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1 Introduction Notes 1 Introduction 1. Glyn Stone, “The Degree of British Commitment to the Restoration of Democracy in Spain, 1939–1946,” in Christian Leitz and David J. Dunthorn, eds., Spaininan International Context, 1936–1959 (Oxford and New York: Berghahn Books, 1999), p. 210. 2. See e.g. Paul Preston, Franco: A Biography (New York: Basic Books, 1994), Chapters 13–20; Christian Leitz, Economic Relations Between Nazi Germany and Franco’s Spain, 1936–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996); Christian Leitz, “Nazi Germany and Francoist Spain, 1936–1945,” in Sebastian Balfour and Paul Preston, eds., Spain and the Great Powers in the Twentieth Century (London and New York: Routledge, 1999); Norman J. W. Goda, “Germany’s Conception of Spain’s Strategic Importance,” in Christian Leitz and David J. Dunthorn, eds., Spain in an International Context, 1936–1959; Wayne H. Bowen, Spaniards and Nazi Germany: Collaboration in the New Order (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2000); Angel Viñas, Franco, Hitler y el Estallido de la Guerra Civil: Antecedentes y Consecuencias (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2007); and Stanley Payne, Franco and Hitler: Spain, Germany and World War II (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009). 3. Paul Preston, Franco: A Biography, p. 522. Antonio Salazar’s photograph offered a silent rebuke to Franco for his folly in cozying up to the Axis, as the Portuguese dictator had pointedly maintained a benevolently pro-Allied neutrality, the prod- uct of both pragmatic calculation and the precedent of Anglo-Portuguese amity dating back to the 14th century. As a result, the Salazar regime, although far right-wing, faced none of the postwar ostracism that dogged Francisco Franco. See e.g. Joaquim da Costa Leite, “Neutrality by Agreement: Portugal and the British Alliance in World War II,” American University International Law Review,v.14, n. 1 (1998), pp. 185–199; Christian Leitz, Sympathy for the Devil: Neutral Europe and Nazi Germany in World War II (New York: New York University Press, 2001), Chapter 6. 4. Letter from President Roosevelt to US Ambassador Norman Armour in Spain, March 10, 1945, quoted in E. Ralph Perkins, ed., Foreign Relations of the United States [FRUS] 1945, volume V, Europe (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 667. 5. Quoted in David McCullough, Truman (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992), p. 308. 6. Gallup Poll on US public attitudes toward Spain, August 15, 1945, in George H. Gallup, The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1935–1971 (New York: Random House, 1972), pp. 519–520. 7. Franco would repeat this charm offensive modus operandi the following year in his interview with another American interviewer, Merwin K. Hart, in which he exhorted US tourists to visit Spain. See Chapter 2, introduction. 8. DeWitt Mackenzie, “Franco Wants Friendship of United States,” syndicated Asso- ciated Press article, in the Prescott Evening Courier, 1/24/46, p. 7, at Google News Archive. 200 Notes 201 9. Quoted in Stanley Payne, The Franco Regime: 1936–1975 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), p. 192. See also Christian Leitz, Nazi Germany and Neutral Europe During the Second World War (Manchester, UK: University of Manchester Press, 2000), Chapter 5 passim; Wayne H. Bowen, Spaniards and Nazi Germany, p. 119. 10. For an overview of Spain’s immediate post-war predicament see Florentino Portero, Franco Aislado: La Cuestión española (1945–1950) (Madrid: Editorial Aguilar, 1989). On the Madrid Pact see e.g. Theodore J. Lowi, “Bases in Spain,” in Harold Stein, ed., American Civil-Military Decisions: A Book of Case Studies (Birmingham: University of Alabama Press, 1963), passim; Carlos Collardo Seidel, “U.S. Bases in Spain in the 1950s,” in Simon W. Duke and Wolfgang Krieger, eds., U.S. Military Forces in Europe: The Early Years, 1945–1970 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), passim; Boris N. Liedtke, Embracing a Dictatorship: US Relations with Spain, 1945–53 (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan Press, 1998), Chapters 6–14; Boris N. Liedtke, “Spain and the United States, 1945–1975,” in, Sebastian Balfour and Paul Preston, eds., Spain and the Great Powers in the Twentieth Century, pp. 234–241; Angel Viñas, En las Garras del Águila: Los Pactos con Estados Unidos, de Francisco Franco a Felipe Gonzalez (1945–1995) (Barcelona: Crítica, 2003), pp. 110–260; and Rosa Pardo Sanz, “US Bases in Spain Since 1953,” in Luís Rodrigues and Sergey Glebov, eds., Military Bases: Historical Perspectives, Contemporary Challenges (Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2009), pp. 56–61. 11. Paul Preston, Franco: A Biography, p. 597; R. Richard Rubottom and J. Carter Murphy, Spain and the United States Since World War II (New York: Praeger, 1984), p. 14. 