Conflicts Between State and Business in the Nationalization of PT. Inalum
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Waiting on Washington: Southeast Asia Hopes for a Post-Election Boost in Us Relations
US-SOUTHEAST ASIA RELATIONS WAITING ON WASHINGTON: SOUTHEAST ASIA HOPES FOR A POST-ELECTION BOOST IN US RELATIONS CATHARIN DALPINO, GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY The resurgent COVID-19 pandemic and US elections constrained the conduct of US relations with Southeast Asia and of regional affairs more broadly in the final months of 2020. Major conclaves were again “virtual”, including the ASEAN Regional Forum, the East Asia Summit. and the APEC meeting. Over the year, ASEAN lost considerable momentum because of the pandemic, but managed to oversee completion of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in November. Some modest gains in US-Southeast Asian relations were realized, most notably extension of the US-Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) for another six months, an opportunity for Manila and the new administration in Washington to put the VFA—and the US-Philippines alliance more broadly—on firmer ground. Another significant step, albeit a more controversial one, was the under-the-radar visit to Washington of Indonesian Defense Minister, Prabowo Subianto, in October. This article is extracted from Comparative Connections: A Triannual E-Journal of Bilateral Relations in the Indo-Pacific, Vol. 22, No. 3, January 2022. Preferred citation: Catharin Dalpino, “US-Southeast Asia Relations: Waiting on Washington: Southeast Asia Hopes for a Post-Election Boost in US Relations,” Comparative Connections, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp 59-68. US- SOUTHEAST ASIA RELATIONS | JANUARY 202 1 59 As Southeast Asian economies struggled under challenges of distribution and vaccinating their the crush of COVID-19, they looked to publics. The pace of vaccination across the Washington for opportunities to “decouple” region is likely to vary widely: Indonesian from China through stronger trade and officials estimate that a nationwide vaccine investment with the United States. -
Welfare in Transition
Welfare in Transition The Political Economy of Social Protection Reform in Indonesia Maryke van Diermen Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide December 2017 Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint award of this degree. I give permission for the digital version of my thesis to be made available on the web, via the University's digital research repository, the Library Search and also through web search engines, unless permission has been granted by the University to restrict access for a period of time. I acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the provision of an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. Signature of candidate: Date: 10/07/18 ii Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the support I have received from many people. I am thankful to them all but I wish to mention some in particular. -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
Elite Politik Dalam Pusaran Bisnis Batu Bara
Elite Politik dalam Pusaran Bisnis Batu bara Daftar Isi 2 Daftar Gambar Daftar Kotak Daftar Tabel Bab 1 5 Pendahuluan – Mengisi kesenjangan 1.1 Latar Belakang 9 1.2 Tujuan Laporan Bab 2 11 Kerangka Konteks – Membongkar Korupsi di Sektor Pertambangan 2.1 Korupsi dalam relasi antara negara dan masyarakat 13 2.2 Menelaah risiko korupsi di Indonesia Bab 3 15 Korupsi dalam Pertambangan Batu bara – Permainan para Political Exposed Persons (PEP) 3.1 Permainan dalam Pertambangan 20 3.2 Sektor batu bara yang menggiurkan dan masuknya PEP Bab 4 23 Toba Sejahtra – Jenderal dalam Pusaran Korupsi Politik Kalimantan Timur 4.1 Peta korupsi politik Kalimanan Timur: lanskap baru, struktur lama 28 4.2 Toba Sejahtra – bisnis, politik dan konflik kepentingan 37 4.2.1 Lubang tambang yang ditelantarkan dan polusi air di lokasi pertambangan 40 4.2.2 Berbagai kasus sengketa tanah Bab 5 45 Kesimpulan – Mengakhiri “Business as Usual” 47 Daftar Pustaka Daftar Gambar 13 Gambar 1. Rantai nilai industri ekstraktif/pertambangan 29 Gambar 2. Peta grup bisnis Toba Sejahtra 34 Gambar 3. Peta PEP dalam usaha pertambangan batu bara Toba Sejahtra Daftar Kotak 19 Kotak 1. “Bisnis politik” Indonesia 22 Kotak 2. Beberapa tokoh PEP di balik bisnis batu bara 31 Kotak 3. Orang-orang Luhut 32 Kotak 4. TOBA dan perluasan usahanya ke sektor pembangkit tenaga listrik 36 Kotak 5. Rakabu Sejahtra – Siapa yang Memimpin? 41 Kotak 6. Luhut dan kasus Kimco Armindo 42 Kotak 7. Petani Lokal melawan PKU 1 44 Kotak 8. TOBA dan hubungannya dengan Offshore Daftar Tabel 37 Tabel 1. Kontaminasi logam yang tinggi di air di lubang tambang terbuka Kutai Energi dan sungai Nangka 2 Coalruption – Elite Politik dalam Pusaran Bisnis Batu bara Ringkasan Eksekutif Batu bara: sumber pendanaan kampanye politik Terdapat elite politik dengan konflik kepentingan Dengan pertumbuhan yang cepat dalam 20 tahun politik yang besar di bisnis batu bara. -
