onite Missionary y Neufeld and Syncretism among the Pauhgassi Ojibwa, 1955-1970

Alvina Block, University of

Mennonites have experienced many divisions sincetlie sixteenth century, resulting in diversity across a spectrum from progressive to more traditional groups. Progressive Mennonites in North America adopted new doctrines, Sunday schools, revivals and Bible schools ffom the Protestant denominations around them. Even consel-vative branches of Mennonites experienced some change throughout tlie years as they had new visions, such as Harold S. Bender's revitalizing Anabaptist Vision. American Mennonite historian James Juhnke takes a positive view ofMennonite schism; according to Juhnke schisms brought vitality and new ideas to the various Mennonite groups.' North American aboriginal communities were also diverse. Yet Dennis and Barbara Tedlock, editors ofa collection ofessays on Indian religions and philosophies, show that historically there were commonalities in the diversity of Indian religions. Most young men, and also some women, went on vision quests of some type to discover new truths and to sliarethem withtheirconiniluiities.' As the various tribes came into contact with Christianity, they rejected, accepted or syncretized the old and the new so that their religions sometimes took on different fonns. For example, in the 1890s the Paiutes came up with tlie Ghost Dance, later borrowed by the Sioux and other tribes. The Ghost Dance incorporated a retuni to traditional ways witli some aspects of Cliristia~nity.Another exanple of syncretism was tlieNative Cln~~rchofNo~th Aln~erica's use of peyote, a mild drug with healing powers talien from a cactus plant, as a sacrament. New religious fonns sucln as these often came in response to persec~~tioncaused by white oppression. Tlnus neither Native religions nor the Mennonite faitli remained static over the years. Both were in process, addingto tlneir tradi- tional faith new innovations borrowed from other sources. Neither aboriginals nor Mennonites were good at separating faith and culture. Theresa S. Smith, a scholar of Ojibwa religion, has observed that "For tlneNativeNo~thAmerica~i, generally, the foci of religion are so ~nnuclna pat oftlne fabric of existence that religion here is better understood as a lifeway."j For example, tlie Ojibwas' vely livelihood (hunting and trapping) was intricately connected with religious ceremony.Nineteenth centuly missionaries to aboriginals could not separate faitli and culture either. Protestant and Mennonite mission- aries in the United States worl.red hand in hand witli the federal govenilinent to convert tlie Indiaa to their"C1n1-istian civilization," in other words, to assimilate tlie India1 into tlie Ameri- can melting pot. Yet missionaries, tlieir boards, aid constituencies tlnougl~ttlneywere bringing a "pure" faitli to tlie people w1101nitlney converted, a faith tliat should completely replace native traditional religions and cultures. This may lnave been an ~~nrealisticexpectation. 111this essay I argue tliat Mennonite missionary Henry Neufeld who worked among the Ojibwaat Pauingassi 011the Berens River in eastern Maiitoba, did not expect tlie Ojibwato reject all oftlieir cultt~raltraditions aid religious practices wlneln tlney accepted Christianity. Christianity did not necessarily displace all oftheir past beliefs. Neufeld did not req~~ire Pauingassi people to become like mainstrean or southern Manitoba Mennonites. His intent was to improve their lives and bring them to Christ; lie did not expect them to I-ejecttheir culture or language, and they could not completely separate tlneir culture from their faith. tle built upon native beliefs tliat were already extant. On their pat, tlie Pauingassi Ojibwa retained some oftheirtraditional beliefs while embl-acingCliristiaiity+lius engaging in afo1111of s)mcretis~ni. What is syncretism? According to a11tliropologistAntonio Gualtieri, syncretism occurs when hvo religions fi~setogether to produce a [newwadition. Gualtieri visited sixteen Catlno- lic. Anglican, and Pentecostal ~iiissionsin theNorthwest Territories in tlie 1970s, intel-view- ing missionaries to record their attitudes and judyiients about tlie encounter between Chris- tianity and native religions. Most missionaries whom Gualtieri interviewed were closed to tlie idea of syncretism. The closest they came to any adoption ofnative ways was to allow litugical decorations such as the use of an altar cloth made of sealskin or caribou and deco- rated witli beadivorli? Anotliel-anthropologist, Jean-Guy Goulet, argued in 1982 for religious dualism among the Catholic DenaTha, asserting tliat "two religious systems, one aboriginal, tlie other Cliris- tiai [were] generally available aid meanin,@l to aboriginal^."^ By 1998, after more field- work among tlie Dene Tlia in tlieNo~tlnwestTerritories, Goulet liad changed his views. He noiv argued that tlie Dene Tlia liad successfUlly incorporated key Cliristian symbols into their ways of liliowing and living witlnout clia~igingtlie essentials oftheir world view. Thus lne no longer argued for coexistence of Christian and traditional religions within the same person, but for a merger ofthe two systems." Jean and John Co~iiaroKanthropologists who studied tlie Tswana in South Africa, found Alerrrronile Afissionary Herrq Nerr/ed arrd S~~rrcretisrrrarrrorrg rlre Pnrrbrgnssi Ojih~vn,1955-1970 49 that "Christians might have believed tliat they liad brought tlie exclusive truths of civilization to the natives, trutlis that could not but displace existing heathen customs. But forthe Afii- cans it was quite possible for such bodies of knowledge to coexist without threatening each other."' American Iiistorian W.M. McLouglilin, writing about missions to tlie Cherokee, found that there was "A syncretic process at work slowly melding the old and the new reli,'01011s togetl~er.'"Examples of mergers oftraditional religions with Christiaiity seen1 to have been universal over time, wherever the two systems met. BecauseNativereligions were of anon- exclusive nature, they often preserved effective elements oftraditional religion while drawing upon those elements oftlie new religion that demonstrated ~tsefulnessand power.' Menno Wiebe, fonnerly Executive Secretary ofMennonite Pioneer Mission, stated that when Henry and ElnaNeufeld first went to Pauingassi they went with the attitude that they had the truth in afour-comered box and were bringing it to tlie Ojibwa They might round off tlie corners a little, but otherwise the truth would remain intact."' As tlie Neufelds interacted with the Ojibwa, they changed their minds. Now in retrospect, Neufeld explains: "We do not have amonopoly on God. He was at Pauingassi before we came. We went in with evely- thing to teach, thinkingthey liad nothing to give. But we changed our minds. We leanied fiorn tlieni."" In other words, as tlieNeufelds began to listen and to engage in dialogue with tlie Ojibwa, their attitudes changed. They began to realize tliat Christianity could not completely replace Ojibwa culture and religion.

