0UNITED NATIONS

0UNITED NATIONS ACENTRE AGAINST APARTHEID NOTES. AND DOCUMENTS* T August 1983 1M)LE OF n= CtL ScLIDART Y AD ACTION IN SUPPORT OF THE STMJGGLE PR LIBEAT'ION IN SOUTH AFRICA Observance of the twentieth anniversary of the Special annittee against Apartheid /ffte: As part of the observance of -its twentieth anniversary, the Special Camiittee against Apartheid convened on 30 and 31 March 1983 a special session on the role of international solidarity and action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa. Many leaders of organizations and eminent persons active in the struggle against Apartheid amvnded the Special Committee and the Centre against Apa in the United Nations Secretariat for their dedication and ontribution during the past two decades and discussed ways and means of strengthening the international campaign against apartheid. In omnection with the observance, the Chairman of the Special Cairttee, H.E. Alhaji Yusuff Maitama-Sule and Mr. Enuga S. rFxdy, Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid, were awarded the Joliot-Curie gold medal of the World Peace Council. This issue reproduces texts and/or sumwaries of statements made at the meeting.7 83-21897 *All material in these Notes and Documents may be freely reprinted. Acknowledgement, together with a copy of the publication containing the reprint, would be appreciated. United Nations, New York 10017

CONTENTS Page 1. Presentation of the Joliot-Curie Award of the World Peace Council to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid and to the Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid . . . . . 1 Statements made at the 517th meeting held on 30 March 1983 1. Mr. Romesh Chandra, President of the World Peace Council ...... 1 2. Mr. Gus Newport, Mayor of Berkeley, California and member of the World Peace Council delegation ...... 3 3. Mr. Tair Tairov, Professor and Secretary of the World Peace Council ...... 4 4. Mr. Edouard Sloan, President, Quebec Peace Council ...... 5 5. Mrs. Karen Talbot, Head, United Nations Department of the World Peace Council ...... 5 6. H.E. Mr.James Gbeho, Permanent Representative of Ghana to the United Nations, on behalf of the African States members of the Special Committee ...... 6 7. H.E. Mr. Harry Ott, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and Permanent Representative of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations, on behalf of the socialist States members of the Special Committee ...... 7 8. Mr. Moh. Farouk Adhami, Minister Counsellor, Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations, on behalf of Asian States members of the Special Committee ...... 8 9. Mr. Luis Sandiga, First Secretary, Permanent Mission of Peru to the United Nations, on behalf of the Latin American States members of the Special Committee ...... 9 10. H.E. Alhaji Yusuff Maitama-Sule, Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid and Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations ...... 9 11. H.E. Mr. James Gbeho, Permanent Representative of Ghana to the United Nations, on behalf of the African States members of the Special Committee ...... 11 12. Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations Centre against Apartheid ...... 12 II. Special session on the tole of International solidarity and action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa ...... 15 A. Statements made at 518th meeting held on 30 March 1983 ...... 15

Page 1. H.E. Mr. lure Hollai (Hungary), President of the United Nations General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session ...... 15 2. H.E. Mr. Seydou Traore, Permanent Representative of Mali to the United Nations, on behalf of the Special Comittee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples ...... 16 3. H.E. Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun, Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations, on behalf of the United Nations Council for Namibia . . . . 17 4. H.E. Mr. S. Shah Nawaz, Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chairman of the Security Council Committee established by resolution 421 (1977) concerning the question of South Africa ...... 19 5. H.E. Mr. N. Krishnan, Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations, on behalf of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries ...... 21 6. H.E. Mr. Wafula Wabuge, Permanent Representative of Kenya to the United Nations, on behalf of the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity . .23 7. Mr. Emeka Anyaoku, DeputySecretary-General of the Commonwealth, former member of the Special Committee ...... 25 8. Mr. E.O. Ogub (Nigeria), former Chairman of the Special Committee . . . . 29 9. Mr. Vladimir Stanis, Rector of Patrice Lumumba University on behalf of the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee ...... 30 lO.Mr. Nicasio Valderrama, Consul-General of the Philippines in Sydney, former Rapporteur of the Special Committee ...... 35