Unclassified Embassy of India Jakarta
Unclassified Embassy of India Jakarta INDIA-INDONESIA BILATERAL RELATIONS India and Indonesia have shared two millennia of close cultural and commercial contacts. The Hindu, Buddhist and later Muslim faith travelled to Indonesia from the shores of India. The stories from great epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata form source of Indonesian folk art and dramas. The shared culture, colonial history and post-independence goals of political sovereignty, economic self-sufficiency and independent foreign policy have unifying effect on the bilateral relations. POLITICAL RELATIONS Owing to struggle against colonial powers, democratic traditions, pluralist culture, and progressive leadership which both countries shared, India and Indonesia developed friendly relations. President Sukarno of Indonesia was the Guest of Honour during the first Republic Day of India in 1950. Independent India and Indonesia became chief votaries of independence of Asian and African countries, the spirit which led to historic Bandung Conference of 1955 and later formation of Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. Since the adoption of India’s ‘Look East Policy’ in 1991, there has been a rapid development of bilateral relations in political, security, defence, commercial and cultural fields. The current Government expressed its intent to further deepen the engagement with East Asia and by renaming the policy as “Act East”. IMPORTANT VISITS AND OTHER ENGAGEMENTS Visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi in May 2018: Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi visited Jakarta on 29-30 May 2018 at the invitation of the President of Indonesia Mr. Joko Widodo. During this visit, both Leaders agreed to strengthen cooperation in all areas by establishing a New Comprehensive Strategic Partnership to take Indonesia and India’s bilateral relationship into a new era. -
Menko Perekonomian Akui Tak Nyaman Jika Disadap
Menko Perekonomian Akui Tak Nyaman Jika Disadap Image not found or type unknown Jakarta – Menteri Koordinator Bidang Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa mengaku merasa tidak nyaman dengan kabar yang menyatakan intelijen Australia melakukan penyadapan terhadap Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhonoyo, dan sejumlah menteri senior. Penyadapan juga ditujukan kepada orang dekat presiden seperti Ibu Negara Ani Yudhoyono, Wapres Boediono, mantan Wapres Jusuf Kalla, Jubir Presiden Dino Patti Djalal dan Andi Mallarangeng, eks Mensesneg Hatta Rajasa, eks Menko Perekonomian Sri Mulyani, eks Menko Polhukam Widodo AS dan eks Menteri BUMN Sofyan Djalil. “Saya belum dapat infomarsi seperti apa tapi kalau ada informasi mengatakan menteri senior seperti itu (disadap) tentu kita tidak nyaman,” ujarnya usai acara peluncuran Singgle Sign On (SSO) Karantina dan layanan elektronik perizinan terintegrasi di Hotel Borobudur, Jakarta, Senin (18/11/2013). Menurutnya, terkait kabar tersebut pemerintah Indonesia, melalui Menko Polhukam Djoko Suyanto dan Menteri Luar Negeri Marty Natalegawa meminta klarifikasi kepada Australia terkait kebenaran pemberitaan penyadapan ini. “Menlu sudah mengundang Negara-negara yang dikatakan menyadap. Kita konsen terhadap hal itu karenanya kita melakukan klarifikasi,” tuturnya. Ia juga enggan mengomentari kabar tersebut sebelum mendapatkan penjelasan dari Menko Polhukam. “Saya belum bisa memberikan komentar tentang kebenaran saya disadap atau tidak, karena saya tidak punya data. Sampai nanti Menko Polhukam mengatakan seperti apa, tapi kalau itu betul maka saya tentu prihatin terhadap pola-pola seperti itu,” jelasnya.. -
Prabowo Subianto –Hatta Menentukan Pilihandiantaraduapasangancapres-Cawapres Yang 66.435.124 (49,74%)