Religious and Social Backgl-ound of the Pauingassi Ojibwa

Tlie Ojibwa creation sto~y,passed on through oral history, taught tliat a Manitu created the world and later saved the animals from aflood by providir?gthem with araft. The muslmf , then went down and brought up some soil from which tlie Manitu made anew world and tribes of Indians. Tlie Manitu expected tlie Indians to share food and game, and to respect tlie elderly. The Manitu (neither male nor female since the Ojibwa language distinguishes gammatically only between animate and inanimate) was not concerned with the earth or with human beings after creation. That task was left to powel-ful spirits whom tlie anthro- pologist Hallowell nailed other-than-human persons. Other-tlan-uian persons could take tlie fonii of humans, animals, rocks, the sun, tlie wind, or Thunderbirds. They liad more power than hunians. Humans needed the help of other-than-Iiunian persons to achieve their goals. Other than human persons revealed theniselves in dreams to give guidance to human kinp." The central goal of Ojibwa life was longevity, health, aid fieedom fiom misfortune. This goal could not be achieved without help fiom both human and other-than-human beings and personal effort. Human and other-than-human beings were niutually obligated to one aiother in a reciprocal relationship. To receive blessings from other-than-human beings who were owners or bosses of plants and animals, individuals had to fulfill their parts.13 Great Moose, the earliest remembered resident ofpauingassi, was born sometime around 1820. He is an example of how culture and religion meshed in the Ojibwa lifeway. Great Moose was arenowned hunter who believed, as did all the Ojibwa, that successful hunting was closely connected with spiritual power. Great Mooseliad six wives and twenty children thus becoming tlie ancestor of ~iiostoftlie people at Pauingassi.'" His son, Fair Wind, born in 185 1, was father to Angus and Alex Owen ofNeufeid's time period. Fair Wind was fanious for a powerful dlum dance that was said to have estraordiniuy healing powers. From the perspective of a~itliropologists,tlie Pauingassi Ojibwa were rich in cultural traditions and connections. The songs tliat accompanied Fair Wind's druni dance Iiave been linked to ceremonies laown in parts of Minnesotaand Wisconsin as early as tlie 1 870s.15 From the perspective of the 1955 Mennonite Pioneer Mission (MPM) board, the Pauingassi residents were as "culturally backward" as the people in the Amazon jungles of South America. Because of tlieir isolation, most ofthe Pauingassi Ojibwa had not seen cars, hones, or cows.'" Tliey were very pool-, "neglected by churcl~and state." TIie government had made no provision for education before 1955 because Pauingassi did not have reserve status. Yet the school at was inaccessible for Pauingassi children be- cause oftlie distance and beca~lseoftlie swampy bus11 and rapids along the path between the two places."

History of European Economic and Religious Contact at Pauingassi

When Hallowell visited Little GI-and Rapids and Pauingassi in tlie 1930s, he felttliat he was nia1dng"an excursion into tlie living past." The Pauingassi Ojibwa, Iiowevel; werenot as isolated as Hallowell believed since tliey liad Iiad many encounters witli hrtraders and missionaries. The Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) post at Little Grand Rapids was in spo- radic winter operation since 180 1, and opened officially in 1888. Jacob Berens, the treaty cliiefforthe whole Berens River area, liad been baptized by the Methodist missionary George McDougall at No~wayHouse in 186 1. Berens was probably one ofthe Ojibwawho invited Egel-ton R. Young to come to Berens River. Young was the first resident missionary at Berens River fiom 1873-1876 and it is quite likely that lie visited Pauingassi.'Wative conimunica- tions systems were quite efficient; the Pauingassi Ojibwa doubtless heard about Christianity tlirougl~Berens or others before Young visited tliem. Afier Young left, missionaries who succeeded Iiini at Berens River visited the upriver Ojibwa. Luther Schuetze, probably tlie fi rst resident missionary at Little Grand Rapids, vis- ited Pauingassi ofien between 1927 and 1938. He remembered indoor winter church serv- ices witli "rabbits hanging over the stove tlia\+iingout ...and falling on tlie hot stove, singed hair fouling up the air." Schuetze baptized at least one adult at what lie called "Upon Gasli- ing" (Pauingassi). Scliuetze found that tlie Ojibwa were kind-hearted and generous, not "blacli-hearted and stiff-necked" as they had been described in tlie past. "Tliey would do anything for you," wrote Scliuetze, "ofientiiiies niany things tliat would put a white nian to slian-~e."'" Ojibwa good nature notwithstanding,the Pauingassi Ojibwawerenot always co~npliant to the HBC. Apparently Fair Wind's fa~iiily(who took the sumiune, Owen) liad their own ideas about witli wlio~iithey would trade. Altliougli they hded witli the HBC, tliey also sold tlieir furs to independent traders. In 1913 the HBC trader at Little Grand Rapids, William Cliap~iian,called the "Owelis camp" "tlie most awkward crowd in tlie L.G.R. band" be- cause tliey cliallenged HBC authority. Tliey got credit and outfits atthe HBC, but tiley would pay their debt and then take the rest of their goods elsewhere."' The Ojibwaeast of displayed the same attitude toward the early mis- sionaries who found them "extremely obdurate to conversion." Young and the missionaries who succeeded him encountered various responses to Christia11ity.They "ran the gamut from confrontationsand avoidance to dialogue and cotiversion or creative syncretisni." Jacob Berens illustrated the flexibility ofthe Ojibwa in the Berens River area when he told his son William: "Don't think you know evetything. You will see lots of new things and you will find aplace in yourmindforti~emall.'"' Historically, the Ojibwa in the Berens River area did wit11 the missionary's message whatever suited them best within the circun~stancesin which they found tl~emselvesat the time.

The Mennonite Pioneer Mission, later Native Ministries

Although the Pauingassi community and Ojibwa belief system described thus far were very different fiom Mennonites and their Anabaptist faith. these two worlds inte~sectedwhen the Mennonite Pioneer Mission sent missionaries to noltlthern Manitoba. MPM was begun in 1944 by the Bergtllaler Mennonite Churc11 of soutliern Manitoba but was under the supervi- sion ofthe General Conference Mission Board. After 1960, it was administered by the Mission Board ofthe Conference of Mennonites in . Originally. MPM sponsored missionaries to Mexico but the mission there did not work OLI~as planned. Meanwhile, during World War 11. Mennonite conscientious objectors taugt on Indian reserves. Tl1rougl1 their work, Mennonites became interested in mission work among the Indians. Like Presby- terians and Metllodists, Mennonites classified missions to India11reselves as foreign missions because the stations were "just like foreign mission [stations]" since faces were brown and the latlguage was not Englisi~.When the mission board considered the Ojibwa"c~~stoms, superstitions, and backwardness,"they concluded that mission work with these people was much as it was in "heathen" countries even thougll the missionary in Pauingassi was only 100 miles away fi-on1Winnipeg. MPM goals for Pauingassi were to bring Christto people who did not Iinow about Him, to open aschool where the Indialis could lea111 to read and write, and to raise the Indians' standard of living." In 1956 (one year after MPM sent Henry and ElnaNeufeld to Pauingassi) the CI~airmat~ of MPM, George Groening, deplored the ignorance ofthe Pauingassi Ojibwa. "They still build little houses on their graves for the spirit to live in." he wrote to tlie constituency. "On certain occasions they still beat their tom-tom drums. Witchcl-aft is still practiced although in secret. They still fearthe witch doctoi; \vho is able to cast an 'evil-eye' on them."" The Board wrote in 1958 that conjuring and magic had been discontinued at Pauingassi only a few years ago." In their vie\v, many Ojibwa religious practices were based on "supersti- tions" that had been handed down to them fiom "their heathen ancestors."" Henry Gerbrandt, MPM secretaly from 1950 to 1966, was more understanding of the Ojibwa way of life. Gelbrarldt was able to empathize with no~tliernmissionaries and native people to some degree because he had done his alternative service at Cross Lake."' After visiting Pauingassi in 1957, he described problems that characte~.izedmission work in the North. First, missionaries were not coming to people who were "fi-esh clap." They had been in contact with Christianity before and liad perhaps been nominal cliurcli ~iiernbersfor over 100 years. Secondly, there was no literature in the Saulteaux (Ojibwa) language. Thirdly, Indians were Canada's "original illhabitatits," yet they had been displaced. Through treaties signed with the Canadian government, they liad lost tlieir land and were now thought of as wards oftiie federal government who could, in this paternalistic system, become dependent upon outside help. In Gerbrandt's opinion 'The Gospel must be practical. It must apply to the wholeman aid must have a solution to his proble~ns.'"~In his final report in 1966, Gerbrandt noted changes in board policy tliat had come about since 1955. He admitted tliat in the past Christian missioiis liad been "unkind toNative spirituality and culture." They liad "cooper- ated too uncritically with govemment agencies in hyingto conquertlieNativepeople and rid them of their 'savage habits.'" He continued:

