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Establishing 15 IP Tribunals Nationwide, Chinese Courts Further Concentrate Jurisdiction Over IP Matters
Establishing 15 IP Tribunals Nationwide, Chinese Courts Further Concentrate Jurisdiction Over IP Matters March 15, 2018 Patent and ITC Litigation China has continued to develop its adjudicatory framework for intellectual property disputes with the establishment of three Intellectual Property Tribunals (“IP Tribunals”) this month. This reform began with the establishment of three specialized IP Courts in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou at the end of 2014, and has been furthered with the establishment of IP Tribunals in 10 provinces and two cities/municipalities around the country. For companies facing an IP dispute in China, understanding this framework in order to select the appropriate jurisdiction for a case can have a significant impact on the time to resolution, as well as the ultimate merits of the case. Most significantly, through the establishment of these IP Tribunals many Chinese courts have been stripped of their jurisdiction over IP matters in favor of the IP Tribunals. This has led to a fundamental change to the forum selection strategies of both multinational and Chinese companies. The three IP Tribunals established on the first two days of March 2018 are located in Tianjin Municipality, and cities of Changsha and Zhengzhou respectively. This brings the number of IP Tribunals that have been set up across 10 provinces and two cities/municipalities in China since January 2017 to a total of 15. The most unique aspect of the specialized IP Tribunals is that they have cross-regional1 and exclusive jurisdiction over IP matters in significant first-instance2 cases (i.e., those generally including disputes involving patents, new varieties of plants, integrated circuit layout and design, technical-related trade secrets, software, the recognition of well-known trademarks, and other IP cases in which the damages sought exceed a certain amount)3. -
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. -
Appendix 1: Rank of China's 338 Prefecture-Level Cities
Appendix 1: Rank of China’s 338 Prefecture-Level Cities © The Author(s) 2018 149 Y. Zheng, K. Deng, State Failure and Distorted Urbanisation in Post-Mao’s China, 1993–2012, Palgrave Studies in Economic History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92168-6 150 First-tier cities (4) Beijing Shanghai Guangzhou Shenzhen First-tier cities-to-be (15) Chengdu Hangzhou Wuhan Nanjing Chongqing Tianjin Suzhou苏州 Appendix Rank 1: of China’s 338 Prefecture-Level Cities Xi’an Changsha Shenyang Qingdao Zhengzhou Dalian Dongguan Ningbo Second-tier cities (30) Xiamen Fuzhou福州 Wuxi Hefei Kunming Harbin Jinan Foshan Changchun Wenzhou Shijiazhuang Nanning Changzhou Quanzhou Nanchang Guiyang Taiyuan Jinhua Zhuhai Huizhou Xuzhou Yantai Jiaxing Nantong Urumqi Shaoxing Zhongshan Taizhou Lanzhou Haikou Third-tier cities (70) Weifang Baoding Zhenjiang Yangzhou Guilin Tangshan Sanya Huhehot Langfang Luoyang Weihai Yangcheng Linyi Jiangmen Taizhou Zhangzhou Handan Jining Wuhu Zibo Yinchuan Liuzhou Mianyang Zhanjiang Anshan Huzhou Shantou Nanping Ganzhou Daqing Yichang Baotou Xianyang Qinhuangdao Lianyungang Zhuzhou Putian Jilin Huai’an Zhaoqing Ningde Hengyang Dandong Lijiang Jieyang Sanming Zhoushan Xiaogan Qiqihar Jiujiang Longyan Cangzhou Fushun Xiangyang Shangrao Yingkou Bengbu Lishui Yueyang Qingyuan Jingzhou Taian Quzhou Panjin Dongying Nanyang Ma’anshan Nanchong Xining Yanbian prefecture Fourth-tier cities (90) Leshan Xiangtan Zunyi Suqian Xinxiang Xinyang Chuzhou Jinzhou Chaozhou Huanggang Kaifeng Deyang Dezhou Meizhou Ordos Xingtai Maoming Jingdezhen Shaoguan -
Modern Hong Kong
Modern Hong Kong Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History Modern Hong Kong Steve Tsang Subject: China, Hong Kong, Macao, and/or Taiwan Online Publication Date: Feb 2017 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.280 Abstract and Keywords Hong Kong entered its modern era when it became a British overseas territory in 1841. In its early years as a Crown Colony, it suffered from corruption and racial segregation but grew rapidly as a free port that supported trade with China. It took about two decades before Hong Kong established a genuinely independent judiciary and introduced the Cadet Scheme to select and train senior officials, which dramatically improved the quality of governance. Until the Pacific War (1941–1945), the colonial government focused its attention and resources on the small expatriate community and largely left the overwhelming majority of the