SIDANG PERDANA PRABOWO: ANNA TARIGAN: GUGATAN PILPRES 2014 “Kami Ingin Menuju Indonesia Terjadi Kecurangan Pemerintah Bersih, Emas Terstruktur, Sistematis Bukan Pemerintah dan Masif Boneka” GEMA UTAMA>>04 INDONESIA >>09 FIGUR >>15 GEMA TERBIT 16 HALAMAN/EDISI 38/TAHUN IV/AGUSTUS 2014 Indonesiawww.partaigerindra.or.id Raya GELORA PENGKHIANATAN DEMOKRASI OLEH FaDLI ZON PELAKSANAAN Pilpres 9 Juli 2014 meninggalkan berbagai persoalan khususnya kecurangan yang bersifat terstruktur, sistematis dan masif (TSM). Ini bukan lagi persoalan menang kalah, tapi prinsip berdemokrasi. Capres Prabowo Subianto dan Cawapres Hatta Rajasa berkali-kali menyampaikan siap menang dan siap kalah. Tapi propsesnya harus di atas Pilpres yang jujur adil dan demokratis. Kemenangan yang diperoleh dengan menghalalkan segala cara tak akan menghasilkan kepemimpinan yang kuat dan diakui. Kekalahan yang dibiarkan begitu saja berarti mengabaikan suara pendukung yang jumlahnya 60-an juta. Prabowo-Hatta telah menunjukkan sikap tegas dengan menarik diri dari proses rekapitulasi suara yang cacat hukum. Rekomendasi untuk diadakannya Pemilu ulang di ribuan TPS tak digubris KPU. Maka pada 25 Juli 2014, Prabowo-Hatta membawa masalah kecurangan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Ribuan pendukung mengantar sidang pembukaan MK pada 6 Agustus 2014. FOTO ANISM Beberapa alur dugaan kesalahan KPU antara lain: (1) penambahan DPT sekitar 6 juta dalam waktu dua bulan dari A T Pemilu legislatif; (2) penetapan DPKTb (Daftar Pemilih Khusus A Tambahan), tak sesuai UU; (3) perhitungan suara dipaksakan .NET dari 30 hari menjadi 14 hari dengan mengabaikan keberatan dan protes dari peserta Pilpres; (4) dugaan masifnya pemilih siluman dan pemilih ganda, mencoblos lebih dari satu kali; (5) pembukaan PRABOWO SUBIANTO kotak suara tanpa izin yang berarti merusak barang bukti; (6) tak dilaksanakannya Pilpres di sejumlah daerah, tapi ada hasilnya seperti kasus Papua; (7) pencetakan form C1 yang kurang transparan, dan banyaknya beredar C1 palsu; (8) pencetakan kertas melebihi ketentuan UU. -
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. BACKGROUND the Constitutional Court Has Rejected the Petition of Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa In
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. BACKGROUND The Constitutional Court has rejected the petition of Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa in the disputes on the result of Presidential Election 2014.1 The reason of rejaction was because the Court considered that the petitioners failed in providing a story evidence in supporting their claim in the petition. The failure of petitioners in providing evidence was also influenced by limitation of period of disputes settlement in the Constitutional Court, that is only 14 days. In addition, the Court also limited the number of witnesses proposed by the petitioners. Therefore, it seems that is has put the petitioners in difficult position in defending their right in the process of Presidential Election. Indonesia held Presidential Election on July 9, 2014. The Election was the third direct Presidential Election in Indonesia. The Election would elect new President and Vice-President because Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono could not be nominated again after his two periods of presidency. In fact, the way of a petition to the Constitutional Court challanged the limitation of period of the presidency. As a result, the Constitutional Court rejacted the petition. 1 See the Constitutional Court Decision No. 1/PHPU.PRES-XII/2014 The Election was finally won by Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla by 53, 15 %, while Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa only 46, 85 %.2 The elected President and Vice President Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla were inaugurated on the October 20th, 2014. The presidential candidates Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa submited a petition dispute on the results of the Presidential Election 2014 to the Constitutional Court on Friday, July 25 in the afternoon. -
IKI Newsletter Indonesia
