Chapter One 'Introduction'
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History
Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Emile Schwidder & Eef Vermeij (eds) Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Emile Schwidder Eef Vermeij (eds) Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Stichting beheer IISG Amsterdam 2012 2012 Stichting beheer IISG, Amsterdam. Creative Commons License: The texts in this guide are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 license. This means, everyone is free to use, share, or remix the pages so licensed, under certain conditions. The conditions are: you must attribute the International Institute of Social History for the used material and mention the source url. You may not use it for commercial purposes. Exceptions: All audiovisual material. Use is subjected to copyright law. Typesetting: Eef Vermeij All photos & illustrations from the Collections of IISH. Photos on front/backcover, page 6, 20, 94, 120, 92, 139, 185 by Eef Vermeij. Coverphoto: Informal labour in the streets of Bangkok (2011). Contents Introduction 7 Survey of the Asian archives and collections at the IISH 1. Persons 19 2. Organizations 93 3. Documentation Collections 171 4. Image and Sound Section 177 Index 203 Office of the Socialist Party (Lahore, Pakistan) GUIDE TO THE ASIAN COLLECTIONS AT THE IISH / 7 Introduction Which Asian collections are at the International Institute of Social History (IISH) in Amsterdam? This guide offers a preliminary answer to that question. It presents a rough survey of all collections with a substantial Asian interest and aims to direct researchers toward historical material on Asia, both in ostensibly Asian collections and in many others. -
Constitutional & Parliamentary Information
UNION INTERPARLEMENTAIRE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION CCoonnssttiittuuttiioonnaall && PPaarrlliiaammeennttaarryy IInnffoorrmmaattiioonn Half-yearly Review of the Association of Secretaries General of Parliaments Preparations in Parliament for Climate Change Conference 22 in Marrakech (Abdelouahed KHOUJA, Morocco) National Assembly organizations for legislative support and strengthening the expertise of their staff members (WOO Yoon-keun, Republic of Korea) The role of Parliamentary Committee on Government Assurances in making the executive accountable (Shumsher SHERIFF, India) The role of the House Steering Committee in managing the Order of Business in sittings of the Indonesian House of Representatives (Dr Winantuningtyastiti SWASANANY, Indonesia) Constitutional reform and Parliament in Algeria (Bachir SLIMANI, Algeria) The 2016 impeachment of the Brazilian President (Luiz Fernando BANDEIRA DE MELLO, Brazil) Supporting an inclusive Parliament (Eric JANSE, Canada) The role of Parliament in international negotiations (General debate) The Lok Sabha secretariat and its journey towards a paperless office (Anoop MISHRA, India) The experience of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies on Open Parliament (Antonio CARVALHO E SILVA NETO) Web TV – improving the score on Parliamentary transparency (José Manuel ARAÚJO, Portugal) Deepening democracy through public participation: an overview of the South African Parliament’s public participation model (Gengezi MGIDLANA, South Africa) The failed coup attempt in Turkey on 15 July 2016 (Mehmet Ali KUMBUZOGLU) -
Political Islam: the Shrinking Trend and the Future Trajectory of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia
Political Islam: The shrinking trend and the future trajectory of Islamic political parties in Indonesia Politik Islam: Tren menurun dan masa depan partai politik Islam di Indonesia Ahmad Khoirul Umam1 & Akhmad Arif Junaidi 2 1Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences, The University of Queensland, Australia 2 Faculty of Sharia and Law, State Islamic University (UIN) Walisongo, Semarang Jalan Walisongo No. 3-5, Tambakaji, Ngaliyan, Kota Semarang, Jawa Tengah Telepon: (024) 7604554 E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political ,slam‘s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties‘ political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world. Keywords: democracy, Islam, political parties, election, electability, Indonesia Abstrak Fenomena konservatisme agama di Indonesia di sektor publik terus tumbuh. -
Labour and Democracy? Reflections on the Indonesian Impasse1 Olle
Journal of Contemporary Asia Vol.34, No.3 (August'04) or No.4 (Nov.'04). Labour and Democracy? Reflections on the Indonesian Impasse1 Olle Törnquist Department of Political Science University of Oslo PO Box 1097 Blindern; NO 0317 Oslo Norway [email protected] Conventional theories about the emergence of democracy have not proven particularly helpful in the case of Indonesia. For example, it was a capitalist crisis – and not a process of socio-economic modernisation – that gave birth to the world’s third- largest democracy in May 1998. Nor was it the growing bourgeoisie and middle classes that offered resistance against state and private authoritarianism and fought for human rights and democracy, but rather marginal intellectual groups among students, scholars, lawyers, social and cultural workers, and journalists. Moreover, it was not until the fall of Suharto that the West really began to support some aspects of democratisation. Only a few years later, however, many of the attempts to craft democracy (originating from southern Europe and Latin America) had largely failed. The idea had been to compensate for the structural constraints on democracy: first, through foreign support to skilful institution-building; second, by promoting elite acceptance of constitutional democracy (in return for protection of its private economic and social powers); and third, through agreements between reformist incumbents and moderate dissidents that would marginalise radicals and prevent popular revolts. But such support to supposedly “ideal” institutions remained subject to the operations of existing power relations. For instance, it is impossible to trade privileged private property rights to capitalists in exchange for political democracy and the rule of law as long as business is in critical need of partisan intervention by politicians, bureaucrats, judges and officers who, moreover, are also engaged in the primitive accumulation of capital. -
Indonesia Steps up Global Health Diplomacy