Page B. Statements made at the 519th meeting held on 31 March 1983 1. H.E. Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun, Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations ...... 38 2. Mr. M. J. Makatini, Observer, African National Congress (ANC) on behalf of Mr. Oliver Tmbo, President of ANC ...... 41 3. Mr. Joseph Mkwanazi, Observer, Pan-Africantst CongressofAzania... 41 4. Mr. Pius Asheeke, Observer, South West Africa People's Organization . . 44 5. Mr. Abdul S. Minty, Director, World Campaign against Military and Nuclear Collaboration with South Africa, Oslo ...... 45 6. Mr. Kurt Seibt, President of the Solidarity Committee of the German Democratic Republic ...... 51 7. Mr. Antonio Saura, Chairman, Committee of Artists of the World against Apartheid, Paris ...... 53 8. Mrs. Jennifer Davis, Executive Director, American Committee on Africa ...... 54 9. Rev. Father Austin Flannery, President, Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement 55 10. Mr. Sean MacBride, President, International Peace Bureau, Nobel Peace Prize and Lenin Peace Prize Winner, former United Nations Commissioner for Namibia ...... 57 A C. Statements made at the 520th meeting on 31 March 1983 1. Mr. Abraham Ordia, President of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa ...... 58 2. Mr. J. Dennis Akumu, Secretary-General, Organization of African Trade Union Unity ...... 61 3. H.E. Mr. Abdehl-Rahman Abdalla, Permanent Representative of the Sudan to the United Nations ...... 62 4. Mr. M.J. Makatini, Observer, African National Congress ...... 63 5. Mr. Glenn Fubler, Anti-Apartheid Group, Bermuda ...... 65 6. Mr. Vassos Lyssarides, Secretary-General, International Committee against Apartheid, Racism and Colonialism in Southern Africa ...... 65 7. Ms. Carol Somplatsky-Jarman, Director, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility ...... 66

Page 8. Mrs. Phyllis Altman, Director, International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (London) ...... 67 9. Mr. P.N. Haksar, All India Peace and Solidarity Organization . . . . 67 10. Mr. Jim Gale, Co-ordinator, Campaign against Racial Exploitation, Australia ...... 68 11. Mr. John Minto, National Chairman, HART: The New Zealand AntiApartheid Movement ...... 68 12. Mr. Assim El Rayah, Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization . . . 70 13. Ms. Jeanne Wood;, National Anti-Imperialist Movement in Solidarity with African Liberation (I1AIMSAL) ...... 70 i. Mr. E.C. Anyaoku, Deputy Secretary-General of the Commonwealth . . . 71 15. H.E. AlhaJi Yusuff Maitama-Sule, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid ...... 72 Notes ...... 74

I. Presentation of the Joliot-Curie Award of the World Peace Council to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid and to the Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid Statements made at the 51Tth meeting held on 30 March 1983 1. Mr. Romesh Chandra, President of the World Peace Council On the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheidthe delegation of the World Peace Council brings the warm congratulations and good wishes of hundred of millions of ordinary people from all over the world - and, in particular of the vast mass movements in 137 countries of all continents, which are represented in our Council. Twenty years - two decades - what remarkable changes have taken place on this planet during this period! It is true that the danger of nuclear war and nuclear annihilation has grown to unprecedented heights. But that is not the most significant change in the international situation. The truth is that today there exists in the world a mighty mass movement for peace and disarmament, for the prevention of nuclear war - which is bigger and broader than at any time in human history. Yes, the danger of a nuclear war has become gremmr-than ever before. But the power of the peoples to prevent war, to halt the arms race, has also become greeter than ever before. And the realization has grown among millions everywhere that the peoples have the power, if they act toptther, to end the war danger and to ensure peace and justice, national independence and social progress for each and every citizen of this earth. This year, 1983, marks the end of the United Nations Decade of Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination; this year marks the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid. It is at the same time the year which can be decisive for peace and war because of the threats from the deployment of new medium-range missiles in Europe. There are those who ask the question: has all the work done by the United Nations, by the Special Committee against Apartheid and other similar bodies, and by non-governmental organizations - has all this work resulted in the wiping out of racism, in ending the obnoxious system of apartheid? Of course, the answer is no! Racism and racial discrimination continue in those parts of the world where they prevailed at the start of the Decade against racism. The apartheid r6gime has become a nuclear Power, thanks to the collaboration of a handful of States - above all, the United States of America, the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel. The apartheid rfgime is ever desperately carrying out new acts of aggression and intervention against Angola, Mozambique, Zambia, the United Republic of Tanzania, Botswana, Lesotho, Zimbabwe and the Seychelles. Brutal and barbaric repression against the liberation movements has reached new heights inside South Africa and in Namibia. But again, this is not the only reality. Far more significant is the fact of the total isolation of the racist regine inside the United Nations and among the peoples of all countries and the growing might of the liberation movements.