IKI Newsletter Indonesia 11TH EDITION September 2020 About the International Climate Initiative Since 2008, the International Climate Initiative (IKI) of the Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, Building and Nuclear Safety (BMU) has been financing climate and biodiversity projects in developing and newly industrialising countries, as well as in countries in transition. Based on a decision taken by the German parliament (Bundestag), a sum of at least 120 million euros is available for use by the initiative annually. For the first few years the IKI was financed through the auctioning of emission allowances, but it is now funded from the budget of the BMU. The IKI is a key element of Germany’s climate financing and the funding commitments in the framework of the Convention on Biological Diversity. The Initiative places clear emphasis on climate change mitigation, adaption to the impacts of climate change and the protection of biological diversity. These efforts provide various cobenefits, particularly the improvement of living conditions in partner countries. The IKI focuses on four areas: mitigating greenhouse gas emissions, adapting to the impacts of climate change, conserving natural carbon sinks with a focus on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+), as well as conserving biological diversity. New projects are primarily selected through a two-stage procedure that takes place once a year. Priority is given to activities that support creating an international climate protection architecture, to transparency, and to innovative and transferable solutions that have an impact beyond the individual project. The IKI cooperates closely with partner countries and supports consensus building for a comprehensive international climate agreement and the implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity. -
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Indonesia
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific Indonesia Jonah Blank C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR4412z3 For more information on this series, visit www.rand.org/US-PRC-influence Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0558-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: globe: jcrosemann/GettyImages; flags: luzitanija/Adobe Stock Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface The U.S. Department of Defense’s (DoD’s) 2018 National Defense Strategy highlights the important role that U.S. -
256 Ahmadiyya, 99, 100, 106N11 Aksi Bela
Index Note: Page numbers followed by “n” refer to endnotes. A April 2018 Indonesian Peoples Act of Killing, The (2012), 256 Movement Congress (KGRI), Ahmadiyya, 99, 100, 106n11 18, 19 Aksi Bela Islam, 93, 94, 101–3, 106n10 armed civilian group, 218 Alatas, Ali, 201, 206 armed criminal group, 218 Ali, Marzuki, 188 Article 15, election of the governor, aliran, 30 172 Alius, Suhardi, 94 Article 16, election of regents and Amany, Tsamara, 139 mayors, 172–173 Amien Rais, 8, 35 Article 18, Paragraph (4) of 1945 Amien Rais–Siswono Yudo Husodo Constitution, 173–74 (PAN), 35 Article 22 of the constitution, 90 Amnesty International Indonesia Article 28E of the constitution, 90 (AII), 223, 224, 226–27 Article 28I of the constitution, 90 Amrozi, 103 Article 29 of the constitution, 90 “Anatomy of Papuan Separatists”, Article 214 of Law No. 10/2008, 31 228 Asas Tunggal, 87, 105n6 Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Asian financial crisis, 1997, 3 Daerah (APBD), 187 Asmat health crisis, 216 Ansor Youth Movement, 251 Association for Elections and anti-Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, 102 Democracy, 162n6 anti-blasphemy law, 95, 100 asymmetrical decentralization, 151 Anti Corruption Commission, 38 Awom, Herman, 230 anti-dictatorship movement, 2, 3, 6 Azhar, Antasari, 188 anti-LGBT statement, 251 arrest of, 188, 192n16 anti-Pancasila, 102 anti-politics, 129, 142 B anti-regime resistance, 240–44 Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Anti-terrorism Assistance Program, Terorisme (BNPT), 17 205 Badan Urusan Logistik (Bulog), 184 263 12 ch12-Cont&Chg AfterInoReform-Index-1P.indd 263 12/3/19 11:17 am 264 Index Badan Usaha Milik Negara (BUMN), legacy of 1999–2013, 149–52 180, 184, 185 local entrepreneurs, 157–59 bad Muslims, 92 political space for initiatives, Bakrie, Aburizal, 52, 65 159–61 Banjarsari PKL, relocation, 119 provinces establishment, 162n2 Bank Umum Koperasi Indonesia restructuring, 152 (Bukopin), 184 structuring, 149 Bantuan Pendidikan Masyarakat transformation, 149 Kota Surakarta (BPMKS), 118 Chosiyah, Ratu Atut, 179 Bantuan Sosial, Bansos, 180–81 Cicak (Gecko) vs.