That approach has been wrong and needs to be faced. confessed. and corrected. At the same time. the Gospel ceases to be the saving Gospel when tlie unique Ilistorical Christ is renloved from its centre. We cannot let that happen .... During the early days of MPM we did not even begin to understand what is now called Native spirituality.And the brief encounters we had ~~itliit only fortified our misconception that it was denion-influen~ed.~

After 1966 Menno Wiebe, atrained anthropologist, became tlie Executive Secretaly of MPM. Wiebetried to discover how Native people could become Cliristia~iswithout giving up their own cultures. He asked such questions as, "What happens when an agricultural people, with a progress oriented ethic touches tlie world oftlie Algonquian hunters," arid "What happens when a Christian tlieolog is imposed upon pre-Christian concepts of God and tlie world?" To reflect new ways of doing missions, MPM's name was changed to Native Ministries with the objective of creating Indian arid Metis congregations tliat would be fellow Mennonite congregations, not missions. In the 1972 Bzrlletir7 published by tlie Conference of Mennonites in Canada, Native Ministries stated that their missionaries on reserves had tlie intention of acknowledging "native religions and art forms as authentic expressions oftlie Algonquiari faith in tlie I

sharing of tlic Christian Gospel in word and deed with Canadians of native ancestry to the end that caring and responsible fellowsliip of believers be established and nurtured and tliat native and non-native persons live together as brothers and sisters in Christ. Included in this is asincere effort to assist native and non-native people in bringing aboutjustice for native people."'

The Mennonite Missionaries, Henly and Elna Neufeld

Heniy atid ElnaNeufeld first entered tlie domain oftlie Pauingassi Ojibwa in 1955. Neufeld, originally from Leanington, , was inexperienced atid young. He had three years of education at tlie Catiadiari Met~noniteBible College in Winnipeg where lie met and mai-ried Elna Friesen from Homewood, Manitoba. After their wedding in 1952, they tauglit hlertnonile hlissiorrar~~Hertry Ne~rfelil and S~'rrcrelisntanrorts llte Pitttir~gnssiOjib~vn, 1935-1970 for two years in atwo-room school on tlie Moose Lake reserve. Althougli they had begun to learn the , tliey wanted to be in a place wliere tliey could both teach and open a mission. After a visit ftom Jake Unrau, MPM liiissiona~yat Matlieson Isla~id who told them tliat tlie Pauingassi Ojibwa needed a scliool and a mission, tlie Neufelds asked MPM iftliey could begin aliiission at Pa~ingassi.~~During tlie scl~oolyear 1954- I955 Hen~ytauglit at Little Grand Rapids wliere theNeufelds first leanied to hiow Ojibwa people and met some ofthe Pauingassi residents who came to visit at Little Grand Rapids. Clearly, Neufeld had been interested in Pauingassi since lie heard of it in 1954. In 1955, Neufeld aid ChiefAlex Owen discussed possibilities foramission at Pauingassi. Neufeld wrote tliat "in general the cliiefthought the people would be very glad to see a mission opened up there." The Catholics had inquired if Pauingassi cliildren wanted to go to a resi- dential scliool but parents were opposed to this idea. Owen "did not like to see things the way tliey were, ...no children baptized aid no young people ma~~ied."Owen said tliat in the past, the Ojibwa way of life had been adequate. Now, lioweve~;they saw tliat tlieir children were entering a different world and tliat tliey would need to speaktlie English language in order to get jobs. Owen asked Neufeld to be tlieir teaclier and rnissiona~y.~?In May 1955, tlie MPM Board to send Henly and ElnaNeufeld as tlleir~iiissionariesto Pauingassi. Neufeld held his first meeting at Pauingassi in May 1955 wit11 Ales Fisher fiom Little Gmnd Rapids as interpretel; the Little Grand Rapids chief, aid tliil-ty-five to forty Pauingassi Ojibwa in attendance. They talked about various concellis and had a sliort ~ervice.~' Togetliel; tlieNeufelds made house visitations, cared fortlie sick, and helped tlie people improve their dwellings. They worked with tlie people rather tl~anfor the people. Nenfeld wrote:

Christ's invitation to follo\z~hini\vas not onlq parloSSunday se~-\,icesbut also involved the needs of the whole person as we worked together. playcd together. Iiunted. visited. laughed and cried together. We soon realized that for them there was no separation between the physical and the spiritual as is offen the case in our o\\ n culturc."

The Board had contacted Indian Affairs with regard to beginning a school but Indian Affairs responded negatively at first. saying tliat "tliey had a ten-yeas plan for the area and tliat they did not wait much inte~fere~ice."Eventually, how eve^; they gave gudging permis- sion aid apromise ofaminimum of$4.50 permonth per child." What the Department of Indian Affairs (DIA) objected to was a missionary and teaclier who wanted to learn tlie Ojibwa language. Apparently DIA officials tliouglit tliat to speali the language oftlie people was to encourage them to regress and tliat tlie Ojibwa would lose respect fortheNeufelds iftliey spoke Saulteaux (Ojib~a).~" Helily began ascliool and tauglit until 1960, with Elnaspelling him off\vlien he was busy at buildingprojects. They tauglit in the English language but in all info~~nalsettings, the cliil- dren wei-e allowed to speali Saulteaux. In their 1991 boolc, Hen1-p and Elna wrote:

Conimunication on the settlement was totally in their own language. Therefore. the aim to teach the children English as fast as possible and for us to learn Saulteaua even faster, was a difficult tasli. To help the children get a grasp of the English vocabulary, we used abilingual approach as much as possible.j7

Tlie Neufelds taught school only in the mornings because tliey felt that half a day was long enough for children who were not accustomed to sitting indoors. In 1956: tliey had an enrolment of fourteen, and Henry wrote:

I certainly hope there will not be more for quite a while yet. because if there are it means that the families are coming back from the trapline. This is very bad. because when the Inen try to trap and still stay on the settlement they certainly do not produce much fur, wherefore they have little to eat. I feel that if they move in too much. it ivould be better to close the school during the best trapping season so there would be nothing to keep then1 here.3K

