity
    Language, Culture, and National Identity BY ERIC HOBSBAWM LANGUAGE, culture, and national identity is the ·title of my pa­ per, but its central subject is the situation of languages in cul­ tures, written or spoken languages still being the main medium of these. More specifically, my subject is "multiculturalism" in­ sofar as this depends on language. "Nations" come into it, since in the states in which we all live political decisions about how and where languages are used for public purposes (for example, in schools) are crucial. And these states are today commonly iden­ tified with "nations" as in the term United Nations. This is a dan­ gerous confusion. So let me begin with a few words about it. Since there are hardly any colonies left, practically all of us today live in independent and sovereign states. With the rarest exceptions, even exiles and refugees live in states, though not their own. It is fairly easy to get agreement about what constitutes such a state, at any rate the modern model of it, which has become the template for all new independent political entities since the late eighteenth century. It is a territory, preferably coherent and demarcated by frontier lines from its neighbors, within which all citizens without exception come under the exclusive rule of the territorial government and the rules under which it operates. Against this there is no appeal, except by authoritarian of that government; for even the superiority of European Community law over national law was established only by the decision of the constituent SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
    European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Poetry Sampler
    POETRY SAMPLER 2020 www.academicstudiespress.com CONTENTS Voices of Jewish-Russian Literature: An Anthology Edited by Maxim D. Shrayer New York Elegies: Ukrainian Poems on the City Edited by Ostap Kin Words for War: New Poems from Ukraine Edited by Oksana Maksymchuk & Max Rosochinsky The White Chalk of Days: The Contemporary Ukrainian Literature Series Anthology Compiled and edited by Mark Andryczyk www.academicstudiespress.com Voices of Jewish-Russian Literature An Anthology Edited, with Introductory Essays by Maxim D. Shrayer Table of Contents Acknowledgments xiv Note on Transliteration, Spelling of Names, and Dates xvi Note on How to Use This Anthology xviii General Introduction: The Legacy of Jewish-Russian Literature Maxim D. Shrayer xxi Early Voices: 1800s–1850s 1 Editor’s Introduction 1 Leyba Nevakhovich (1776–1831) 3 From Lament of the Daughter of Judah (1803) 5 Leon Mandelstam (1819–1889) 11 “The People” (1840) 13 Ruvim Kulisher (1828–1896) 16 From An Answer to the Slav (1849; pub. 1911) 18 Osip Rabinovich (1817–1869) 24 From The Penal Recruit (1859) 26 Seething Times: 1860s–1880s 37 Editor’s Introduction 37 Lev Levanda (1835–1888) 39 From Seething Times (1860s; pub. 1871–73) 42 Grigory Bogrov (1825–1885) 57 “Childhood Sufferings” from Notes of a Jew (1863; pub. 1871–73) 59 vi Table of Contents Rashel Khin (1861–1928) 70 From The Misfit (1881) 72 Semyon Nadson (1862–1887) 77 From “The Woman” (1883) 79 “I grew up shunning you, O most degraded nation . .” (1885) 80 On the Eve: 1890s–1910s 81 Editor’s Introduction 81 Ben-Ami (1854–1932) 84 Preface to Collected Stories and Sketches (1898) 86 David Aizman (1869–1922) 90 “The Countrymen” (1902) 92 Semyon Yushkevich (1868–1927) 113 From The Jews (1903) 115 Vladimir Jabotinsky (1880–1940) 124 “In Memory of Herzl” (1904) 126 Sasha Cherny (1880–1932) 130 “The Jewish Question” (1909) 132 “Judeophobes” (1909) 133 S.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism
    Re-Branding a Nation Online Re-Branding a Nation Online Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism Magdalena Kania-Lundholm Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal IX, Universitets- huset, Uppsala, Friday, October 26, 2012 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Kania-Lundholm, M. 2012. Re-Branding A Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism. Sociologiska institutionen. 258 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2302-4. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more criti- cal literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the na- tionalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endur- ance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing con- texts.
