Volume IV, Issue 6 December 2010 PERSPECTIVES on TERRORISM Volume 4, Issue 6
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Elections in Serbia: 2017 Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions
Elections in Serbia 2017 Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 28, 2017 Frequently Asked Questions Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 What election system will be used? ............................................................................................................. 1 Who administers elections in Serbia? ........................................................................................................... 1 What is the structure of the Serbian government? ...................................................................................... 2 How are voters registered? .......................................................................................................................... 2 How will out-of-country voting be managed? .............................................................................................. 2 Who will be observing on Election Day? ....................................................................................................... 3 What is the political climate and why is this election important?................................................................ 3 Disclosure: These FAQs reflect decisions made by the Serbian elections authorities as of March 28, 2017, to the best of our knowledge. This document does not represent -
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ........................................................................................................................... -
The Nairobi Attack and Al-Shabab's Media Strategy
OCTOBER 2013 . VOL 6 . ISSUE 10 Contents The Nairobi Attack and FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Nairobi Attack and Al-Shabab’s Al-Shabab’s Media Strategy Media Strategy By Christopher Anzalone By Christopher Anzalone REPORTS 6 The Dutch Foreign Fighter Contingent in Syria By Samar Batrawi 10 Jordanian Jihadists Active in Syria By Suha Philip Ma’ayeh 13 The Islamic Movement and Iranian Intelligence Activities in Nigeria By Jacob Zenn 19 Kirkuk’s Multidimensional Security Crisis By Derek Henry Flood 22 The Battle for Syria’s Al-Hasakah Province By Nicholas A. Heras 25 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 28 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts Kenyan soldiers take positions outside the Westgate Mall in Nairobi on September 21, 2013. - Photo by Jeff Angote/Getty Images fter carrying out a bold Godane. The attack also followed a attack inside the upscale year in which al-Shabab lost control Westgate Mall in Nairobi in of significant amounts of territory in September 2013, the Somali Somalia, most importantly major urban Amilitant group al-Shabab succeeded in and economic centers such as the cities recapturing the media spotlight. This of Baidoa and Kismayo. was in large part due to the nature of the attack, its duration, the difficulty This article examines al-Shabab’s About the CTC Sentinel in resecuring the mall, the number of media strategy during and immediately The Combating Terrorism Center is an casualties, and al-Shabab’s aggressive after the Westgate Mall attack, both independent educational and research media campaign during and immediately via micro-blogging on Twitter through institution based in the Department of Social after the attack.1 its various accounts as well as more Sciences at the United States Military Academy, traditional media formats such as West Point. -
Safeguarding Your Organisation Against Terrorism Financing
Safeguarding your organisation against terrorism financing A guidance for non-profit organisations Safeguarding your organisation against terrorism financing A guidance for non-profit organisations ISBN: 978-1-921241-84-0 © Commonwealth of Australia [2009] This work is copyright. Apart from any use as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without prior written permission from the Commonwealth. Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed to the Commonwealth Copyright Administration, Attorney-General’s Department, 3-5 National Circuit, Barton ACT 2600 or posted at http://www.ag.gov.au/cca Table of Contents SECTION A: Introduction 3 SECTION B: Best Practice Principles 8 SECTION C: Australia’s international obligations 9 SECTION D: Listed individuals and organisations 10 SECTION E: Legal obligations 14 SECTION F: Due diligence 15 SECTION G: Transparency and accountability 17 M F I N A N C I N G S T T E R R O R I S ATION AGAIN S SAFEGUARDING YOUR ORGANI 1 What does this Guidance mean for Non-Profit Organisations (NPOs)? This Guidance is not a legal document. This Guidance is intended to help NPOs understand their obligations under Australian law. Like all Australian legal and natural persons, Australian NPOs must comply with Australian laws. The Australian Government recognises the vital contribution that NPOs make in Australia and overseas. In minimising the risk of misuse of NPOs, the Australian Government is mindful of the need to not disrupt or discourage legitimate NPO activities. This Guidance is intended to support NPOs to continue their important work. -
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations
Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40054 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Lebanon: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Lebanon is a religiously diverse country transitioning toward independence and democratic consolidation after a ruinous civil war and the subsequent Syrian and Israeli occupations. The United States and Lebanon have historically enjoyed a good relationship due in part to cultural and religious ties; the democratic character of the state; a large, Lebanese-American community in the United States; and the pro-western orientation of Lebanon, particularly during the cold war. Current policy priorities of the United States include strengthening the weak democratic institutions of the state, limiting the influence of Iran, Syria, and others in Lebanon’s political process, and countering threats from Hezbollah and other militant groups in Lebanon. Following Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005 and the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006, the Bush Administration requested and Congress appropriated a significant increase in U.S. assistance to Lebanon. Since 2006, U.S. assistance to Lebanon has topped $1 billion total over three years, including for the first time U.S. security assistance for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and Internal Security Forces (ISF) of Lebanon. Several key issues in U.S.-Lebanon relations could potentially affect future U.S. assistance to Lebanon. The scope and influence of foreign actors, primarily Syria and Iran; unresolved territorial disputes; concerns about extremist groups operating in Lebanon; and potential indictments by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) are among the challenges facing the Lebanese government and U.S. -
WHY? a Brief History and Definitions
1. WHY? A Brief History and Definitions “By the very nature of their impact, however, revolutions are very difficult to analyze satisfactorily, surrounded as they are and must be by a cloud of hope and disillusion, of love, hatred and fear, of their own myths and the myths of counter-propaganda.” Eric J. Hobsbawm (1965, 252) As soon as the popular reaction to the killing of Rafiq Hariri began, the battle to define what was actually happening started. The fight for a definition was not driven, of course, by scientific accuracy, but by each actor’s goals and individual sensibilities. Internationally, almost immediately, the title ‘Cedar Revolution’ gained ground, proposed first by the US administration (by Paula Dobriansky, to be precise, at the time US Under Secretary for Global Affairs at the Department of State), which was looking to ‘spread democracy’ in the Middle East and immediately realised the political opportunity the events unfolding in Lebanon could represent. From the US administration’s perspective, the 2003 Iraq invasion, and the new US policy towards the region (which has been labelled in many ways: ‘constructive instability’, ‘creative chaos’, ‘regional democratisation’, etc.), coupled with the successfully and barely finished 2003 Georgian ‘Rose Revolution’ and the 2004 Ukrainian ‘Orange Revolution’, had spurred a democratic ‘conjuncture’ that was expected to create a ‘domino effect’ and spread to the whole Middle East. Originally, the country from which the democratic movement was going to start to re-shape the political face of the region had to be Iraq; unfortunately, events in Iraq were not conducive to this. -
Volume XV, Issue 1 February 2021 PERSPECTIVES on TERRORISM Volume 15, Issue 1
ISSN 2334-3745 Volume XV, Issue 1 February 2021 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 15, Issue 1 Table of Content Welcome from the Editors...............................................................................................................................1 Articles Bringing Religiosity Back In: Critical Reflection on the Explanation of Western Homegrown Religious Terrorism (Part I)............................................................................................................................................2 by Lorne L. Dawson Dying to Live: The “Love to Death” Narrative Driving the Taliban’s Suicide Bombings............................17 by Atal Ahmadzai The Use of Bay’ah by the Main Salafi-Jihadist Groups..................................................................................39 by Carlos Igualada and Javier Yagüe Counter-Terrorism in the Philippines: Review of Key Issues.......................................................................49 by Ronald U. Mendoza, Rommel Jude G. Ong and Dion Lorenz L. Romano Variations on a Theme? Comparing 4chan, 8kun, and other chans’ Far-right “/pol” Boards....................65 by Stephane J. Baele, Lewys Brace, and Travis G. Coan Research Notes Climate Change—Terrorism Nexus? A Preliminary Review/Analysis of the Literature...................................81 by Jeremiah O. Asaka Inventory of 200+ Institutions and Centres in the Field of Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism Research.....93 by Reinier Bergema and Olivia Kearney Resources Counterterrorism Bookshelf: Eight Books -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
BTI 2018 Country Report — Serbia
BTI 2018 Country Report Serbia This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Serbia. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Serbia 3 Key Indicators Population M 7.1 HDI 0.776 GDP p.c., PPP $ 14512 Pop. growth1 % p.a. -0.5 HDI rank of 188 66 Gini Index 29.1 Life expectancy years 75.5 UN Education Index 0.779 Poverty3 % 1.4 Urban population % 55.7 Gender inequality2 0.185 Aid per capita $ 44.0 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Serbia’s current political system is characterized by the dominant rule of one political party at the national and provincial level, as well as most of the local government units. -