-2- The result of the twenty years of dedicated service by the Special Committee against Apartheid can be seen in the rapid development of effective actions against Pretoria and, in solidarity with the liberation movements, by Governments and non-governmental organizations, peace movements, trade unions, churches, women's and youth organizations, writers and artists, scientists and lawyers. The Special Committee against Apartheid and, with it, the Centre against Apartheid, have a distinguished record of co-operation with all types of nongovernmental organizations, each having very different views and constituencies. No other Special Committee or section of the United Nations has a comparable record, in co-operation with non-governmental organizations and movements, for the mobilization of public opinion. The Centre against Apartheid publishes material on a scale unequalled by any other similar section of the United Nations. The World Peace Council, the NGO Sub-Committee against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Apartheid and Colonialism, and I personally, have had the honour of co-operating closely with the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Centre for many years. We look back with pride on the results of this co-operation, and the impact it has had on the work and the understanding of the United Nations and non-governmental organizations. Today, more and more Governments, more and more non-governmental organizations, more and more people, see the inseparable link between the struggles for peace and disarmament, the struggle for liberation, national independence and justice, the struggles againt imperialism, colonialism, neo- colonialism, racism and apartheid. The struggle is one - this is the new understanding of the peoples everywhere. We cannot end the danger of nuclear war if the struggle against that danger is not universal, if it is not linked with the struggles for a new life for peoples everywhere. And, on the other hand, no struggle for national independence or justice or social progress can win today in isolation, if it does not unite itself with the struggles for disarmament and the prevention of nuclear war. The struggle is one - and the enemy is one. Those who collaborate with the apartheid regime are the same as those who practice racism at home, who carry out aggression and intervention in different parts of the world and threaten humanity with nuclear war. This is the firm belief of the World Peace Council. On the basis of this understanding, our movement has grown into the biggest mass movement of the peoples of our time, the biggest movemept for peace and disarmament and, at the same time, the mightiest global anti-imperialist and solidarity movement. It is this fact which arouses the wrath of the enemies of peace and the collaborators with apartheid.The World Peace Council has the honour of co-operating with numerous organizations which enjoy, like us, consultative status with the United Nations, and also with many others who support the work of the United Nations. At the recent Seventh Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, held in New Delhi, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi described the Non-Aligned Movement as the greatest peace movement. She emphasized the link between disarmament and development, peace and liberation. This is the understanding which guides the World Peace Council. To mark the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid, the leadership of the World Peace Council has unanimously decided to award its highest distinction, the Joliot-Curie Gold Medal, to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, His Excellency Alhaji Yusuff Maitama-Sule, in recognition of his outstanding services to the struggle against apartheid, his untiring work for peace among nations and for national independence, his dedication to the best causes of Africa and the world. It is an award made also

-3- in recognition of the contribution of Nigeria to the cause of the liberation struggles of Africa. My colleagues wish me to thank you, Mr. Chairman, for agreeing to accept this award. We are grateful to the Special Committee for arranging this special session for the ceremony. The World Peace Council also decided unanimously to award its highest distinction, the Joliot-Curie Gold Medal, to Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations and head of the Centre against Apartheid, for his devoted and ceaseless work for the United Nations and for the struggle against apartheid. I have said that both the decisions were unanimous. The highest bodies of the World Peace Council movement include outstanding leaders from 13T countries. Among them are members of the highest leaderships, ministers, and Members of Parliaments, from the ruling parties of one hundred countries. They belong to the widest range of opinions. Among them are the ruling parties of the majority of non-aligned States. From other countries there are leaders of Socialist and Social Democratic Parties, Christian Democratic Liberal Republican, Communist and Radical Parties, Agrarian and Centre Parties. Among them are also the topmost leaders of national liberation uorements,churches, and mass organizations of workers, youth, women and students. A unanimous decision indicates common agreement among men and women of scores of different political and ideological viewpoints. Mr. Chairman, I have had the personal privilege of your friendship and co- operation since you assumed the leadership of the Special Committee. In this short period, our respect has grown by leaps and bounds, for your wisdom and your courage, your determination and you= adherence to principle. Mr. Assistant Secretary-General, we have known you ever since the Special Committee against Apartheid was founded. For twenty years it is you who have held aloft the banner of the United Nations commitment to eradicate apartheid. Your remarkable contribution to the work of the United Nations has been recognized by your recent promotion to the rank of Assistant SecretaryGeneral. There is no one who has done more than you, Mr. Reddy, to promote the co- operation of non-governmental organizations with the United Nations. These awards are made through the person of the recipients to all members of the Special Committee and to all who work in the Centre against Apartheid. Each one has contributed to the battle for human dignity, for the victory of the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia, for the defence of the front-line States and for the unity of Africa. We look forward to wwor closer friendship and common work with the Special Committee and the Centre. Permit me now to present the Joliot-Curie Goli Medals, the highest awards of the World Peace Council. 2. Mr. Gus Newport, Mayor of Berkeley, California and member of the World Peace Council delegation 2/ Mr. Newport said that the tremendous efforts of the Special Committee, in co-operation with non-governmental organizations representing a variety of ideologies, to eliminate racial prejudice and exploitation had served as a model for the entir4 world community.