population, the Chinese community, to manage themselves, through voluntary organizations such as the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. The 1940s was a watershed decade in Hong Kong’s history. The fall of Hong Kong and other European colonies to the Japanese at the start of the Pacific War shattered the myth of the superiority of white men and the invincibility of the British Empire. When the war ended the British realized that they could not restore the status quo ante. They thus put an end to racial segregation, removed the glass ceiling that prevented a Chinese person from becoming a Cadet or Administrative Officer or rising to become the Senior Member of the Legislative or the Executive Council, and looked into the possibility of introducing municipal self-government. -
Before the FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION Washington, D.C
Before the FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION Washington, D.C. 20554 In the Matter of ) ) GU HOLDINGS INC. and EDGE CABLE ) File Nos. SCL-LIC-2020_________ HOLDINGS USA, LLC ) ) Application for a License to Construct, Land, ) and Operate the Pacific Light Cable Network ) to Connect the United States to Taiwan and ) the Philippines ) APPLICATION FOR A CABLE LANDING LICENSE (STREAMLINED PROCESSING REQUESTED) Pursuant to the Act Relating to the Landing and Operation of Submarine Cables in the United States, 47 U.S.C. §§ 34-39, Executive Order 10,530, and 47 C.F.R. § 1.767, GU Holdings Inc. (“GU Holdings”) and Edge Cable Holdings USA, LLC (“Edge USA”) (together, the “Applicants”), request a license to construct, land, and operate a high-capacity fiber-optic submarine cable system connecting the United States to Taiwan and the Philippines. For purposes of this application, the system is referred to as the Pacific Light Cable Network (“PLCN”). PLCN will be made up of the following elements: ● The fiber pair owned by GU Holdings and its affiliates connecting the United States to Branching Unit 2 (Fiber Pair 2 on each of Segments S1.1.1, S1.1.2, and S1.2 1); ● The branch owned by GU Holdings’ affiliates connecting Taiwan to Branching Unit 1, including the two fiber pairs on that branch (Segment S2); ● The fiber pair owned by Edge USA and its affiliates connecting the United States to Branching Unit 2 (Fiber Pair 1 on each of Segments S1.1.1, S1.1.2, and S1.2); ● The branch owned by Edge USA’s affiliates connecting Baler, Philippines, to 1 For segment references, see Appendix A hereto. -
The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster
Mainstream or Alternative? The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster so Ming Hang A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Government and Public Administration © The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2005 The Chinese University of Hong Kong holds the copyright of this thesis. Any person(s) intending to use a part or whole of the materials in the thesis in a proposed publication must seek copyright release from the Dean of the Graduate School. 卜二,A館書圆^^ m 18 1 KK j|| Abstract Theoretically, public broadcaster and commercial broadcaster are set up and run by two different mechanisms. Commercial broadcaster, as a proprietary organization, is believed to emphasize on maximizing the profit while the public broadcaster, without commercial considerations, is usually expected to achieve some objectives or goals instead of making profits. Therefore, the contribution by public broadcaster to the society is usually expected to be different from those by commercial broadcaster. However, the public broadcasters are in crisis around the world because of their unclear role in actual practice. Many politicians claim that they cannot find any difference between the public broadcasters and the commercial broadcasters and thus they asserted to cut the budget of public broadcasters or even privatize all public broadcasters. Having this unstable situation of the public broadcasting, the role or performance of the public broadcasters in actual practice has drawn much attention from both policy-makers and scholars. Empirical studies are divergent on whether there is difference between public and commercial broadcaster in actual practice. -
Changsha:Gateway to Inland China