Preventative Detention and Covert Search Warrants: Review of Parts 2A and 3 of the Terrorism (Police Powers) Act 2002
Preventative detention and covert search warrants: Review of Parts 2A and 3 of the Terrorism (Police Powers) Act 2002 Review period 2011 - 2013 September 2014 Preventative detention and covert search warrants: Review of Parts 2A and 3 of the Terrorism (Police Powers) Act 2002 Review period 2011 - 2013 September 2014 NSW Ombudsman NSW Ombudsman Level 24, 580 George Street Sydney NSW 2000 Phone 02 9286 1000 Toll free (outside Sydney Metro Area): 1800 451 524 Facsimile: 02 9283 2911 Telephone typewriter: 02 9264 8050 Website: www.ombo.nsw.gov.au Email [email protected] ISBN 978-1-925061-41-3 © Crown Copyright, NSW Ombudsman, September 2014 This work is copyright, however material from this publication may be copied and published by State or Federal Government Agencies without permission of the Ombudsman on the condition that the meaning of the material is not altered and the NSW Ombudsman is acknowledged as the source of the material. Any other persons or bodies wishing to use material must seek permission. Preventative detention and covert search warrants: Review of Parts 2A and 3 of the Terrorism (Police Powers) Act 2002 September 2014 NSW Ombudsman Foreword In 2005 the Terrorism (Police Powers) Act 2002 was amended to give police and the NSW Crime Commission special powers to deal with suspected terrorist acts. Under Part 2A, police may apply to the Supreme Court for a preventative detention order to detain a person without charge for up to two weeks, in order to prevent a suspected imminent terrorist act or to preserve evidence of a terrorist act which has occurred. -
A Decade of Australian Anti-Terror Laws
A DECADE OF AUSTRALIAN ANTI-TERROR LAWS GEORGE WILLIAMS* [This article takes stock of the making of anti-terror laws in Australia since 11 September 2001. First, it catalogues and describes Australia’s record of enacting anti-terror laws since that time. Second, with the benefit of perspective that a decade brings, it draws conclusions and identifies lessons about this body of law for the Australian legal system and the ongoing task of protecting the community from terrorism.] CONTENTS I Introduction ..........................................................................................................1137 II Australia’s Anti-Terror Laws ................................................................................1139 A Number of Federal Anti-Terror Laws ......................................................1140 1 Defining an Anti-Terror Law ......................................................1141 2 How Many Anti-Terror Laws? ....................................................1144 B Scope of Federal Anti-Terror Laws .........................................................1146 1 The Definition of a ‘Terrorist Act’ ..............................................1146 2 Offence of Committing a ‘Terrorist Act’ and Preparatory Offences ......................................................................................1146 3 Proscription Regime ....................................................................1147 4 Financing Offences and Regulation ............................................1147 (a) Offences ..........................................................................1147 -
Foreign Military Interventions and Suicide Attacks
Article Journal of Conflict Resolution 2017, Vol. 61(2) 271-297 ª The Author(s) 2015 Foreign Military Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0022002715576575 Interventions journals.sagepub.com/home/jcr and Suicide Attacks Seung-Whan Choi1, and James A. Piazza2 Abstract This study examines the effect of foreign military interventions on the incidence of suicide attacks. It presents three theoretical explanations. Foreign military inter- ventions may boost insurgent use of suicide attacks by (a) fomenting a nationalist backlash that sanctions the use of more extreme and unconventional tactics like suicide attacks, (b) providing more and better targets against which suicide attacks can be launched, or (c) prompting insurgents to use suicide tactics in order to overcome their power asymmetries and to confront better defended targets that are enhanced by interventions. We test these competing explanations using a bat- tery of statistical tests on cross-national, time-series data for 138 countries during the period from 1981 to 2005. We find that only foreign interventions with specific features—pro-government interventions involving larger numbers of ground troops—boost suicide attacks in countries experiencing interventions. This finding suggests that by tipping the balance of power against insurgents and hardening targets in the context of assisting a local government, foreign military interventions are likely to increase the use of suicide attacks by regime challengers. Keywords terrorism, suicide bombings, military intervention, international security 1Department of Political Science (MC 276), University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA 2Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA, USA Corresponding Author: James A.