Vie followirig year, Neufeld taught scliool for half-days, only from Octoberto the end of Marcli so tliat families could go to theirtraplines together? In 1958, with a change in tlie federal government, relationships witli tlie DIA improved. They provided school supplies, rent forthe building, and tuition for each child. By 1966, tlie Division of Indian Affairs and Northern Development had taken overtlie scliool. Progress was slow because the children did not want to speak English at all times. Indian Affairs, however, pressured teachers to make tlie children speak English on the playground and at other community events sucli as cliildren's clubs, ladies' groups, Sunday scliool, and wor- ship services. A language specialist who ca~iieto Pauingassi in 1966 was furious tliat the children were speaking in their own language in informal settings but when she left,Neufeld and tlie teachers continued to allow tlie Ojibwa language on tlie playground. This practice seemed most sensible to them. Though the language specialist contacted Menno Wiebe, Executive Secretary of MPM, asking him to stop tlieNeufeids from allowing tlie use of Saulteaux, Wiebe chose to ignore their request..'" Along witli progress at Pauingassi, canie problems. One problem thatNeufeld encoun- tered was denominational differences. In January 1955, when Alex Owen askedNeufeld to baptize Ojibwachildren, Neufeld had to explain tliat Mennonites did not baptize infants. Owen wondered if "this was a different religion or whether it was the same one" as the United Church. Later Neufeld observed that the Ojibwa did not have trouble acceptingtlie Jesus oftlie Bible but they had trouble witli Jesus being presented in many different ways.J1 Another problem tlie Neufelds faced at Pauingassi was learning the Ojibwa language. In tlie summer of 1955 upon tlie recommendation oftlie MPM board, Henry and Elna at- tended the Summer Scliool of Linguistics at Caronport, Saskatchewan but Ojibwa proved to be a difficult language to learn. Until Neufeld had a strong grasp ofthe language, lie was dependent upon the interpreter,Jacob Owen, who was sometimes out on the trapline. Prob- lems connected witli this arrangement were acknowledged by the Board in 1957 tli~s:

...there is one trenlendous barrier. That is the language. And a language does not only consist of words. The interpreter can sometimes translate words but not concepts. It will take time for the Neufelds to learn the language sufficiently to speak intelligently to the people about spiritual things. It will also require tinic forthe Indian to comprehend the truths of the Gospel.A2

In 1958 Henry was fairly fluent in conversational Ojibwathough he still depended upon an interpreter when lie preached. By 1963, both Henry and Elna had become fluent Ojibwa speakers with the ability to converse and preach in tlie Ojibwa lang~age."~ The religious language was a problem for the Ojibwa as well, since their copies oftlie Bible and song sheets were in Cree syllabics, developed by James Evans in tlie nineteenth century. This made for Iiiore language difficulty and confusion. Neufeld, in correspondence with Wiebe, wrote about the difficulty the Ojibwa Christians had in reading Cree. The lan- guage problem was illustrated by Lucy Owen, Jacob Owen's wife, who led in prayer during a regular evening meeting. Her words were as follows: "Lord, it is not very long since I started walkingthis way. I am so slow, so very slow at reading. And this Cree it is so terribly hard. Ifthis [the Bible] were written in Soto right away it would make a world of differ- ence..'.' Neufeld requested Ojibwa hymnbooks, but they were not available and so the Pauingassi residents received Cree hymnbooks from tlieNort11em Canada Evangelical Mis- sion in Saskatchewan to replace tlieir mimeographed Cree song sheets? Altliougli Neufeld was concerned for the physical well-being ofthe Ojibwa, lie was waiting for a spiritual breakTlirough, when tlie people would commit their lives to Christ. Neufeld wrote that he kept reminding himselfthat tliey were "called to be faithful; tlie Lord would do tlie rest."Neufeld did not believe in pressuringtlie Ojibwa into adecision to convert. In an interview, lie said that he and Elnadid not push their way in "with amacliete." They were not there to play a-numbers ganie" orto save souls ftorn hell but to help tlie Ojibwa walk with Jesus and build upon the faith they already had.'"

Ojibwa Response

Altliougli the Ojibwa were glad to have a teacher and a missionary, tliey were slow to respond to Neufeld's message of salvation. After over four years at Pauingassi, Neufeld observed that drinking and fighting were increasing. Some Ojibwa who used to come to services now stayed away. When Neufeld talked to them about making apersonal decision for Jesus, he noticed some Ojibwa snickering. One man said tliat he chose to follow Satan rather than the Lord and called tlieNeufelds devils. The Neufelds, in tlieir prayer letter, explained these responses as the result ofa spiritual battle between God aid Satan. "We feel that the Lord is really speaking to them," tliey wrote, "but Satan is certainly t~yingto strengthen his hold on tl~em.'"~ In tlie summer of 1960, Spoot Owen and St. John Owen came to Henry Neufeld with their personal problems. They both seemed interested in being converted but apparently Neufeld did not feel tliat they were ready and did not pressure them. Then canie another setback. William Owen's oldest son beat up several old men, and Neufeld, upon request and against his betterjudgment, called the police. Afler the police took charge, atlial was held. At this trial, Jacob Owen (the interpreter), who had failed to appear at aLittle Grand Rapids trial tlie previous summer for charges ofdrinking and making home brew, was sentenced to one month in prison. Jacob was very an,gy wit11Neufeld. Wlien Neufeld shook hands with the police~nanwho was leaving on the plane that took Owen to prison, one ofthe Ojibwa laughed and said: "You shalie hands with hin~?'Neufeldwas sure that he had alienated the people. Yet the nest day, being Sunday,Neufeld was pleasantly surprised to see fifty people out forthe service who bore no visible ~naliceagainst 11irn."~ Early in 1966, St. John Owen, Jacob Owen, and his wife Lucy joined an instruction class in preparation for baptism. Jacob, however, was still "involved with dreams and spir- its." These three persons were baptized upon the confession oftheir faith on 27 February 1966."" By March 1968, there were twenty converts at Pauingassi. Although some who had decided to become Christians retu~nedto their old way of life, the local membership stood at twelve.jU BeforeNeufeld left in 1970, Menno Wiebe caneto Pauingassi to organize local leader- ship. After the congregation nominated Jacob Owen, St. John Owen, Spoot Owen and David Owe11for the leadership position, Wiebe wrote their names on the blackboard. Then he asked for ail election, but the people indicated that they wanted the four men, ratherthan one, to form the leadership teain that would take responsibility for the local Mennonite CIILI~CII. Lany I

The church at Pauingassi is developing its own unique style and structure. Some of its practices \\.ere introduced by the I-lenry Neufi-Ids, others have been piclied up from ~nissionsin northern Ontario and the Lake Winnipeg region. An Apostolic group fi~o111Berens River has had considerable influence on the church at Little Grand Rapids. and some of this is now being picked up at Pauillgassi. Denominationalis~nappears to have little appeal to the Indian people. They pick up what they like fro111various places."

