1 ELECTIONS in INDONESIA AFTER the FALL of SOEHARTO Andi
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
Multiculturalism and Subculture in 2019 Indonesian General Elections
Cultural and Linguistic Communication MULTICULTURALISM AND SUBCULTURE IN 2019 INDONESIAN GENERAL ELECTIONS RISWANDI 1, MORISSAN1, Dan SOFIA AUNUL1 1M.Si, Universitas Mercu Buana, West Jakarta, Indonesia Corresponding author: Riswandi; e-mail: [email protected] Abstract In addition, the 2019 election was relatively The issues of multiculturalism and subculture are different compared to the previous elections, developing in the events of the Indonesian elections in 2019 since in this election frictions occurred based on such as democracy or equality in the fields of law, social, religion, ethnicity, culture, gender, regionalism, political, and cultural, human rights, honesty, justice, political choice, and unfair legal enforcement, so that psychological factors, and political choices. people tend to split. The problem of this research is related These frictions did not only hit the grassroots to the cultural perceptions of the Jakarta multicultural community, but they also hit the elite groups, community towards the events of the 2019 election. The case studied was the 2019 election and the primary data including the political party elites. was obtained through interviews with 8 informants from Some indications prove that there already were the Javanese, Sundanese, Bugis, Chinese, Batak and Betawi conflicts in the society by the appearance of some subcultures. Data were analysed using the Miles and terms in the mainstream media and social media Huberman models which included data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing / verification. The results that seem to represent the two camps of two showed that the cultural perceptions of the Jakarta presidential / vice presidential in the 2019 elections multicultural community were based on subcultural such as "religious detractors", "Cebong versus perceptions, in which the Javanese, Batak and Chinese subcultures tended to support Jokowi-Maruf Amin, while kampret", "mukidi", "chubby face", "sontoloyo", the Sunda, Betawi, and Bugis subcultures tended to genderuwo ". -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
Vice President of India Meets Indonesian Leaders
Embassy of India Jakarta Press Release Vice President of India meets Indonesian Leaders H.E. Mr. Mohammad Hamid Ansari, is on an official visit to Indonesia from 1-4 November, 2015 at the invitation of His Excellency Mr. Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Indonesia. On 2nd November 2015, Hon‟ble Vice President of India had a tete-a-tete with his counterpart H.E. Mr. Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Indonesia which was followed by delegation level talks. He also called on His Excellency Mr. Joko Widodo, President of Indonesia. The meeting focused on cooperation in the maritime, education, and pharmaceutical sectors. He also met Ms. Megawati Sukarnoputri, former President of Indonesia and Chairman of PDI-P following talks with President of Indonesia.Both the leaders discussed functioning of democratic processes in India and Indonesia and use of Electronic Voting Machines in elections. Addressing the media after delegation level talks, the Vice President of india said that India and Indonesia are committed to increase bilateral trade and mutual investments as well as expanding cooperation in defence and counter-terrorism through intensification of existing mechanism. The Government of India and the Government of Indonesia signed MoU on Cooperation in New and Renewable energy and MOU on Cultural Exchange. The MOU on New and Renewable Energy is significant in view of the fact that India and Indonesia has committed to bring down the carbon emission levels by 35% and 29% respectively by 2030. Following is the text of Vice President’s Statement: “I would like to thank H.E. Mr. Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Indonesia, for this invitation to visit your beautiful country. -
Conflicts Between State and Business in the Nationalization of PT. Inalum
International Conference on Social and Political Issues (ICSPI 2016) International Conference on Social and Political Issues (the 1st ICSPI, 2016) “Knowledge and Social Transformation” Volume 2018 Conference Paper Conflicts Between State and Business in the Nationalization of PT. Inalum Alim Bathoro Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Indonesia Abstract This study discusses the dispute between state and capitalist class. State consists of local government elite and central government elite. Local elite consists of 10 regents/mayors in Lake Toba region and Asahan River basin, while the central elite are President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa, Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Dahlan Iskan, Minister of Industry MS Hidayat as well as Leaders and Members of Commissions VI & IX of the House