Elections in Indonesia
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The Revival of Tradition in Indonesian Politics
The Revival of Tradition in Indonesian Politics The Indonesian term adat means ‘custom’ or ‘tradition’, and carries connotations of sedate order and harmony. Yet in recent years it has suddenly become associated with activism, protest and violence. Since the resignation of President Suharto in 1998, diverse indigenous communities and ethnic groups across Indonesia have publicly, vocally, and sometimes violently, demanded the right to implement elements of adat in their home territories. This book investigates the revival of adat in Indonesian politics, identifying its origins, the historical factors that have conditioned it and the reasons for its recent blossoming. The book considers whether the adat revival is a constructive contribution to Indonesia’s new political pluralism or a divisive, dangerous and reactionary force, and examines the implications for the development of democracy, human rights, civility and political stability. It is argued that the current interest in adat is not simply a national offshoot of international discourses on indigenous rights, but also reflects a specifically Indonesian ideological tradition in which land, community and custom provide the normative reference points for political struggles. Whilst campaigns in the name of adat may succeed in redressing injustices with regard to land tenure and helping to preserve local order in troubled times, attempts to create enduring forms of political order based on adat are fraught with dangers. These dangers include the exacerbation of ethnic conflict, the legitimation of social inequality, the denial of individual rights and the diversion of attention away from issues of citizenship, democracy and the rule of law at national level. Overall, this book is a full appraisal of the growing significance of adat in Indonesian politics, and is an important resource for anyone seeking to understand the contemporary Indonesian political landscape. -
Existent Terrorism in Indonesia and the Opportunities for the Growth of Radical Islam and ISIS September, 2016
ISS Risk Special Report: Existent Terrorism in Indonesia and the Opportunities for the Growth of Radical Islam and ISIS September, 2016 Intelligent Security Solutions Holding Limited Room 501, 5/f, Chung Ying Building 20 Connaught Road West Sheung Wan Hong Kong Phone: +852 5619 7008 China Phone: +861 3910 9907 39 www.issrisk.com Copyright Intelligent Security Solutions Limited. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted without the express prior consent of Intelligent Security Solutions Limited. Intelligent Security Solutions Limited Frontier & Emerging Markets Analysis Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Introduction.............................................................................................................................................. 2 Contextualisation ..................................................................................................................................... 4 1. Political backdrop to today‟s terrorist landscape ............................................................................. 4 2. The consequences brought by globalisation of jihad to local groups ............................................. 5 a) Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) ................................................................................................................. 6 b) -
Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) Cabang Padang Pariaman (1968-1971)
Analisis Sejarah Vol.9 No. 2, 2020 Labor Sejarah Unand Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) Cabang Padang Pariaman (1968-1971) Irmun Guru SMP Negeri 5 Payakumbuh, Sumatera Barat Abstrak Partai Islam memainkan peranan penting dalam proses pendewasaan masa awal Orde Baru, ia mempunyai peranan yang lebih kompleks, meskipun sering terpinggirkan oleh kebijakan politik pemerintah. Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) sebagai salah satu kekuatan politik pada masa itu, turut serta membangun sistem demokrasi di negeri ini, meskipun dalam perjalanan sejarahnya sering dikooptasi pemerintah. Parmusi Cabang Padang Pariaman adalah partai yang juga ikut turut serta dalam membangun sistem demokrasi di daerah Padang Pariaman dan akhirnya nafas partai ini berakhir setelah adanya fusi partai dibawah kendali pemerintahan Orde Baru. A. PENDAHULUAN Sejak awal kelahirannya Orde Baru ditandai dengan produktivitas yang meningkat, swasembada beras tahun 1984, perkembangan ekonomi nasional rata- rata 7% setahun dari 1960-1980 an.1 Hal yang lebih mengagumkan lagi adalah kemampuan pemerintah di bawah arsitek ekonomi Widjojo Nitisastro mampu mengatasi krisis ekonomi di awal 1960-an. Terlepas dari prestasi ekonomi yang dicapai pemerintah Orde Baru, juga diikuti pengendalian pemerintah terhadap kehidupan sosial politik. Penegasan mengenai stabilitas politik ini menurut Eep Saefulloh Fatah dimulai dengan penghancuran musuh negara yang secara historis bisa menjadi potensi memusuhi dan merongrong kewibawaan Orde Baru.2 Kelompok ini terdiri dari kekuatan loyalis Soekarno, kekuatan Komunis, Kelompok PSI, dan kelompok Masyumi. Pada awal kelahiran Orde Baru, eks pendukung Masyumi yang berjasa dalam menumbangkan Orde Lama, berharap dapat merehabilitasi Masyumi yang diberangus oleh Soekarno pada masa Demokrasi Terpimpin.3 Namun usulan dan harapan itu ditolak mentah-mentah oleh Soeharto, berdasarkan suratnya kepada Prawoto Mangkusasmito tanggal 6 Januari 1967. -