0 ︱Changsha: Gateway to Inland China Changsha Gateway to Inland China Changsha Investment Environment Report 2013 0 1 ︱ Changsha: Gateway to Inland China Changsha Changsha is a central link between the coastal areas and inland China ■ Changsha is the capital as well as the economic, political and cultural centre of Hunan province. It is also one of the largest cities in central China(a) ■ Changsha is located at the intersection of three major national high- speed railways: Beijing-Guangzhou railway, Shanghai-Kunming railway (to commence in 2014) and Chongqing-Xiamen railway (scheduled to start construction before 2016) ■ As one of China’s 17 major regional logistics hubs, Changsha offers convenient access to China’s coastal areas; Hong Kong is reachable by a 1.5-hour flight or a 3-hour ride by CRH (China Railways High-speed) Changsha is well connected to inland China and the world economy(b) Domestic trade (total retail Total value of imports and CNY 245.5 billion USD 8.7 billion sales of consumer goods) exports Value of foreign direct Total value of logistics goods CNY 2 trillion, 19.3% investment and y-o-y USD 3.0 billion, 14.4% and y-o-y growth rate growth rate Total number of domestic Number of Fortune 500 79.9 million, 34.7% tourists and y-o-y growth rate companies with direct 49 investment in Changsha Notes: (a) Central China area includes Hunan Province, Hubei Province, Jiangxi Province, Anhui Province, Henan Province and Shanxi Province (b) Figures come from 2012 statistics Sources: Changsha Bureau of Commerce; Changsha 2012 National Economic and Social Development Report © 2013 KPMG Advisory (China) Limited, a wholly foreign owned enterprise in China and a member firm of the KPMG network of independent member firms affiliated with KPMG International Cooperative ("KPMG International"), a Swiss entity. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
Economic Development Committee, and Michael Deangelis, the Former City Manager
COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE – FEBRUARY 28, 2012 LETTER OF ECONOMIC INTENT, ZIBO, SHANDONG, PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA Recommendation The Director of Economic Development in consultation with the City Manager, recommends: That the City explore the development of an Economic Partnership with Zibo, Shandong, People’s Republic of China through the signing of the attached Letter of Economic Intent. Contribution to Sustainability Green Directions Vaughan embraces a Sustainability First principle and states that sustainability means we make decisions and take actions that ensure a healthy environment, vibrant communities and economic vitality for current and future generations. Under this definition, activities related to attracting and retaining business investments contributes to the economic vitality of the City. Global competition in the form of trade and business investment, forces even the smallest of enterprises to operate on the world stage. With the assistance of the City, access to government officials and business contacts can be made more readily available. Economic Impact The recommendation above will not have any impact on the 2012 operating budget. However, any future activity associated with the signing of a Letter of Economic Intent, such as; any future business mission(s) to Zibo, Shandong that involves the City would be established through a future report that identifies objectives and costs for Council approval. Communications Plan Should Council approve the signing of a Letter of Economic Intent with Zibo, Shandong, the partnership will be highlighted in communications to the business community through the Economic Development Department’s newsletter Business Link and Vaughan e-BusinessLink. In addition, staff of the Economic Development Department will work with Corporate Communications to issue a News Release on the day of the signing that highlights the partnership. -
HONG KONG and SOUTH CHINA: a BRIEF CHRONOLOGY (From Various Sources)
HONG KONG AND SOUTH CHINA: A BRIEF CHRONOLOGY (from various sources) 214 BCE Guangzhou established in the Northern Pearl River delta and walled by Emperor Qin Shi Huang of the Qin dynasty (221-206 BCE). Area becomes a center for industry and trade. Nauyue kings of Western Han dynasty rule there (206 BCE-24 CE; tomb in Guangzhou). By Tang Dynasty (618-907 CCE): Guangzhou is international port, controlling almost all of China's spice trade amid activities of maritime coast. 12th –15th C. Southern Sung (1127-1280) and Yuan Dynasties (1280-1363) Hakka (guest) peoples move southward and settle in marginal areas. Guangzhou less accessible to Southern Sung capital than other centers in Fukien. 1368-1644 Ming Dynasty: consolidation of Chinese Rule. Guangzhou continues to develop, particularly known for silk, crafts and trade. Local intellectuals explore Cantonese culture. After 1431, however, China cuts off trade and contact with the world. 1513 Portuguese Jorge Alvares reaches mouth of the Pearl river on board a rented Burmese vessel and realizes he has located "Cathay" building upon a Portuguese route around Africa, India and Indonesia. In 1517 Tomas Pires, ambassador from Portugal, arrives with fleet in Canton. After waiting two years, meets the emperor in Nanjing, but treaties fail in Beijing when the Emperor Chang Te dies. After further misunderstandings on land and a sea battle with the fleet, relations deteriorate. Pires and his mission die in prison. 1540 Portuguese settle at Liampo on the Pearl River and begin lucrative trade with the Japanese, whom they find by accident in 1542. Liampo sacked by Chinese in 1549 and Portuguese retreat to the island of Sanchuang. -