- 4 - As a black American he knew that racism was being used to maintain the black people in an inferior position. In the United States and throughout the world the basis for apartheid and racism was economic. It was meant to benefit the dominant class by controlling black labour and denying the black people their right to dignity. Racism had reared its head recently in Chicago against the black mayoral candidate of that city. The church, which was supposed to provide moral leadership, had, as on other occasions in the past, sided with the supporters of racism. But the church was not alone to blame. Under the present administration there had been a resurgence of the Klu Klux Klan, a renewal of street violence and rioting. Blaek elected officials had been subjected to surveillance and harassment and, worst of all, the country had witnessed a move towards total recognition and acceptance of the apartheid r6gime of South Africa. Racism was an insult to the peoples of the world, the ultimate denial of human rights, and must be totally eliminated. It was gratifying to see that thanks to the efforts of the Special Committee, millions of people and hundreds of organizations were realizing that the struggle against racism and the pursuit of world peace were inseparable. Everyone must fight for the liberation of South Africa, the territorial integrity and independence of the front-line States and, in the final analysis, freedom and peace for every nation and every citizen. In 1981, under the sponsorship of the Riverside Church in New York, and with the support of SWAPO, ANC and 223 organizations, more than 1,100 delegates had met to adopt a programme of action and support for the people of South Africa and the front-line States. He was pleased to announce that the work of the conference would be continued in Berkeley. The Chairman of the Special Committee and the Director of the Centre against Apartheid fully deserved the honour that had been bestowed on them in recognition of their contribution to the struggle against racism and apaftheid. The Joliot-Curie Medal was awarded to individuals who had made an outstanding contribution to the cause of peace and national independence, regardless of colour or class status. One past recipient - who had been awarded the medal posthumously - was Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 3. Mr. Tair Tairov, Professor and Secretary of the World Peace Council 3/ Mr. Tairov said that the Pretoria r6gime was maintaining its hold on the South African people by resorting to repression and violence. But the heroic South African people were looking towards the future with growing confidanee and were making unprecedented progress in thkir struggle for liberation. That clearly demonstrated the contribution of the Special Committee. Everyone knew that South Africa already possessed tactical nuclear weapons which it could use against the people of southern Africa. The struggle against apartheid was therefore also a struggle against the threat of nuclear war and was part of a common task: the final liberation of mankind from all oppression, and first and foremost from racial oppression and from the threat of nuclear annihilation. The medals awarded to the Chairman of the Special Committee and to the Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid were a token of gratitude for their work and for the work done by the Special Committee over the past 20 years to eliminate apartheid once and for all and to enforce the decisions and principles of the United Nations.

