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Counter Terrorism Policing – Investing in the Racial State

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Counter Terrorism Policing – Investing in the Racial State ACRAWSA e-journal, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2006 COUNTER TERRORISM POLICING – INVESTING IN THE RACIAL STATE VICKI SENTAS Abstract Introduction This article explores a framework for how That counter terrorism policing is di- racial state power is regenerated in Aus- rected against Muslim and migrant tralia through contemporary counter communities is clear enough. However terrorism policing. Counter terrorism is there is more at play in this common ob- scripted as a struggle over history, the servation. Britain, the United States, future and the space of nation to pro- Canada and Australia for example, tect against multiple threatening ‘ene- have intensified the policing of racialised mies’. In particular the function of secu- bodies. The technologies of this state rity policing and the institution of the po- repression are expanded with pre- lice in constructing racial subjects are emptive criminal laws and immigration considered. regulations (for example, Cole 2003; Hagopian 2004; Fekete 2002). Commu- The counter terrorism policing framework nity and non-government organisations is suggestive of how the social relations (NGO’s) document communities under of race are practices of state terror siege, targeted by state agencies and which remake white nation. The particu- made fearful (Ansari 2005; Nguyen 2005; lar significance of police discretion as AMCRAN 2005a, 2005b; HREOC 2004). always producing social dislocation, Security capabilities emblematic and stigmatisation and criminalisation is con- constitutive of colonial forms of rule are sidered. The historical role of the police reprised by liberal democracies with the to racialise Indigenous and multi-ethnic fervour of war. communities is presented as a continu- ous, albeit heterogenous production of In thinking through the significance of state power through a logic of erasure this apparent reprisal of the state’s re- and denial. In this sense, counter terror- pressive capacities, law and policing ism is conceptualised as a key invest- appear central to understanding the ment in both white ontological security reproductive capabilities of white he- and a teleos of terror. gemony and racial power. Counter ter- rorism both constructs and enacts upon The dynamics of the containment of racial subjects. However, at a time when perceived threats to white interest has the state looms large, the ‘racial state’ is explanatory potential for how neoliberal absent conceptually. What is the rela- ‘democratic’ futures are regenerated. tion of the Australian colonial state to Rather than figuring law and police de- contemporary forms of racial rule? What cision making as a moment of excep- is counter terrorisms’ significance for the tionality, the violence of these relations nature of racialisation? represent what is fundamental to de- mocracy. Scholarship which examines Australian counter terrorism law and policing in de- tail predominantly figures the concep- ISSN 1832-3898 © Australian Critical Race and Whiteness Studies Association 2006 SENTAS: COUNTER TERRORISM tual terrain within the erosion of civil and also see, Osuri & Banjeree 2004). Polic- human rights. In particular the deleteri- ing privileges whiteness through prac- ous impact of the erosion of the rule of tices of terror and the foreclosure of non- law and liberal democracy features as a white futures. Erased histories of state key concern (Emerton 2004; Williams terror point to the origins of counter ter- 2003; Head 2002; O’Neil et al 2004; rorism policing in the foundational vio- Carne 2003; Hocking 2004; Tham 2004; lence of colonisation. Michaelson 2003). Important accounts examine the impacts of Australian Secondly, racial power can be under- counter terrorism laws and technologies stood as a historical process dependent on Muslim and ethnic communities. on a series of economic, cultural and These include the suppression of the fi- political investments. The circulation of nancing of terrorism and pre-emptive terror, through the institutions of ‘security criminal justice frameworks (McCulloch policing’, is a constitutive practice of the et al 2004; McCulloch & Carlton 2006), state. That is, state terror consolidates the relation of human rights to racial pro- the racial states’ re-formation. I demon- filing (Golder & Williams 2005) and bio- strate how counter terrorism policing metric technologies and every day life produces continuous terror, central to (Pugliese 2005). Furthermore, analysis of both the historical and contemporary the multiple discursive and constitutive racialisation of social control. processes of racialisation and the war on terror in Australia provides context for Thirdly, drawing on the ideas of Walter