Sync!-etism at Pauingassi

The effects ofcontact with civilization and Christia~~ityresulted in a curious reli,'010us syncretis~nat Pauingassi. Gli~iipsesof syncretism colne to us through three different win- dows. The first glimpse coines through the window of anthropologist A. hving Hallowell's visit to the Berens River area in the 1930s. The second glimpse comes through the window ofNeufeldls missionary tenure fi.om 1955 to 1970. The third glimpse comes through the obsei.vations of Maureen Matthews (a CBC documenta~yjournalist) and Roger Roulette (an Ojibwateacher and linguist) who visited the Pauingassi Ojibwa in 1994. Long beforeNeufeld calne, the Ojibwa were incorporating both Christian and native religious elements into their ceremonies. In 1933, when Hallowell visited Pauingassi, Fair Wind told the anthropologist about the gift ofhealing he had received associated with the dr~~nidance. After his favorite p~~dsondied, Fair Wind was completely dejected, ready to give LIP.Hejourneyed into the bush, hoping to find acure for his despondency. He then lay down on arock and "gave hi~nselfup" to his spirit helper, after which he received the gift of the healing dream d;u~ce.'VairWind's experience on the rock is similar to a conversion experience. He gave himself up because he had reached the end of what he could do through his o\vn efforts. His life took a new direction guided by ahigher power. Fair Wind's son, Angus, had asimilar experience. When his brother's son died, Angus went north to hunt and to obtain healing for his sadness. He also heard avoice tliat promised hiin agift. Angus, however, did not attribute his giftto a spirit helper. He told Hallowell, through William Berens, that the gift he received came from God, not from a dreani pardim or from the spirits ofthe dead." Hallowell observed that when Fair Wind performed tlie drum dance ceremony lie began witli asmudge. Tlie smudge was an offering ofsweet grass or tobacco given before a cer- emony to keep out negative spirit beings and to welcome positive spirit beings. Fair Wind also offered dishes offood to relatives "who look down upon us" (those wlio had died). He said tliey had once been sent to earth from above and that "Jesus, too, came from above to be the boss oftlie earth." Adam Owen, Fair Wind's ,gandnephew, said that Fair Wind used to call peopleto worship on Sundays by ringingabell and then "praying from aCree syllabic Bible.'" In many ways, Fair Wind's experiences and activities incorporated both native and Chi-istian religions collected from intermittent missio~iaryinfluence among tlie Ojibwaeast of Berens River since Young's visits in tlie 1870s. Hallowell was i~iipressedwitli tlie healingminisby of Fair Wind's ceremony, but even more witli its power as a co~nmunicationsystem between tlie living and tlie spirits oftlie dead. When Hallowell visited Little Grand Rapids to observe adrum dance, Iciwitc, who conducted the ceremony said he had not gone as far as to communicate with tlie dead.j5 This part oftlie ceremony may have been more aremembering and honouring oftlie dead than what we today call necromancy or tlie occult. Wliat is significant liere is that Fair Wind spoke oftlie dead "who look down upon us," not about the "old people down south." Fair Wind seemed to imply a Christian heaven rathertlian tlie traditional Ojibwa home for tlie dead. Neufeld observed many examples of syncretism at Pauingassi between 1955 and 1970. One example was achild's kneral in 1956. Parents and friends prepared a box-like casket lined witli white linen and decorated with flowers. The oldest Indian and acouncillor spoke and chanted. Tien George Greening, cliainiian of MPM who happened to be at Pauingassi, spoke. Afterthe child was buried, tlie faniily built a house over the grave, tlie community had a drum-dance, and home-brew was di~tributed.~"The funeral appears to be a mixture of Ojibwaand Christian observances and cultures. In 1955 there were many evidences of religious changes taliing place at Pauingassi. Tlie school building was built on a site previously used for drumming and dancing. Alex Owen supervised tlie burial of special rocks from the dancing area in 1957. The 1930s medicine lodge where Fair Wind and his four sons conducted healing ceremonies was also gone. Charlie George Owen told Neufeld: "My father is gone and tlie Mbapclnoo1t)i17practice is a thing ofthe past. I too used to be apart of it at one time, but not any more. I will take my father's tools and dispose oftliem in tlie bush."j7 On the other hand, native religion was still alive and well. A pole stood at the edge ofthe water, with flag-like bands of material and a strip of hide taken from a bear cub's nose. These poles were erected to honour the bear to ensure successful hunting in tlie future. Ribbons and tobacco were hung on the pole as offe~ings.~'The Ojibwa also tied bundles of bones together and placed them behind homes to retum something from the hunt so tliat tlie gods would be appeased. TheNeufelds wrote that tliey too, should be gratehl to God for liis gifts and give something backto Him. In 1959, drumming parties tliat created aL'tense"atniosphere were still taking place at Pauingassi. About drumming Henry and Elnawrote:

Just because we do not understand and appreciate that continuous throb. does not mean it is not good: or even evil because we do not practice it. We must not forget that we were brought up ... under different circumstan~es.~'

Tliougli dnlmming, fkom tlie Neufelds' perspective, created tension, it brouglit happiness for tlie Ojibwa. The Neufelds observed that the main drum dance was held in spring after the trappers returned. The Ojibwa told tlie Neufelds that tliis drum dance gave tliem pleasant dreaiis about prolonged life.'" In 1960, St. Jolin Owen struggled with an illness tliat lie tliouglit was caused by a spell tliat had been placed on him. When lie becaiiie concerned about liis health lie asked Neufeld to pray for him. St. Jolin had already given up tobacco and alcohol but according to Neufeld, wasstill "tied to witchct-aftvetyniuch."" In Ojibwathought, illness was often attributed to sorcely, or mistakes, ortaboos broken in tlie past, even by one's parents. The victim was probably responsible because lie had offended the sorcerer (shaman) or one oftlie animal bosses or had co~iimitteda wrongful act.6' In 1961 St. Jolin had not overcome his prob- lems. In their prayer letter. Hen~yand Elna wrote, "St. Jolin has by trusting the Lord over- collie agreat deal ofthe spell tliat was drummed on liini 3 112 years ago, but it seems that something still is there at times."" St. John's tie to past native beliefs about spell-induced illness parallels the story of Williatii Berens of Berens River, whose parents liad already been connected to tlie Methodist Cliurcli. Berens did not take tlie blessings and medicines offered liini in adreain. Many years later lie felt pain in his biee and was convinced that shot had entered "tlirougli an Indian's magic powers." Fears such as St. John experienced were coni- mon among tlie Ojibwa." Of course, all ofthis was before any Pauingassi Ojibwa were converted and baptized. Yet, syncretism was still evident in 1994, wlien Maureeli Matthews and Roger Roulette visited Pauingassi. Cliarlie George Owen, Fair Wind's ,gandson, told tliem about his ,md- father's dlwn daiceceremony."' CIial.lie George was also one oftlie stauncliest pillars in the Mennonite Cliurcli. According to Neufeld, Cliarlie George had his own story to tell which paralleled Fair Wind's and Angus Owen's stories. One day wlien Charlie George was out on tlie trapline, liis son committed suicide. After Cliarlie George had returned Iiome and had seen liis son, lie went bacli to the trapline. There he liad avision of"a being coming in and it was dark."Then again "a being came in and it was light." Cliarlie George went home, asked tlie leaders to pray for him, and became a Cliristian."TCharlie George Owen also had a powerful experience of dying and being brouglit back to life by his grandfather's drum dance." St. John Owen told Roger Roulette about community participation in Fair Wind's drum dance. Ojibwa dreams were usually kept private but Fair Wind was instructed by liis dream visitor to disclose tliis vision to others. Thus, according to St. John Owen's version oftlie story, Fair Wind invited tlie con~munityto participate in tlie preparation and performance of tlie ceremony. The themes of comliiunity and shared gifts are peculiarto tlie Mennonite ~lcrrr~ot~i~chlissiono