WORLD KINGDOM EMPIRE SWISSINDO WORLD TRUST INTERNATIONAL ORBIT (The Committee of 300 – the International Organic Agency – the United Nations)
Great Seal of the United STATES BOARD ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENT BULLION BIG BANK RATU MAS KENCANA ROOM ----------------------------------- A1-1A ---------------------------------- WORLD KINGDOM EMPIRE SWISSINDO WORLD TRUST INTERNATIONAL ORBIT (The Committee of 300 – The International Organic Agency – The United Nations) World Address of Owner States-M1 Jl. Sultan Agung Tirtayasa, Griya Caraka K1-4 NO.24 Cirebon, Indonesia 45153 Tel. +62-231-8493503 1 EXHIBITS AB UN - Charter KHK UN-Convention 1 0 2 GROUP 1 & 2 S/007-2019 November 18, 2019 To : MR. BOUNNHANG VORACHITH PRESIDENT OF LAO PDR From : H.M. ANI FOREST WPM OF FINANCE & BANKING Subject : GLOBAL DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS FOR P1-11 Ref : NN/20191118-LAOPDR Dear President, I, Ms. Ani Forest, Nationality: Australian, Passport No. PB1683959, WPM of Finance and Banking of SWISSINDO WORLD TRUST INTERNATIONAL ORBIT (UN SWISSINDO), on behalf of Royal K.681, King of Kings, H.M. MR. A1.Sino.AS.S”2”.IR.Soegihartonotonegoro, HW. ST. M1, (Royal K.681 M1) Citizen of Indonesia, Passport No. A 7808449, Chairman of the United Nations Organization. It is with great honor, we submit to the President of Lao PDR, the Highest Status, to inform you of the available Quotas/ Grants for Lao PDR Government, through UN SWISSINDO Payment Order 1-11 (P1-11) Program, in order to support and join forces with Lao PDR Government for the infrastructure and socio-economic development in Lao PDR, in line with its Party's policy and the State Plans, to alleviate poverty gradually by 2020. We are highly committed to our UN SWISSINDO Mission and its P1-11 Program, with M1 Money Supply Authority, Guaranteed by the Royal K.681, Owner States-M1 with the Absolute Title as the Authority Veto, Licensor, World Executor, Accelerator and Successor, to provide grants (not World Address of Owner States-M1 Jl. -
Investment Alert Task Force Urges Public to Beware Of
SP 27/DKNS/OJK/III/2017 INVESTMENT ALERT TASK FORCE URGES PUBLIC TO BEWARE OF UN SWISSINDO’S OPERATION IN VARIOUS AREAS Denpasar, March 23, 2017 — The Task Force for Handling Alleged Unlawful Acts involving Public Funds Collection and Investment Management (the Investment Alert Task Force) urges the public to beware of the activities committed by UN Swissindo, which operates under the pretext of promising to repay one’s loans. “UN Swissindo’s operation has expanded to various areas, including Bali. So we hope the public will not be lured by their offers since their activities are illegal and do not comply with any loan repayment or financing mechanisms normally applied by banks and financing companies,” Investment Alert Task Force Chairman Tongam L Tobing said at a press conference in Bali, on Wednesday (Mar. 22). According to Tongam, UN Swissindo offered loan repayments by promising people that it would repay their loans/free them from their debts. It targeted those who had bad debts in banks, financing companies or other financial services companies. Its modus operandi was to issue guarantee letters/debt relief statements on behalf of the President and the State of the Republic of Indonesia as well as on behalf of international institutions from other countries. They provoked debtors not to pay their loans to creditors. A. Below are some of the methods that the company uses to offer its services: 1. Claiming that it acts on behalf of the state and/or certain state institutions on the grounds of people’s sovereignty, which is established by Pancasila (the national ideology) and the 1945 Constitution; 2. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
Multiculturalism and Subculture in 2019 Indonesian General Elections
Cultural and Linguistic Communication MULTICULTURALISM AND SUBCULTURE IN 2019 INDONESIAN GENERAL ELECTIONS RISWANDI 1, MORISSAN1, Dan SOFIA AUNUL1 1M.Si, Universitas Mercu Buana, West Jakarta, Indonesia Corresponding author: Riswandi; e-mail: [email protected] Abstract In addition, the 2019 election was relatively The issues of multiculturalism and subculture are different compared to the previous elections, developing in the events of the Indonesian elections in 2019 since in this election frictions occurred based on such as democracy or equality in the fields of law, social, religion, ethnicity, culture, gender, regionalism, political, and cultural, human rights, honesty, justice, political choice, and unfair legal enforcement, so that psychological factors, and