12. Memorandum by the Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs (Perkins) to the Secretary of State, November 25, 1950, in S. Everett Gleason and Frederick Aandahl, eds., FRUS 1950, vol. III, Western Europe (Washington, DC: US Govern- ment Printing Office, 1977), p. 1578; “Draft report by the Secretary of State to the National Security Council,” January 15, 1951, in William Z. Slany, ed., FRUS 1951, vol. IV, Europe: Political and Economic Developments, Part I (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1985), p. 773. 13. R. Richard Rubottom and J. Carter Murphy, Spain and the United States Since World War II, pp. 22–34; Antonio Marquina Barrio, España en la Politica de Seguridad Occidental (Madrid: Coleccion “Ediciones Ejercito,” 1986), pp. 375–357; and Boris N. Liedtke, Embracing a Dictatorship, pp. 108–213. 14. Quoted in Javier Tusell, Spain: From Dictatorship to Democracy, 1939 to the Present, transl. Rosemary Clark (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), p. 113. 15. Memorandum from US Embassy in Madrid to US Dept. of State, “Spain’s Interna- tional Objectives,” 2/1/63, p. 2, in folder, “Pol 1 Gen Policy SP,” box 4044, NND 949607, Record Group 59, US Department of State Central Files [RG59], Central Foreign Policy Files, National Archives and Records Administration-Archives II, College Park, MD [NARA-A2]. 16. Benjamin Welles, Spain: The Gentle Anarchy (New York: Praeger, 1965), pp. 233, 293. 17. Arthur P. Whitaker, Spain and the Defense of the West: Ally and Liability (New York: American Book-Stratford Press, 1961), pp. 380–383. 18. Sebastian Balfour and Paul Preston, “Introduction: Spain and the Great Powers,” in Sebastian Balfour and Paul Preston, eds., Spain and the Great Powers in the Twen- tieth Century, p. 8; Boris Liedtke, “Spain and the United States, 1945–1975,” in same volume, pp. 237–238. 202 Notes 19. See Chapter 2, p. 29, for full quote, discussion and source. 20. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success In World Politics (Cambridge, MA: Perseus/PublicAffairs, 2004), p. 111 and passim. 21. Don W. Stacks, Primer of Public Relations Research, 2nd ed. (New York: Guilford Press, 2011), Chapters 2–3. 22. “Soft power” was first introduced in Joseph S. Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 1990), pp. 32–33, 188–195. 23. See for example Jan Nederveen Pieterse, “Globalization as Hybridization,” Inter- national Sociology, June 1994; Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimen- sions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Roland Robertson, Social Theory and Global Culture (London: Sage Publications, 1992); Marwan M. Kraidy, “The Global, the Local, and the Hybrid: A Native Ethnography of Glocalization,” Critical Studies in Mass Communication, December 1999. 24. Jessica C.E. Gienow-Hecht, “Introduction,” in Jessica C.E. Gienow-Hecht, ed., Decentering America (Oxford and New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), p. 8. 25. Victoria de Grazia, Irresistible Empire: America’s Advance Through Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). This is not to criticize de Grazia’s excellent volume, nor other such works over the past three decades including Frank Ninkovich, The Diplomacy of Ideas: U.S. Foreign Policy and Cultural Relations, 1938–1950 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Frank Costigliola, Awkward Dominion: American Political, Economic and Cultural Relations with Europe, 1919–1933 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984); Emily Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890– 1945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982); Reinhold Wagnleitner, Coca-Colonization and the Cold War: The Cultural Mission of the United States in Austria After the Sec- ond World War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Richard F. Kuisel, Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization (Berkeley: Univer- sity of California Press, 1997); Richard Pells, Not Like Us: How Europeans Have Loved, Hated and Transformed American Culture Since World War II (New York: Basic Books, 1997); Uta Poiger, Jazz, Rock and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Cul- ture in a Divided Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Michael L. Krenn, Fall-Out Shelters for the Human Spirit: American Art and the Cold War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005); Kenneth Osgood, Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006); Penny M. Von Eschen, Satchmo Blows Up the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006); Laura Belmonte, Selling the American Way: U.S. Propaganda and the Cold War (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008); Nicholas J. Cull, The Cold War and the United State Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945–1989 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009); and Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), all of which focus largely on the outward flow of American soft power and which discuss other states primarily in terms of their responses on a reaction spectrum of submission through resistance to nego- tiation. There is nothing inherently wrong with this analytical approach—the US truly is a long-established global soft power juggernaut—but as Gienow-Hecht and this volume make clear, the US has been subject to other states’ soft power potential as well.
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