Conclusion

There is abundant evidence that the Pauingassi 0-jibwaCliristiais kept major compo- nents oftheir belief system. Neufeld catme to a comniunity tliat was particularly persistent in tlieir native beliefs. Bruce Wiite has written about die meanings Ojibwa people attach to gift giving in cementingarelationship?' Wliat happened in tlme relationship between Neufeld and tlie Pauingassi Ojibwa was not so much tangible gift giving as a reciprocal giving up process. There is no doubt that theNeufelds were in a position of power since they were backed by the MPM board aid their constituency in southem Manitoba tlirougli wlionm tliy liad access to many modem conveniences and asala~y.Yet they gave up niany co~iifo~tsas well. First, they gave up tlie co~nfo~tof speaking their own la~iguageto 1eau-n the Ojibwa since they found tliat it was indispensable iftlmey waited to communicate nmeaningfi~llywith the people. Then, they gave up tlieir ideas of what a school sliould be like, what kinds of progress students should make, or what ideal attendance pattenis should be. To them. it was 11101-e importantthattheOjibwaeconomicneeds be met than tliat clmildien sliould be in scliool. The Board gave tlieNeufelds freedom to make decisions and they responded by giving the Ojibwa cultural latitude. One example was their resistance to the Departnient of Indian Affairs staice against their use ofthe Ojibwa Iaiguage in clm~~rcli,at girls and boj8sclubs, and on the scliool playground. TheNeufelds, backed by tlieir board, continued to speak Ojibwa since this seemed to niake more sense at Pa~in,asi.~"They also niade a long-tarn commit- ment to Pauingassi, first by livi~igwitlithe people for fifteen years arid then by continuing active aid ongoing visitations to Pauingassi h~im Winnipeg. Perhaps ~iiostimportantly. they were willingto build upon native beliefsratlierthan demolishing all fommerconvictions and leaving the people witli nothing faniiliar. Neufeld did not expectthe Ojibwato become white Indians who spoke only English and adapted to "civilization" like westem capitalists. In Neufeld's opinion. cultural bagage was not impo~tantbecause it was not tlie Gospel. He tlmouglit that new Christians must change some things, keep some things. and let go ofsonie things in tlieir culture. This was a process overtime. not to be enforced by tlie missionay but by insights that camegraduallylo native Christians. Neufeld found that tlie Ojibwa liad been a very spiritual people even before he carne. Neufeld's discovery likely cane ,gadually, as he learned to know tlie Ojibwaand tlieir belief system and as lie dialogued witli them. Real dialogue could only take place after 1963, when Henry and Elna were proficient in tlie Oj ibwa Iaiguage. They may also liave gained further insights tlmro~~gliongoing visitations between their departure from Pauingassi in 1970 and the publication oftheir book in 1991. The book, Bj~GodkGlace: A4i17isti?~i1~i//~Ncliii'e Peo- ple if7 Pnz/ir7gnssi,was written in hindsight. Hen~yand ElnaNeufeld learned tliat, as among Mennonites, Ojibwa culture and faith are inseparable. A hunting people's very liveliliood was intricately connected with religious ceremony, but as long as Christ was central, cer- emonies were peripheral. The Ojibwa Christians still lived their traditional lives and tlieir belief systems still held their worlds togetl~er.~' On their part, the Pauingassi Christians gave up some things as well. According to Nuefeld, four rocks with special nanies had at one time been located in tlie center of a diamond-shaped dance area. Of their own volition, they buried tlie rocks that had been part of tlieir drum dance ceremonies. Since rocks were animate in Ojibwa thought, this was a major sacrifice. The Oj ibwa also gradually gave up their practice of medicine lodge ceremo- nies. St. John Owen was expected to give up his fear of sorcery. Although Neufeld was accommodating of many Ojibwa beliefs, he was opposed to sorcery and he said tlie Ojibwa themselves knew that sorcery was wrong.'" Buttliey did not give LIPall tlieirtraditional beliefs. Spoot Owen said after he had been a Christia~ifor some time: "I never thought that all oftlie past [was] This statement could have several meanings. It could mean that lie now saw that some ofhis native traditions were wrong. It could also mean that even though he had become acliristian, lie still held precious the traditions of liis ancestors, which he never had considered wrong." My argument has been twofold: First, that Hen~yNeufeld's ministry at Pauingassi re- sulted in a syncretized or somewhat transfo~medkind of Christianity, as the Ojibwa kept many aspects oftlieir own traditions and added tlie Christian religion. That should not be new to Mennonites who have freely borrowed from Protestant ~nainlinechurches and West- em society around them while keeping tlieir own core values. Secondly, Henry Neufeld and liis Board could not make a clean break between Ojibwareligion and culture since such a break did not exist. Again, Mennonites are not able to make sucli a break either. Therefore, it should not be difficult for Mennonites to understand syncretism anlong the Oj ibwa aid tlie Mennonite missionay I-Ienry Neufeld.

Notes

' .lames C. Suhnlte. I 'isio17.Doctrir7e, I,l,'ur: A~ler717017iieIde17tip and Orga17i:atior7 inArl7ericn 1890- 1930 (Scottdale: I-lerald Press, 1989): 1 10. Dennis and Barbara Tedlock, eds. Teacl~irigs,fiorrrille A117ericar7 Earill: lr7diar7 Religior7 a17d Philosopl~.(Ne\\, Yorl;: Liveriglit. 1975). There are exceptions to the sharing aspect. The O.jib\va usually did not talk to their comniunities about the girts and powers conferred to them in their visions. If they did. they lost them. They shared their gifts through deeds, such as curing. but did not talk about tlie gifts themselves. Tlieresa S. Smith. Tile lslar7dofille .4riishr7aabeg: Tllin7derersarid Mbter A.lo17sters iri tile Ojibiva L$e-l~lbrld(Mosco~:Idaho: University of Idaho Press. 1995), 24. 'Anto~iioR. Gualtieri. Chrisiiar7it~~ar7dNative Fadiiioru: Ir7digerii:ation ~~~~SJ~I~CI~~~~SIJIAl~l017g tile 117irit and Derx ofil7e I~ksien7.4,rtic (Notre Dame. Indiania: Cross Cultural Publications, Inc.. 1984). 8.27. 1 17.

j .lean-Guy Goulet. "Religious Dualism aniong Athapaskan Catholics," Car7adiar7 Jozr~xalof,41i- tllropologl~3.1( 1982): I. " Jean-Guy Goulet, lIh~aof K170il~i17g:E~perie17ce. Krioii'ledge, ar7d Poii,er 11111017g/he De17e Tllu (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. 1998). 2 12-22. 7Jean and John Comaroff, OJRei~alutio17and Rei~ol~~tiori:Chrislinriih: Coloriialisrl~,arid COIJ- scioz~sriessir7 Sorr/k .{fiica. Volt~meI (Tlie University of Chicago Press. 199 1 ). 225. William G. McLouglilin. Cherokeesarid1llissio17ories.1789-1839 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1984). 344. "lames Astell. The 117i~asior7I~l5tAi17: The Co17lexl of CII//IIIFSiri Col017ial iliOrtl7 rlrllericu (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 19. "'Interview by Alvina Block with Menno Wiebe. 30 lanuar)~2000.