-5- 4. Mr. Edouard Sloan, President, Quebec Peace Council i_/ Mr. Sloan on behalf of his organization complimented the Special Committee against Apartheid for the excellent work it had been carrying out for 20 years. The Quebec Peace Council felt that it had *special historic links with the Special Committee, beginning just prior to the World Olympic Games in Montreal in 1976 when the Council had been asked whether it could expose the attempt made by South Africa to set up a friendship centre in Montreal and rejoin the World Olympic Organization. The Council had naturally accepted that task. Since then, the Special Committee had consistently helped it in its anti-apartheid activities in Quebec. The Quebec Peace Council, in co-operation with other grouxps and with the assistance of the World Peace Council, was currently organizing, a symposium on the role of the mass media relating to questions of disarmament and the mutual security of the peoples. Everyone knew that the South African regime was a threat to the security of the peoples not only in Africa but throughout the world, particularly since it had become involved in the development of nuclear weapons. The organizing committee had invited the Special Committee to participate in the Montreal symposium and expose the great danger that South Africa presented for world peace. The Quebec Peace Council wished to commend the special role being played by the President of the Special Committee and by Mr. Reddy, the Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid, in the struggle to eliminate racism, and it hoped that the joint struggle of the Quebec Peace Council and the United Nations would lead to the triumph of human freedom and dignity. 5. Mrs. Karen Talbot, Head, United Nations Department of the World Peace Council 5/ Mr. Talbot said that the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Centre against Apartheid were the bodies of the United Nations which were playing the most effective role in the efforts to eliminate the criminal South African system of apartheid. Their activities had culminated in an unprecedented effort to sensitize world public opinion about the struggle of the freedom fighters in southern Africa. The year 1983 marked a decisive stage in the action undertaken to prevent nuclear war. Those who were seeking nuclear superiority intended to deploy missiles in Europe. They were arousing the anger of the peoples, who must strengthen their unity to prevent nuclear war. The struggle against nuclear war was linked with the struggle against racism and apartheid and with the efforts being made, through the establishment of a new international economic order, to ensure a better life for everyone. It was no accident that the United States had not sutpported the resolutions of the previous session of the General Assembly on the elimination of apartheid, or the resolutions concerning disarmament and in particular the freeze of nuclear weapons. The strategy of the United States Government was to build up the nuclear arsenal of the United States and support the apartheid regime in the political, economic and military fields. It was envisaged that United States military expenditure would reach a record level in the years to come. It was thus understandable that social problems were being relegated to the background and that economic conditions had declined intolerably, and also that racismjbecause of that situation, had recovered ground in the United States.

-6- Throughout the world, the peoples were becoming aware of the interdependence of the struggle for peace and the struggle for the elimination of racism. They must unite their efforts to ensure that peace, justice and social progress prevailed. 6. H.E. Mr. James Gbeho, Permanent Representative of Ghana to the United Nations, on behalf of the African States members af the Special Committee I count myself privileged to have been chosen by the African Member States of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid to say a few words on their behalf on this momentous occasion. I am fortunate becuase it is a task that is immensely gratifying to me personally and also because it is an honour to eulogize a close friend and colleague. But let me also confess, at the same time, to one difficulty that is common on ocasions like this. The attributes of His Excellency Alhaji Maitama-Sule are so varied and distinguished that one does not really know where one begins. And yet I must begin. I crave your indulgence for any omissions that may occur in the account of this distinguished son of Africa. Sir, it was exactly twenty years ago that I first arrived in Nigeria to serve in the Ghana High Commission in Lagos. Nigeria itself was barely over two years old but rich in heritage; the Nigeria of Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Okotie Eboh, J.J. Johnson, Michael Okpara, Dr. Majekoudumi and many others whose lives and achievement traced the history of their proud country. My personal fortune then was to have known and admired the charm, industry and example of Alhaji Maitama-Sule who was the First Republic's Minister for Mines and Power. Even though a much younger man at the time, Alhaji Maitama-Sule's reputation as a veritable bulwark in the cabinet far outstripped his age. Later, I was destined to meet this statesman again in New York, after twenty years, and to have the privilege of working closely with him on a cause that is very dear to us both - the anti-apartheid struggle - as a member of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid. We the African members of the Committee are convinced that we could not have been more fortunate to have a man of the calibre of Alhaji Maitama-Sule to lead us in the struggle. His total commitment to the eradication of the political and social injustice called apartheid cannot fail to attract the notice of all who have had anything to do with the Committee in the last two years. His goodnatured relations with every member of the Committee, both high and low, have always inspited confidence.His capacity for work is borne out by the thousands of miles he has travelled around the globe to impart much needed knowledge about the truth about apartheid and to seek support from people of all races for the eventual eradication of this evil defined by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. My colleagues and I will forever remember the wit and good humour of this leader because these qualities of his have injected relaxation in tense situations and encouraged even the most diffident to give the best to the struggle.