Creating Trust in Critical Network Infrastructures: Korean Case Study
INTERNATIONAL TELECOMMUNICATION UNION ITU WORKSHOP ON Document: CNI/05 CREATING TRUST IN CRITICAL 20 May 2002 NETWORK INFRASTRUCTURES Seoul, Republic of Korea — 20 - 22 May 2002 CREATING TRUST IN CRITICAL NETWORK INFRASTRUCTURES: KOREAN CASE STUDY Creating trust in critical network infrastructures: Korean case study This case study has been prepared by Dr. Chaeho Lim <[email protected]>. Dr Cho is Visiting Professor at the Korean Institute of Advanced Science & Technology, in the Infosec Education and Hacking, Virus Research Centre. This case study, Creating Trust in Critical Network Infrastructures: Korean Case Study, is part of a series of Telecommunication Case Studies produced under the New Initiatives programme of the Office of the Secretary General of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU). Other country case studies on Critical Network Infrastructures can be found at <http://www.itu.int/cni>. The opinions expressed in this study are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Telecommunication Union, its membership or the Korean Government. The author wishes to acknowledge Mr Chinyong Chong <[email protected]> of the Strategy and Policy Unit of ITU for contributions to the paper. The paper has been edited by the ITU secretariat. The author gratefully acknowledges the generous assistance of all those who have contributed information for this report. In particular, thanks are due to staff of Ministry of Information and Communication and Korean Information Security Agency for their help and suggestions. 2/27 Creating trust in critical network infrastructures: Korean case study TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive summary ......................................................................................................................................................... 4 1. Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. -
Interim Report on the Asian Telecom Connectivity Market
Asian Telecom Connectivity Market: Executive Summary (Research conducted 2005) The following is a summary of the findings of the Telecommunications Research Project University of Hong Kong NOTE1 The original research was undertaken for a private client in 2005 and the detailed report and recommendations are therefore not publicly available, but the following Executive Summary was made available at the time to companies who provided information and their opinions. In respect of demand and supply, the research goes beyond the data and analysis provided by TeleGeography (an industry benchmark publication) by estimating various rates of growth of demand against estimates of capacity lit and capacity used, thereby projecting various dates of capacity exhaustion. Unity Cable Since this research the 10,000 km Unity Cable connecting Japan and the USA has been announced (2008) consisting of carriers SingTel, Bharti- Airtel and KDDI, together with Internet companies Google, Pacnet and Global Transit (subsidiary of Malaysian network exchange company, AIMS). 1 This Executive Summary also appears as Appendix 2 in John Ure (ed.) Telecommunications Development in Asia, HKU Press, April 2008 1 Asian Telecom Connectivity Market: Executive Summary2 Between June and August 2005, the Telecommunications Research Project (TRP) at the University of Hong Kong undertook an extensive look at the regional bandwidth market. The research study was undertaken with intent to understand both the supply (and pricing) and demand sides of the equation, based upon feedback direct from carriers and experts, on the one hand, and from those directly purchasing bandwidth on the other. It quickly became apparent that the supply and demand of bandwidth represent two distinct stories which, not only are not necessarily in alignment (obvious enough to anyone who has been watching the market over the last 10 years), but are at times quite seriously disconnected in their fundamental drivers.