I' Intervie\v by David Balzer with Henry Neufeld. 30 January 2000 on Connecting Points. CE4M. Donald B. Sniitli. Sacred Feathers: TIE Rei~erenn'Peter Jorles (KaAl~ei~~aq~to17ab;~arid the Adississcrlrga l17cliaris(University ofToronto Press. 1987). 9-1 1. Smith calls tlie Creator Nanahbuzlioo. Tlie High God, or Giticl7i Alariitzr is above Nanalihuzlioo. Hallowell did not thinli that tlie 0.iiban conception of Gificl~iA,lariitzr is aresult of the missionary message. A. Irving Hallo\\tell. The 0jibi1,aof Bereris Rhlel; Ala17i/oba: Et/lriogrup/ij' irifo Nistor~~.ed. Jennikr S.14. Brow11 (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1992). 61-64.70-72.82-85. ''A. Irving Hallowell. "0.iibwa Ontolog, Behavior. and World View..;." in Teachings,fiorii /he ,411ieri- car1 Earil7: l17dia17Religiori orld Pl~ilosopl1j~.eds. Dennis and Barhara Tedlock (New York: Liveriglit. 1975). 171-1 73. liSuch family arrangements were common for a great O.jib\\fa Iiunter \\tho brought Iiome more ti~rs. skins, and meat than one wife could process. Tlie lieeseekoowenin reserve also has a great liuntcr ancestor-Michael Cardinal. who liad three \\lives and many children. See Alvina Block. "George Flett. Native Presbyterian Missionary: 'Old Philosopher-1'Rev.d Gentlenlaii"' (Master's Thesis. University of Manitoba, 1997). 20-21. "Jennifer S.1-I. Brown in collaboration wit11 Maureen Manhe\\s. "Fair Wind: Medicine and Conso- lation on the Berens River." Jozrrnol oftlle Car7adiari Hisioricol ,-lssocialio17.n.s.. vol. 4 ( 1994): 57-58. 60,GI.

"' Mennonite I-leritage Centre (MIHC) Mennonite Pioneer hlissions Collection (MPM). vol. 362. "Pauingassi Trip Report," author unknown (likely a board member), 1957. The author ofthis report probahly did not consider Winnipeg children culturally back\~ardbecause they liad never seen a moose, a caribou. or a dogsled.

l7 MHC, MPM, vol. 362. IHenry Gerbrandtto I-larvey Toc~ls.13 May 1955. Hallowell. Tlie Ojibil-u ofBerer7s Rhw; Alar7iioha. xii. 8. 13.35. See also I-1~1dson.sBay Conipany post history for Little Grand Rapids. See Victor Lytwyn, The Fur- Po& qf the Liftle A'orlh: Ir~dians. Perilars. o17d Eriglisl7rr~eriEosl of Lake 1171717ipeg.1760-1821 (Winnipeg: Rupert's Land Rescarcli Centre. 1986), 100. According to Lyl\z,yn. David Sanderson liad a post at Littlt. Grand Rapids in the 1801 - 1 802 season. See also Susan Elaine Gray. "The Ojib\va World Vie\\. and Encounters with Cliristianity along the Berens River. 1875-1940" (P1i.D. diss.. University of Manitoba. 1996). 163-164. Nonvay I-louse Methodist missionary William Mason reported an earlier baptism at Berens River in 1 85 1. Young \\.asat Berens River \zJlienthe 0.jibwa signed Treaty Five in 1875. See Bro~vnand Matthe\tts. 67.

I" Gray 161-1 65. L~ltlierScliuetze Memoirs, manuscript available at tlie United Church ofCanada: Archives ofthe Conference of Manitoba and North\z'estern Ontario (UCA). Scliuetze. a United Church niissionary. seemed to think of Pa~~ingassipeople as more bacli\vard than Little Grand Rapids people. Yet I-lenry Neufeld sawed luniber for Little Grand Rapids at Pauingassi because of"the superior working habits oftlie Pauingassi men." MHC. MPM. vol. 362. IHenr)~Neufeld to Ike Froese. 8 October 1968. For a record ofthe baptism. see UCA. Little Grand Rapids Register of Baptisms. Marriages. and Burials." "' Brown and Mattlie~s60-6 1. " Brown and Mattlieu~s67. Jennifer S.H. Bro\\fn."A Place in Your Mind for Them All: CliiefMrilliam Berens," in Reir?gar~d~eC0l~~illg~I?di~l7. ed. J.A. Clifton (Chicago: The Dorsey Press. 1989). 21 0. 62 Jorrrrral of Alerrnorrife Strrdies

" Henry J. Gerbrandt. ddveritzrre iri Faiili (Altona: D.W. Friesen and Sons Ltd., 1970). 333-341. Edna Dalke. "Teaching at Pauingassi-A Joy and a Job," A;lPA/lQ~rarterly16.3 (December 1960), 3-4. Dalilke taught at Pauingassi for a few years in the 1960s. MHC, MPM, vol. 362, 1958 brocliure. This brocliure is in the Gernian language. Tlie words in quotation marks \\,ere translated into the nearest correct iiieaning. " George Groening, "Mission Report," AdPhlQzrarter!J-12.1 (April 1956): 5. " Apparently '-conjuring and magic" had not ceased. See for example MHC, MPM, vol. 362, January 196 1 prayer letter where Henry and Elna Neufeld write about St. Jolin's continuing preoccupa- tion with "aspell tliat was drummed on him 3 112 years ago."

'j 1958 brocliure. The Board did not take into consideratioti that "one man's superstition is anotlier man's religion" and tliat "superstition has no objective reality." James Axtell. Tlie Irii~asioriIlGthiri. 13. Usually the word was used by an ethnocentric group to denigrate the religion of anotlier group. Sonie of this ethnocentrism is revealed in Board reports. "' "The Program of Mennonite Pioneeer Mission." Bzrlletir~:Corfererice of Aleririoriites bi Cariada 2.3 (12 April 1966).3-5. '' Henry Gerbrandt, "A Visit to Pauingassi," hlPA,/Qzrarter~-12.2 (July 1957), 7. " Gerbrandt's farewell speech, in I-lenry J. Gerbrandt, Eli Rozrie: Hir?joi~~aeajis:Tlle Alerrroirs of Herir-~.J.Gerbraridi (Winnipeg: CMBC Publications. 1994), 21 1. '"T.D. Regelir. Aleririoiiiies iri Canada. 1939-1970: A People Ti-arisforrned (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996). 337. Menno Wiehe, "Mennonite Pioneer Mission," Bzrlleliri: Cor?firerice qf Aleririoriiies iri Cariada 9.1 (28 May 1973), 10-1 1. Blrlle/iri: Corfererice qfAleririo17itesbi Carlado 8.1 (26 May 1972). 18-1 9. '"Anna Ens, /ri Seu~Iiof Llriii~': star-^' of tI7e Corfererice of Alerir7oriites 07 A;lariitoba (Winnipeg: CMBC Publications. 1996). 1 14. " Henry had a permit while Elna was a certified teacher. Henry and Elna Neufeld. By God$ Grace: A.liriisiryi~~iihhlaiii~e People iri Pazringassi (Winnipeg: CMBC Publications, 1991), 6-8. MHC, MPM, vol. 362. Neufeld to Gerbrandt, 21 February 1954. Neufeld felt tliat lie sliould not begin a mission at Moose Lake because Anglicans and Catholics already had stations there. For a glimpse of Unrau's missionary work among native peoples, see Jake Unrau, Livirig iri tlie LJh),: The Pilgrirriage ofJulie B Ti-zrdy Urirau (Winnipeg: CMBC Publications, 1996). Unrau writes tliat wlien lie began his work with MPM in 1948 on Matlieson Island lie "had little appreciation for other religious espressions." Later, lie could "acknowledge freely that Indian values, spirituality and lifestyles ...had a profound influence on [his] own spiritual formation." " MIiC. MPM. vol. 362. Neufeld to Gerbrandt, 2 February 1955. See also Henry and Elna Neufeld 11. I-Ienry and Elna Neufeld 8-1 0. See also MIHC. MPM, vol. 362 Neufeld to Gerbrandt, I5 May 1955.