-7 - But if we have been enamoured of Alhaji Maitama-Sule's humour, we have also learnt over the years to understand that it conceals a deeply religious inner person whose faith in God and his own fellow men sustains his whole existence. The struggle against racism is therefore of a deeper meaning to him personally. We the African members of the Committee are therefore proud that Alhaji MaitamaSule, our senior brother and close friend, is being honoured today by the awmad to him of the Joliot-Curie gold medal. We are not ashamed to also bask in his glory for it is an honour that extends to all Africa and to all Member States of the Committee for our collective efforts to free our world from racism, racial hatred and that socio-poaitical monstrosity euphemistically christened apartheid. We are extremely grateful to the World Peace Council for their generosity. On behalf of all the African members of the Committee, I would like to express our sincerest felicitations to you, Alhaji Maitama-Sule, on the occasion of this presentation. We know that this is but the first of a series of laurels that will be showered on you because you are a true and gifted leader. We hope that you will continue to lead the Committee until the victory over apartheid is achieved. Once again, we are happy to be your colleagues and we renew to you our unstinted support and co-operation in this onerous task. 7. H.E. Mr. Harry Ott, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and Permanent Representative of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations, on behalf of the socialist States members of the Special Committee Please permit me to convey to you, Mr. Chairman, and to the Assistant Secretary-General, Mr. Reddy, on behalf of the socialist States represented in the Special Committee against Apartheid, our most heartfelt congratulations on the occasion that the Frederic Joliot-Curie Medal has been awarded to you by the President of the World Peace Council, Romesh Chandra. These awards demonstrate the high international appreciation for your untiring and sacrificing efforts undertaken as the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid whose 20th anniversary we commemorate these days, and for the longstonding.responsible work performed by the Assistant Secretary-General, Mr. Reddy. These awards are symbols of the close relationship between the maintenance of world peace and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. It is no coincidence that many activists of the world peace movement who strongly raise their voice against NATO's policy of confrontation and superarmament, at the same time actively work in the movement against apartheid, since they are well aware of the great dangers to international security and peace which emanate from the racist rfgime and which must be averted. The socialist States feel deeply committed towards this objective. Today, it has become more obvious than ever before that the struggle for the maintenance of peace is indivisible. The struggle for peace in Europe which centres above all upon the prevention of the deployment of the new United States medium-range missiles must be linked with the struggle for peace in Africa, against the policy of apartheid and destabilization pursued by the apartheid r~gime.

-8- There is also no doubt, Mr. Chairman, that those imperialist circles of the USA and other NATO countries which have chosen the course of superarmament and stir up confrontation in various regions of the world, name the criminal apartheid r6gime "a friendly power", and step up their political, economic and military co-operation with Pretoria in complete disregard of the decisions taken by the United Nations Organization. Peace, happiness and security can only triumph in South Africa, when apartheid and colonial oppression have finally been overcome. For the achievement of that aim, the socialist States will also in the future continue to spare no efforts. The active co-operation in the Special Committee against Apartheid of the United Nations Organization and the promotion of the lofty goals of the World Peace Council not only correspond with our great responsibility for the maintenance of peace but also with our obligation towards the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, and we promise not to rest untih apartheid, racism and colonialism have been eliminated from the peoples' lives forever. 8. Mr. Moh. Farouk Adhami, Minister Counsellor, Permanent Mission of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations, on behalf of Asian States members of the Special Committee 6/ Mr. Adhami, speaking on behalf of the Asian member countries of the Special Committee against Apartheid, congratulated the President and stressed the opportunity offered by the current meeting to help mobilize world public opinion against oppression, racial discrimination and violations of human dignity. It was further proof of the Committee's impartiality and its desire to pursue the struggle to eliminate those scourges and also confirmed the constructive co-operation which had been established between the Special Committee and certain non-governmental organizations. In implementing General Assembly resolution 31/6, the Committee, on 5 November 1982, had awarded medals to seven eminent personalities, among whom were Mr. Chandra, President of the World Peace Council, in recognition of the efforts they were making at the international level to impose global sanctions against South Africa. The President of the Special Committee against Apartheid was playing a leading role in the world struggle against racism and apartheid. The medal awarded to him also bore witness to the inestimable contribution made by Nigeria to that struggle. It was also an honour for all the members of the Special Committee. The current meeting was an opportunity to recall that 20 years previously, the Special Committee had made an appeal to all nations to take measures against the Pretoria r6gime to encourage it to renounce its racist policy. Nevertheless, the racist rfgime was still in power, and was continuing to oppress the South African people. Popular movements were prohibited, repressive laws had been promulgated and mass murders were being perpetrated. Namibia was still occupied. All the countries of the regiom must confront the acts of aggression of the apartheid r6gime. Certain Western countries which were members of the Security Council were using their right to veto to prevent the adoption of global sanctions against South Africa. Those who could adopt those measures were putting their economic