    [Show full text]
  • From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy
    Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 1 • Issue 2 • 2005 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200502.003 From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy Mark Kann Tom Hayden posted on his website, http://www.tomhayden.com, an article he coauthored with Dick Flacks to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Port Huron Statement. The two SDS founders concluded, “Perhaps the most important legacy of the Port Huron Statement is the fact that it introduced the concept of participatory democracy to popular discourse and practice.” The concept of participatory democracy encompassed values such as equality, decentralization, and consensus decision-making. It provided direction for “all those trying to create a world where each person has a voice in the decisions affecting his or her life.” [1] In this article, I suggest that Port Huron’s concept of participatory democracy included some ideas that were potentially antithetical to democracy and that potential, unfortunately, is being fulfilled in contemporary theories of digital democracy. The Port Huron Statement Revisited The Port Huron Statement contained two underlying themes that potentially subverted democratic equality. One was the notion that the American people were fundamentally flawed, most apparently, by their apathy. The other was that the best means to eliminate this flaw was to follow the lead of rational, deliberative activists. Both themes could be (and would be) used to justify political inequalities. Port Huron’s student-authors expressed a dim view of American citizens. The American people had closed minds. They exhibited a foolish confidence that the nation could muddle through its problems. They harbored a false sense of contentment, “a glaze above deeply felt anxieties,” arising out of loneliness, isolation, and estrangement.
    [Show full text]
  • General Information About Ukraine
    General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq.
    [Show full text]
  • Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
    Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention.
    [Show full text]
  • Workplace Democracy: from a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back
    The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch Head of the Centre for Futures Studies University of Applied Sciences, Salzburg, Austria Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Paris Lodron University, Salzburg, Austria 1 The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy: From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch ABSTRACT In different political theories, democracy is not reduced to state institutions, but includes the democratization of the whole society, its organizations and enterprises. This idea goes back to the beginnings of modern democratic theory and to Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Social Contract. It was adopted by different socialist thinkers, later on by trade unions and, in the 1960s and 70s, by political scientists such as Carole Pateman and other promoters of participatory democracy. According to this tradition, workplace democracy is considered to be necessary for the realization of democratic ideals like individual autonomy, freedom, voice and participation in all relevant questions influencing citizens’ lives. Parts of this normative idea were realized by trade union movements and laws, especially in Western European countries. Nevertheless, workplace democracy in the sense of the above-mentioned theories remained far from becoming reality.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Imperial Choice This Page Intentionally Left Blank the Anti-Imperial Choice the Making of the Ukrainian Jew
    the anti-imperial choice This page intentionally left blank The Anti-Imperial Choice The Making of the Ukrainian Jew Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern Yale University Press new haven & london Disclaimer: Some images in the printed version of this book are not available for inclusion in the eBook. Copyright © 2009 by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and ex- cept by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Set in Ehrhardt type by The Composing Room of Michigan, Inc. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Petrovskii-Shtern, Iokhanan. The anti-imperial choice : the making of the Ukrainian Jew / Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-300-13731-6 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Jewish literature—Ukraine— History and criticism. 2. Jews in literature. 3. Ukraine—In literature. 4. Jewish authors—Ukraine. 5. Jews— Ukraine—History— 19th century. 6. Ukraine—Ethnic relations. I. Title. PG2988.J4P48 2009 947.7Ј004924—dc22 2008035520 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 (Permanence of Paper). It contains 30 percent postconsumer waste (PCW) and is certified by the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC). 10987654321 To my wife, Oxana Hanna Petrovsky This page intentionally left blank Contents Acknowledgments ix Politics of Names and Places: A Note on Transliteration xiii List of Abbreviations xv Introduction 1 chapter 1.