political choices. people tend to split. The problem of this research is related These frictions did not only hit the grassroots to the cultural perceptions of the Jakarta multicultural community, but they also hit the elite groups, community towards the events of the 2019 election. The case studied was the 2019 election and the primary data including the political party elites. was obtained through interviews with 8 informants from Some indications prove that there already were the Javanese, Sundanese, Bugis, Chinese, Batak and Betawi conflicts in the society by the appearance of some subcultures. Data were analysed using the Miles and terms in the mainstream media and social media Huberman models which included data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing / verification. The results that seem to represent the two camps of two showed that the cultural perceptions of the Jakarta presidential / vice presidential in the 2019 elections multicultural community were based on subcultural such as "religious detractors", "Cebong versus perceptions, in which the Javanese, Batak and Chinese subcultures tended to support Jokowi-Maruf Amin, while kampret", "mukidi", "chubby face", "sontoloyo", the Sunda, Betawi, and Bugis subcultures tended to genderuwo ". -
The Case of Indonesian Public Administration Reform Prim
The Embeddedness of Policy Learning in Reform-Oriented Policy Change: The Case of Indonesian Public Administration Reform Primatia Romana Wulandari [0000-0001-7730-4078] https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7730-4078 Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Arts, School of Social and Political Sciences July 2020 Abstract Governments around the world have undertaken extensive programs of public administration reform. While such reform is intended to achieve specific, practical outcomes, it may also involve policy learning. Scholars have investigated the conceptual relationship between reform and policy learning, but there is a lack of empirical research into the causal mechanisms that explain this relationship. This thesis seeks to contribute to the understanding of reform-oriented policy learning, drawing theoretical insights from the fields of politics, public policy, and public administration. Its central question is: To what extent does policy learning facilitate policy change in shaping the trajectory of public administration reform? The thesis conducts an in-depth, comparative case analysis of two pieces of Indonesian legislation intended to reform public administration: the 2014 Civil Service Law (UU no. 5/2014) and the 2014 Government Administration Law (UU no. 30/2014). The ratification of these two laws marked a significant move away from the existing paradigms of Indonesian public administration, influenced by NPM and NPS paradigms layered on top of the old ways of public administration and patronage. -
Global Indonesia
Global Indonesia In the nineteenth century, colonial rule brought the modern world closer to the Indonesian peoples, introducing mechanized transport, all- weather roads, postal and telegraph communications, and steamship networks that linked Indonesia’s islands to each other, to Europe and the Middle East. This book looks at Indone- sia’s global importance, and traces the entwining of its peoples and economies with the wider world. The book discusses how products unique to Indonesia first slipped into regional trade networks and exposed scattered communities to the dynamic influ- ence of far- off civilizations. It focuses on economic and cultural changes that resulted in the emergence of political units organized as oligarchies or monar- chies, and goes on to look in detail at Indonesia’s relationship with Holland’s East Indies. The book analyses the attempts by politicians to negotiate ways of being modern but uniquely Indonesian, and considers the oscillations in Indonesia between movements for theocracy and democracy. It is a useful contribution for students and scholars of World History and Southeast Asian Studies. Jean Gelman Taylor teaches Indonesian and Southeast Asia History, Islamic Civilisation and Historiography at the University of New South Wales, Aus- tralia. Her research interests include the social history of colonialism and Indo- nesia in the modern world. Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series 1 Land Tenure, Conservation and 8 Revolution, Reform and Development in Southeast Asia Regionalism in Southeast Asia Peter -
Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 01:16:39PM Via Free Access | Islam and the Making of the Nation