Indonesia Steps Up Global Health Diplomacy Bolsters Role in Addressing International Medical Challenges AUTHOR JULY 2013 Murray Hiebert A Report of the CSIS Global Health Policy Center Indonesia Steps Up Global Health Diplomacy Bolsters Role in Addressing International Medical Challenges Murray Hiebert July 2013 About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full- time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in April 2000. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). -
Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Nolte, Detlef; Sánchez, Francisco Working Paper Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation GIGA Working Papers, No. 11 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Nolte, Detlef; Sánchez, Francisco (2005) : Representing Different Constituencies: Electoral Rules in Bicameral Systems in Latin America and Their Impact on Political Representation, GIGA Working Papers, No. 11, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/182554 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, -
Adam Malik (Deppen) in MEMORIAM: ADAM MALIK A917-1984)
144 Adam Malik (Deppen) IN MEMORIAM: ADAM MALIK a917-1984) Ruth T. McVey The great survivor is dead. Though Adam Malik was by no means the only politician to hold high office under both Guided Democracy and the New Order, he was by far the most distinguished and successful. Others were political hacks with no true political coloring, or representatives of specialized con stituencies not involved directly in the conflict between Sukarno and the army; but Malik had been a central figure in the formulation of Guided Democracy and a close counsellor of Sukarno. Moreover, having chosen against that leader in the crisis following the coup of October 1965, he was not thereby completely discredited in the eyes of his former colleagues. For many of his old leftist associates he remained a patron: a leader who would still receive and could occasionally aid them, who could still speak their language, if only in private, and who still—in spite of his evident wealth, Western admirers, and service to a counter-revolutionary regime—seemed to embody what remained of the Generation of ’45, the fading memories of a radical and optimistic youth. To survive so successfully, a man must either be most simple and consistent, or quite the opposite. No one could accuse Adam Malik of transparency, yet there was a consistency about the image he cultivated. From early youth he appeared as a radical nationalist, a man of the left; and however unsympathetic the regime to that viewpoint he never allowed the pursuit of ambition completely to cloud that picture. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
Multiculturalism and Subculture in 2019 Indonesian General Elections
Cultural and Linguistic Communication MULTICULTURALISM AND SUBCULTURE IN 2019 INDONESIAN GENERAL ELECTIONS RISWANDI 1, MORISSAN1, Dan SOFIA AUNUL1 1M.Si, Universitas Mercu Buana, West Jakarta, Indonesia Corresponding author: Riswandi; e-mail: [email protected] Abstract In addition, the 2019 election was relatively The issues of multiculturalism and subculture are different compared to the previous elections, developing in the events of the Indonesian elections in 2019 since in this election frictions occurred based on such as democracy or equality in the fields of law, social, religion, ethnicity, culture, gender, regionalism, political, and cultural, human rights, honesty, justice, political choice, and unfair legal enforcement, so that psychological factors, and political choices. people tend to split. The problem of this research is related These frictions did not only hit the grassroots to the cultural perceptions of the Jakarta multicultural community, but they also hit the elite groups, community towards the events of the 2019 election. The case studied was the 2019 election and the primary data including the political party elites. was obtained through interviews with 8 informants from Some indications prove that there already were the Javanese, Sundanese, Bugis, Chinese, Batak and Betawi conflicts in the society by the appearance of some subcultures. Data were analysed using the Miles and terms in the mainstream media and social media Huberman models which included data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing / verification. The results that seem to represent the two camps of two showed that the cultural perceptions of the Jakarta presidential / vice presidential in the 2019 elections multicultural community were based on subcultural such as "religious detractors", "Cebong versus perceptions, in which the Javanese, Batak and Chinese subcultures tended to support Jokowi-Maruf Amin, while kampret", "mukidi", "chubby face", "sontoloyo", the Sunda, Betawi, and Bugis subcultures tended to genderuwo ". -
Nabbs-Keller 2014 02Thesis.Pdf
The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Author Nabbs-Keller, Greta Published 2014 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Griffith Business School DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/2823 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366662 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au GRIFFITH BUSINESS SCHOOL Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By GRETA NABBS-KELLER October 2013 The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy Greta Nabbs-Keller B.A., Dip.Ed., M.A. School of Government and International Relations Griffith Business School Griffith University This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. October 2013 Abstract How democratisation affects a state's foreign policy is a relatively neglected problem in International Relations. In Indonesia's case, there is a limited, but growing, body of literature examining the country's foreign policy in the post- authoritarian context. Yet this scholarship has tended to focus on the role of Indonesia's legislature and civil society organisations as newly-empowered foreign policy actors. Scholars of Southeast Asian politics, meanwhile, have concentrated on the effects of Indonesia's democratisation on regional integration and, in particular, on ASEAN cohesion and its traditional sovereignty-based norms. For the most part, the literature has completely ignored the effects of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry – the principal institutional actor responsible for foreign policy formulation and conduct of Indonesia's diplomacy. Moreover, the effect of Indonesia's democratic transition on key bilateral relationships has received sparse treatment in the literature.