of Representatives Republic of Indonesia. Meanwhile the capitalist class is represented by Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan and Association for Mineral Entrepreneur Indonesia Received: 19 March 2018 (APEMINDO). This research aims to clarify underlying factors of dispute between state Accepted: 27 July 2018 and capitalist class in the nationalization of PT. Indonesian Asahan Aluminum (Inalum) Published: 29 August 2018 which implies to conflict among elites. Publishing services provided by This study uses qualitative method by analyzing research findings with the Theory Knowledge E of State Autonomy proposed by Ralp Miliband and Nicos Poulantzas as the main Alim Bathoro. This article is perspective. While the theory of conflict and consensus by Maswadi Rauf, authority distributed under the terms of of elite theory by C. Wright Mills, theory of decentralization by Vedi R. Hadiz, theory of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which oligarch’s power by Jeffrey A. -
Elections in Indonesia
Not logged in Talk Contributions Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Search Wikipedia Elections in Indonesia From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Main page Elections in Indonesia have taken place since 1955 to elect a legislature. At a national level, Indonesian people did not elect a head Indonesia Contents of state – the president – until 2004. Since then, the president is elected for a five-year term, as are the 560-member People's Featured content Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) and the 128-seat Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Current events Daerah).[1] Random article Donate to Wikipedia Members of the People's Representative Council are elected by proportional representation from multi-candidate constituencies. Wikipedia store Currently, there are 77 constituencies in Indonesia and each returns 3-10 Members of Parliament based on population. Under Indonesia's multi-party system, no one party has yet been able to secure an outright victory; parties have needed to work together in Interaction coalition governments. Members of the Regional Representative Council are elected by single non-transferable vote. There, This article is part of a series on the Help Indonesia's 34 provinces treated as constituencies and, regardless of the size and population, every provinces return 4 senators. politics and government of About Wikipedia Indonesia Community portal Starting from the 2015 unified local elections, Indonesia started to elect governors and mayors simultaneously on the same date. Pancasila (national philosophy) Recent changes The voting age in Indonesia is 17 but anyone who has an ID card (Indonesian: Kartu Tanda Penduduk (KTP)) can vote, since persons Contact page Constitution under 17 who are or were married can get a KTP. -
Redalyc.Indonesia' S Historic First Presidential Elections
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España SEBASTIAN, LEONARD C. Indonesia' s historic first presidential elections UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 6, octubre, 2004, pp. 1-8 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76711307006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 INDONESIA’S HISTORIC FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AUTHOR1: LEONARD C. SEBASTIAN 2 Institute for Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), Singapore DATE: October 2004 September 20 marked the end of a momentous year for Indonesian politics concluding a third leg of a series of elections with an array of electoral formats which began in April ranging from an open list proportional system for the House of People’s Representatives and the House of Regional People’s Representatives; a single non-transferable vote system for new Regional Representatives Council and culminating with two round majoritarian system for the presidential election. Being the third largest democracy after the USA and India, Indonesia’s election mechanism is complex and required significant voter education initiatives to socialize the new election format. The general elections held on 5 April was for a fully elected House of People’s Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), the House of Regional People’s Representatives (DPRD, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah) or the regional assemblies at the provincial and district level and the new Regional Representatives Council (DPD, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). -
Idss Commentaries(64/2004)