'-I Henry and Elna Neufeld 21 -22. Tlie Neufelds wrote tliis in hindsight, wlien they wrote their book publislied in 1991. Here they clearly state that culture arid religion cannot be separated among the Ojibwa '' MHC. MPM. vol. 362. Gerbrandt to Henry and Elna. 12 May 1955.

;"Henry and Elna Neufeld 12. It seems tliat assimilation was still tile goal of the Department of Indian Affairs. '' I-lenry and Elna Neufeld 13. 'Vienry Neufeld. A.IPAlQzrarier!J:12.1 (April 1956): 1 1.

j" IHenry and Elna Neufeld, "Pauingassi," hlPAl@rarter(y 13.2 (July 1957): 3. -"' MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Henry Neufeld to David Neufeld, 20 September 1963. Interview by Alvina Block with Henry and Elna Neufeld, 19 February 1999. There are no Department of lndian Affairs records at the Provincial Archives of Manitoba about language specialists' visits to Pauingassi. How- ever the sessional papers for 1966-1967 report tliat "a cornprelicnsive testing program was carried out Alerrrrotrire Alissiorrnry Hetrrj' h'etrfeld nrrd Sj~trcretisrrrntrrorrg ?Ire Pntrittgnssi Ojibiun, 1955-1970 63 by the language arts specialists which covered all aspects of the teaching of English in the federal schools'' during the 1966 to 1967 school year in schools operated by the Education Division of Indian Affairs and Northern Developntent. Anr7ztal Report of Departrtrer~tof lrrdian A3air.s and Northern Dei~elopr11e17t.1966-1967, 48-49.

'" MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Neufeld to Gerbrandt, 2 February 1955. Interview by Alvina Blocl; with Henry and ElnaNeufeld, 19 February 1999.

'" MHC, MPM, vol. 362,1957 trip report, author unknown. " Clarence Epp, "A Word front Pauingassi,"h/Ph/Ql~arter~14.3 (October 1958). 3. MHC, MPM, vol. 362, report ofthe Executive Secretary. 30 September to 2 October 1963. "" MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Neufeld to Wiebe, 17 November 1966.

-'j Henry and Elna Neufeld 2 1. See also MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Neufeld to Gerbrandt, 5 December 1955 and Gerbrandt to Neufeld, 23 December 1955. '"'Henry and ElnaNeufeld 22-23. See also MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Groening toNeufeld, 3 1 May 1957. Interview by Alvina Blocli with Henry and ElnaNeufeld. 19 Februag~1999.

." MHC. MPM, vol. 362, Henry and Elna to "dear prayingfriends," December 1959.

JX MHC. MPM, vol. 362, Elna and Henry to Groeningand Gerbrandt, 5 June 1960. Elna and I-lenry to Groening. 15 January 1961. "" MHC, MPM, vol. 362. Neufeld to Wiebe 5 January 1966. Henry .I. Gerbrandt, "The Birth of a Northern Church, Bulletirl: Corferetlce of A.ler~r~orlitesir7 Carlada 2.3 (12 April 1966), 5.

j" MHC, MPM. vol. 362. report by B. Harry Dyck, 23 June to 1 l August 1967; ntemo to CMC Mission Board from Menno Wiebe. 25 September 1967; Neufeld to Wiebe, 12 March 1968. See also Henry and Elna to "Dear Friends," January 1969.

j' Interview by Alvina Block with Menno Wiebe, 20 December 1998. Larry Kehler, "Larry lceltler reports: Pauingassi," Brrlletin: Cor!fererlce of A.letl/1or7ites it7 Catlacla 7.3 (28 May 197 1 ). 5.

j' Ronald Niezen observed that Cree elders recommended going into the bush as a valuable therapy for people who suffered emotional disturbances. In "Healing and Conversion: Medical Evan- gelism in Jantes Bay Cree Society," Etl1nohistory44.3 (1997): 466. Matthews and Roulette 340.

j' Maureen Matthews and Roger Roulette, "Fair Wind's Dream: Naamiwan Obawaajigewin, in Rearli,?g Beyond PVords: Cotitests for Nath~eHistory, eds. Jennifer S.H. Brown B( Elizabeth Vibert (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 1996), 350.

j4 Matthews and Roulette, 336 note 1, 350-351. This bell was still at Pauingassi in the 1990s According to oral tradition, it was stolen long ago from a tractor train that brought freight to Pauingassi. Interview by Alvina Block witit Henry and ElnaNeufeld, 19 February 1999.

jj Matthews and Roulette333: 333 note 2. j%eorge Groening, "An lndian Funeral." A/PA4Q~1arter!y 12.1 (April 1956): 3-4.

j7 Henry and ElnaNeufeld 3.

jX Henry and Elna Neufeld 3. See also Sam Gill, Nathe Atnericati Religiot7s: ,411 lr7trod1tctioi7 (Belntont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Contpany, 1982), 1 17. j" Henry and ElnaNeufeld, "Customs and Beliefs," AlPhlQuarterIy 14.2 (June 1958): 4.

"I Henry and ElnaNeufeld, "Customs and Beliefs, A.IPA.lQrtarterIJt 14.2 (June 1958): 4. " MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Gerbrandt toNeufeld 17 March 1960. See also Elna and Henry to Gerbrandt and Groening, 5 June 1960. " Hallowell in Tedlock 170. Tltus when the Ojibwa were sick they asked: "Who did this? Wlto is responsible? " MHC, MPM, vol. 362, Henry and ElnaNeufeld to -'Dear Praying Friends," January 196 1. Brown in Clifton. 21 1-2 16 fi Mattliews and Roulette 334. "" Interview by Alvina Block with I-lenry and Elna Neufeld, 19 February 1999. " Matthe\vs and Roulette 341. " Manhews and Roulette 336,354. "" Bruce M. White. "Give Us a Little Mi1l.r:'' Alinriesoiu History48.2 (1 982), 60-65.

7" Interview by Alvina Blocli with Henry and Elna Neufeld. 19 February. Interview by Alvina Block with Henry and Elna Neufeld, 19 February 1999.

i2 Interview by Alvina Block ~'ithHenry and Elna Neufeld. 19 February 1999.

73 Interview by Alvina Block \villi Henry and Elna Neufeld, 19 February 1999.

74 111 a telephone cotiversation with I-lenry Neufeld on 1 March 2000: he see~iiedto indicate that the latter meaning was correct.