5 The ‘War of the Roses’ The Islamic state and the Pancasila Republic (1949-1962) [The government] should not consider [the Darul Islam] an enemy, rather like a father his son. Regardless of how naughty the son, if taught a lesson he should not be beaten to death, rather given a lecture, or dealt just one blow, drenched in affection. It is similar with a domestic rebellious movement.1 Disillusioned by the Republic’s acquiescence to Dutch demands, under pressure by the TNI’s operations in West Java and let down by Masyumi’s inability to make political Islam relevant in parlia- mentary politics, on 7 August 1949 Kartosuwiryo and the dewan imamah had officially proclaimed the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia. As shown in the previous chapter, Masyumi’s political leadership and some elements of the TNI reached out to Kartosuwiryo’s NII in the following months to find a political solution to what had become known as the ‘Darul Islam problem’ (soal Darul Islam). This chapter follows the relationship between the Islamic state and the Indone- sian Republic in the aftermath of the surrender of Dutch sovereignty, focusing in particular on how the transformation from the federal RIS to a unitary state affected NII’s attitude and activities. Diplomacy had dictated the rhythm of Indonesian politics for years, with treaties followed by ceasefires followed by their infringe- ment. Some provinces in the archipelago were slowly warming up to the idea of a federal Republic under the patronage of the House of Orange, but the population of West Java – regardless of its alle- giance to the Islamic state – remained unimpressed by the Roem- Van Royen agreement, which, far from confirming the country’s independence, had established the Negara Pasoendan as an instru- ment of The Hague. -
Looking for the Form of Indonesian Democracy: Study of Pancasila Ideology Towards Concurrent Elections in 2024
Volume 2, Issue 4, April 2021 E-ISSN : 2686-6331, P-ISSN : 2686-6358 DOI: https://doi.org/10.31933/dijemss.v2i4 Received: 30h March 2021, Revised: 15th April 2021, Publish: 25th April 2021 LOOKING FOR THE FORM OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY: STUDY OF PANCASILA IDEOLOGY TOWARDS CONCURRENT ELECTIONS IN 2024 Osbin Samosir Lecturer in Political Science at FISIPOL, Christian University of Indonesia, Jakarta, [email protected] Corresponding Author: First Author Abstract: Indonesia’s democracy has taken huge leaps since the starting of reformation in 1998, compared to Soeharto’s authoritarian ruling (New Order) from 1966 to May 21, 1998, and during Soekarno’s ruling from the country’s independence in 1945 until 1966. One year after Soeharto’s fall on May 21, 1998, Indonesia held its first democratically election on June 7, 1999. The election was contested by 48 political parties. In 2004, Indonesia for the first time held its direct presidential election. One year later, Indonesia held its first regional elections, where voters directly elect governors, regents and mayors. The question is on whether the current democratic practices have been in accordance with all democratic values as intended by Pancasila ideology as the basic foundation for Indonesia in all political actions? Pancasila: 1). The belief in one God, 2). Just and civilized humanity, 3). Indonesian unity, 4. Democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultation, 5). Social justice for all peoples of Indonesia. The country’s founding fathers formulated the understanding of democracy based the traditional practices of democracy at the grassroots level which have lasted for centuries throughout the country. -
ISLAMIC PARTY and PLURALISM the View and Attitude of Masyumi Towards Pluralism in Politics (1945-1960)
Al-Jāmi‘ah: Journal of Islamic Studies - ISSN: 0126-012X (p); 2356-0912 (e) Vol. 54, no. 2 (2016), pp. 273-310, doi: 10.14421/ajis.2016.542.273-310 ISLAMIC PARTY AND PLURALISM The View and Attitude of Masyumi towards Pluralism in Politics (1945-1960) Firman Noor Centre for Political Studies, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) Jakarta, Indonesia email: [email protected] Abstract This article discusses Masyumi’s response towards pluralism, particularly about the political diversity in the first fifteen years of Indonesia independent era. As the largest Islamic party in Indonesian history, Masyumi was well known by many as the champion of democracy and one of the essential elements in the nationalist movement. However, regarding pluralism, for some, Masyumi positive attitude on this matter has been doubtful, regarding this party as the guru of intolerance for some contemporary Islamic organisations. By exploring the ideals and practical aspects of this party, this article wants to show the nature of Masyumi’s view and attitude in answering political diversity that in the long run indicates the real position of this party in pluralism in politics. The discussion indicates that despite some weaknesses in undergoing the spirit of honouring diversity, in particular when dealing with the communists, Masyumi, in general, had proven its position as one of the essential elements in Indonesian political history that in many ways eager to develop and maintain the spirit of pluralism. [Tulisan ini mendiskusikan perihal respons Masyumi terhadap pluralisme, khususnya terkait dengan politik keragaman dalam rentang limabelas tahun setelah Indonesia merdeka. Sebagai partai Islam terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia, Masyumi dikenal luas sebagai terdepan dalam praktik Firman Noor demokrasi dan pemain penting dalam gerakan nasionalisme.