IDSS COMMENTARIES (64/2004) IDSS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of IDSS. ___________________________________________________________________________ GOLKAR: YUDHOYONO’S TRANSFORMATION From Weak to Strong Government Yang Razali Kassim* 23 December 2004 INDONESIA’S new president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, has just demonstrated that while he may be new in his job, he is a political leader not to be trifled with. Under siege from a hostile parliament controlled by Golkar and its allies since he assumed power in October, Dr Yudhoyono has been facing the prospect of leading a government that has little support from the legislature. But rather than go through the next five years in weakness and uncertainty, President Yudhoyono, or better known as SBY, and his vice-president Jusuf Kalla, hatched a daring plot: They would launch an offensive to break the primary source of opposition to the administration by contesting the chairmanship of Golkar. The strategic goal was to take over the Golkar leadership and turn the party around from an opponent into an ally. This would be done by deploying Jusuf Kalla, who remains an influential senior Golkar member despite having been nominated for the vice-presidency by SBY’s Democrat Party (PD). At the Golkar party elections in Bali on December 19, the strategy was put to devastating effect. In an early morning vote, the incumbent chairman, Akbar Tanjung, was defeated by Mr Kalla with a margin that was too wide -- 323 votes to 156 – to be disputed. -
Menko Perekonomian Akui Tak Nyaman Jika Disadap
Menko Perekonomian Akui Tak Nyaman Jika Disadap Image not found or type unknown Jakarta – Menteri Koordinator Bidang Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa mengaku merasa tidak nyaman dengan kabar yang menyatakan intelijen Australia melakukan penyadapan terhadap Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhonoyo, dan sejumlah menteri senior. Penyadapan juga ditujukan kepada orang dekat presiden seperti Ibu Negara Ani Yudhoyono, Wapres Boediono, mantan Wapres Jusuf Kalla, Jubir Presiden Dino Patti Djalal dan Andi Mallarangeng, eks Mensesneg Hatta Rajasa, eks Menko Perekonomian Sri Mulyani, eks Menko Polhukam Widodo AS dan eks Menteri BUMN Sofyan Djalil. “Saya belum dapat infomarsi seperti apa tapi kalau ada informasi mengatakan menteri senior seperti itu (disadap) tentu kita tidak nyaman,” ujarnya usai acara peluncuran Singgle Sign On (SSO) Karantina dan layanan elektronik perizinan terintegrasi di Hotel Borobudur, Jakarta, Senin (18/11/2013). Menurutnya, terkait kabar tersebut pemerintah Indonesia, melalui Menko Polhukam Djoko Suyanto dan Menteri Luar Negeri Marty Natalegawa meminta klarifikasi kepada Australia terkait kebenaran pemberitaan penyadapan ini. “Menlu sudah mengundang Negara-negara yang dikatakan menyadap. Kita konsen terhadap hal itu karenanya kita melakukan klarifikasi,” tuturnya. Ia juga enggan mengomentari kabar tersebut sebelum mendapatkan penjelasan dari Menko Polhukam. “Saya belum bisa memberikan komentar tentang kebenaran saya disadap atau tidak, karena saya tidak punya data. Sampai nanti Menko Polhukam mengatakan seperti apa, tapi kalau itu betul maka saya tentu prihatin terhadap pola-pola seperti itu,” jelasnya.. -
Prabowo Subianto –Hatta Menentukan Pilihandiantaraduapasangancapres-Cawapres Yang 66.435.124 (49,74%)
SIDANG PERDANA PRABOWO: ANNA TARIGAN: GUGATAN PILPRES 2014 “Kami Ingin Menuju Indonesia Terjadi Kecurangan Pemerintah Bersih, Emas Terstruktur, Sistematis Bukan Pemerintah dan Masif Boneka” GEMA UTAMA>>04 INDONESIA >>09 FIGUR >>15 GEMA TERBIT 16 HALAMAN/EDISI 38/TAHUN IV/AGUSTUS 2014 Indonesiawww.partaigerindra.or.id Raya GELORA PENGKHIANATAN DEMOKRASI OLEH FaDLI ZON PELAKSANAAN Pilpres 9 Juli 2014 meninggalkan berbagai persoalan khususnya kecurangan yang bersifat terstruktur, sistematis dan masif (TSM). Ini bukan lagi persoalan menang kalah, tapi prinsip berdemokrasi. Capres Prabowo Subianto dan Cawapres Hatta Rajasa berkali-kali menyampaikan siap menang dan siap kalah. Tapi propsesnya harus di atas Pilpres yang jujur adil dan demokratis. Kemenangan yang diperoleh dengan menghalalkan segala cara tak akan menghasilkan kepemimpinan yang kuat dan diakui. Kekalahan yang dibiarkan begitu saja berarti mengabaikan suara pendukung yang jumlahnya 60-an juta. Prabowo-Hatta telah menunjukkan sikap tegas dengan menarik diri dari proses rekapitulasi suara yang cacat hukum. Rekomendasi untuk diadakannya Pemilu ulang di ribuan TPS tak digubris KPU. Maka pada 25 Juli 2014, Prabowo-Hatta membawa masalah kecurangan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Ribuan pendukung mengantar sidang pembukaan MK pada 6 Agustus 2014. FOTO ANISM Beberapa alur dugaan kesalahan KPU antara lain: (1) penambahan DPT sekitar 6 juta dalam waktu dua bulan dari A T Pemilu legislatif; (2) penetapan DPKTb (Daftar Pemilih Khusus A Tambahan), tak sesuai UU; (3) perhitungan suara dipaksakan .NET dari 30 hari menjadi 14 hari dengan mengabaikan keberatan dan protes dari peserta Pilpres; (4) dugaan masifnya pemilih siluman dan pemilih ganda, mencoblos lebih dari satu kali; (5) pembukaan PRABOWO SUBIANTO kotak suara tanpa izin yang berarti merusak barang bukti; (6) tak dilaksanakannya Pilpres di sejumlah daerah, tapi ada hasilnya seperti kasus Papua; (7) pencetakan form C1 yang kurang transparan, dan banyaknya beredar C1 palsu; (8) pencetakan kertas melebihi ketentuan UU.