law (for example, Pugliese 2005; Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben, the Poynting et al 2004; Osuri and Banerjee practice of counter terrorism explains 2004; Perera 2002; Nasser-Eddine 2002). how the violence of white supremacy is The specific relation between counter integral to liberal democracy. An ex- terrorism, the institution of the police and amination of liberal democracy as the central role of the state in racial and founded on the violence of law compels social formation however, remains under a focus on how this violence is integral to theorised. It is with the conceptual con- the institution of the police. The final sec- cern of how the racial violence of white tion of this article then outlines how the supremacy is integral to liberal democ- contemporary legal framework is pro- racy, that this article begins. ductive of police discretion to produce sovereign terror. State terror, rather than This article explores a framework for how exceptional, is essential to the function racial power is regenerated in Australia of racial rule and democracy itself. This through counter terrorism policing. article concludes that practices of polic- Drawing on David Goldbergs’ theorisa- ing as state terror in Australia are dialec- tion of the ‘racial state’, counter terror- tically linked to the processes of white ism is presented as a state investment in nation building. the future of white supremacy. Firstly, I argue counter terrorism reconfigures the An Investment in Whiteness – The colonial project to control national Racial Security State space against heterogeneous collectiv- ities. Counter terrorism operates specifi- cally as a ‘white’ state terror. Following ‘White’, ‘white supremacy’ and ‘white- Suvendrini Pereras’ concept of ‘teleol- ness’ are contested terms with contin- ogy of nation’, counter terrorism policing gent meanings, and their use requires as state practice organises space and specification. The explanatory potential time along racialised lines (Perera 2000: of ‘whiteness’ arises in locating the mul- tiple, intersecting processes regenerative 2 SENTAS: COUNTER TERRORISM of cultural political and economic he- Whiteness is simultaneously the organisa- gemony. The varied ways in which tion of territory and time, whereby visions whiteness dehistoricises how it is pro- of history and future mobilise the present duced, maintains the illusion of a univer- space of the nation. Perera situates sal and natural collective identity. and whiteness as both spatial and temporal operates as a strategy of power (Perera forms of organisation, ‘mapping national 2000). I am concerned here with the space both for past and future’ (2000: strategies of power which include and 10). White power is naturalised, Perera exclude non-white others through for- argues, through successive processes mations of nation-state, rather than and narratives of erasure - the denial of ‘white’ identities. Hage’s analysis of the Indigenous genocide and the violence ‘fantasy of white supremacy’ as the of colonial domination, the continuing governing impulse for a mastery over denial of Indigenous sovereignty and nation, describes how practices of ex- neoliberal practices which variously clusion are predicated on the control or value and construct migrants as either removal of undesirable Aboriginal or within or outside the space of nation non-white others, as transgressions or (2000: 7). intrusions into national space (1998: 47). Racial power in the context of national The functioning of state power in secur- management of categories of undesir- ing itself against racial others is itself ob- ability, is itself conceived within the terri- scured through the spatial and temporal torial space of nation in which such organisation of the nation. The way state categories make commonsense. For power is experienced and responded to Hage, white is a ‘dominant mode of self casts light on the nature of rule. Osuri perception’ expressed as ‘national will’, and Banjeree’s incisive analysis of na- an anxiety targeted at migration as un- tional discourses of security deploys Per- dermining the centrality of white peo- eras’ concept of teleology of nation to ple’s decision making (19, 38, 65). White argue whiteness is both discursive and supremacy then, is understood as a tri- embodied in ‘lived realities and visuali- umph over the organisation of space ties’ (Osuri & Banjeree: 152, 161). Theo- and non-white identities. Specifically, rists such as bell hooks highlight the ter- white supremacy is located as a hege- rorising psyche of whiteness in the black monic strategy of state power. imagination, where in the United States whiteness is associated ‘with the terrible, Situating whiteness in the spatial proc- the terrifying and the terrorist’, as a di- esses which remake nation, must neces- rect result of experiences of domination. sarily identify
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