    [Show full text]
  • A War of Reputation and Pride
    A War of reputation and pride - An examination of the memoirs of German generals after the Second World War. HIS 4090 Peter Jørgen Sager Fosse Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History University of Oslo Spring 2019 1 “For the great enemy of truth is very often not the lie -- deliberate, contrived and dishonest -- but the myth -- persistent, persuasive, and unrealistic.” – John F. Kennedy, 19621 1John F. Kennedy, Yale University Commencement Address, https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkyalecommencement.htm, [01.05.2019]. 2 Acknowledgments This master would not have been written without the help and support of my mother, father, friends and my better half, thank you all for your support. I would like to thank the University Library of Oslo and the British Library in London for providing me with abundant books and articles. I also want to give huge thanks to the Military Archive in Freiburg and their employees, who helped me find the relevant materials for this master. Finally, I would like to thank my supervisor at the University of Oslo, Professor Kim Christian Priemel, who has guided me through the entire writing process from Autumn 2017. Peter Jørgen Sager Fosse, Oslo, 01.05.2019 3 Contents: Introduction………………………………………………………………………...………... 7 Chapter 1, Theory and background………………………………………………..………17 1.1 German Military Tactics…………………………………………………..………. 17 1.1.1 Blitzkrieg, Kesselschlacht and Schwerpunkt…………………………………..……. 17 1.1.2 Examples from early campaigns……………………………………………..……… 20 1.2 The German attack on the USSR (1941)……………………………..…………… 24 1.2.1 ‘Vernichtungskrieg’, war of annihilation………………………………...………….. 24 1.2.2 Operation Barbarossa………………………………………………..……………… 28 1.2.3 Operation Typhoon…………………………………………………..………………. 35 1.2.4 The strategic situation, December 1941…………………………….……………….
    [Show full text]
  • Misinformation, Media Manipulation and Antisemitism an Annual Event at the Italian Academy Marking Holocaust Remembrance Day Looks at Online Extremism
    Misinformation, Media Manipulation and Antisemitism An annual event at the Italian Academy marking Holocaust Remembrance Day looks at online extremism. By Abigail Asher February 17, 2020 A Facebook Case Costanza Sciubba Caniglia and Irene V. Pasquetto, both from the new Misinformation Review at the Harvard Kennedy School, took up the idea of combating online hate by “de-platforming” neo-Nazis. They cited an Italian case with unintended consequences: A violent, dangerous organization, the extreme-right, racist and antisemitic CasaPound lost its Facebook access in autumn 2019, but a civil court in Rome immediately judged that Facebook had violated the group’s free speech. Facebook reactivated CasaPound’s account and paid its legal costs. On February 5, 2020, researchers from a range of Asked to Remember, Not to Intervene disciplines spoke to a lively, full-capacity crowd at Rachel Deblinger, who works at UCLA and is co- the Italian Academy for this year’s Holocaust director of the Digital Jewish Studies Initiative at Remembrance Day symposium. The 2020 topic was University of California Santa Cruz, joined in (via online extremism, particularly the negation of historical Zoom) and discussed using social media to bring facts and the manipulation of social media to pursue Holocaust memories to life today, focusing on two neo-Nazi and neo-Fascist ideas. recent accounts: Twitter’s @Stl_Manifest (recalling the Nazi victims who were turned away by America in The Sensational and the Divisive 1939) and Instagram’s @eva.stories. Deblinger said that Alex Abdo, litigation director at the Knight First @eva.stories succeeds by spurring meaningful Amendment Institute, noted that social media interaction with the Holocaust, but it also fails by not companies’ “algorithmic amplification and suppression serving as a platform for documentation of today's global of speech appears to be deepening our political atrocities, as does Instagram.
    [Show full text]
  • Kiev 1941: Hitler's Battle for Supremacy in the East
    Kiev 1941 In just four weeks in the summer of 1941 the German Wehrmacht wrought unprecedented destruction on four Soviet armies, conquering central Ukraine and killing or capturing three-quarters of a million men. This was the battle of Kiev – one of the largest and most decisive battles of World War II and, for Hitler and Stalin, a battle of crucial importance. For the first time, David Stahel charts the battle’s dramatic course and after- math, uncovering the irreplaceable losses suffered by Germany’s ‘panzer groups’ despite their battlefield gains, and the implications of these losses for the German war effort. He illuminates the inner workings of the German army as well as the experiences of ordinary soldiers, showing that with the Russian winter looming and Soviet resistance still unbroken, victory came at huge cost and confirmed the turning point in Germany’s war in the east. David Stahel is an independent researcher based in Berlin. His previous publications include Operation Barbarossa and Germany’s Defeat in the East (Cambridge, 2009). Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 210.212.129.125 on Sat Dec 22 18:00:30 WET 2012. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139034449 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2012 Kiev 1941 Hitler’s Battle for Supremacy in the East David Stahel Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 210.212.129.125 on Sat Dec 22 18:00:30 WET 2012. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139034449 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2012 cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo, Delhi, Tokyo, Mexico City Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 8ru,UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107014596 c David Stahel 2012 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]