-9- interests at the forefront of their concerns. The military power of the apartheid rfgime was being strengthened, and also its military co-operation with certain Western countries. That co-operation had been condemned by the summit conference of the Son-Aligned Movement held recently at New Delhi. In that context, the distinction accorded to the President and to Mr. Reddy, the Assistant SecretaryGeneral of the Centre against Apartheid, was of particular significance, and was a tribute to the initiative of the World Peace Council. 9. Mr. Luis Sandiga. First Secretary, Permanent Mission of Peru to the United Nations, on behalf of the Latin American States members of the Special Committe 7/ Mr. Sandiga, speaking on behalf of the Latin American members of the Special Committee against Apartheid, congratulated the President on the medal awarded to him by the World Peace Council on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee. There was no doubt that the distinction which the President had Just received was recognition of the immense contribution he had made to the elimination of racism and would give now impetus to the spirit of struggle which characterized him and all men of goodwill working towards that end. He also congratulated Mr. Reddy, Assistant Secretary- General of the United Nations Centre against Apartheid, for the distinction awarded to him, which he so justly deserved. Peru was prepared to pursue the struggle without respite for the final elimination of the system of apartheid. 10.H.E. Alhaji Yusuff Maitama-Sule, Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid and Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations 8/ I shall cherish the medal which has been awarded to me by the World Peace Council, and the very kind and generous sentiments from its delegation and from members of the Special Committee - as a testament of your affection and as a mandate from you. If it was a recognition of my own modest efforts as Chairman of this Special Committee, I would have hesitated to accept it. But this is an honour to the Special Committee, an institution which is greater than all its members, for its twenty years of dedicated labours in the cause of freedom and human dignity, and an appreciation of the contribution of the Government and people of my country, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, to the work of this Committee and to the liberation of Africa and people of African origin. The medal bears the name of the Founder-President of the World Peace Council, a great French nuclear scientist, anti-fascist and humanist who pledged, and inspired many other scientists to pledge that they would never assist in application of science for war. The World Peace Council has recognized as the Charter of the United Nations had recognized - that there can be no peace unless the root causes of conflict and war - above all, the barbarity of racial discrimination and the inequity of colonial domination - are removed from this globe.

- 10 - Under the leadership of Mr. Romesh Chandra - who had experienced racism and colonialism, and fought against it in his country - the World Peace Council has not only supported movements struggling for freedom and human dignity, but included in its own leadership the great fighters for African liberation, as well as the eminent leaders in the struggle for the dignity of black men and women. It has extended its unfailing co-operation to the United Nations, and especially to this Special Committee against Apartheid in the international campaign for the elimination of the crime of apartheid from this globe. The recipients of the awards of the World Peace Council include many eminent Heads of State and Government and many other great men of our time. They include the late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, the founder of non-alignment, and one of the greatest men of this century, whom the Special Committee had occasion to honour for his contribution to the struggle for freedom in South Africa. This medal has been presented to the great redeemers of the people of African origin like the late Dr. W.E.B. DuBois and the late Paul Robeson, who played a leading role in the World Peace Council, and to the late Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., all of whom this Special Committee has honoured for their historic contribution to African liberation. Other recipients of the medal include founders and leaders of African nations such as the late Dr. Agostinho Neto of the People's Republic of Angola, the late Dr. Amilcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau, President Samora Machel of Mozambique, and President Sekou Tour4 of Guinea. This award has been bestowedon Mr. Sam Nujoma, the leader of SWAPO and Mr. Yasser Arafat, leader of the Palestine Liberation Organization. It has been given to the late Bran Fischer, the eminent Afrikaner Jurist, who gave his life in the struggle against apartheid,and to Nelson Mandela, who has been incarcerated by the racist regime for over twenty years for leading his people in a valiant struggle for a non-racist and democratic society. The list of recipients of this award, and the list of leaders of the World Peace Council who have decided on the awards, commands respect and indeed reverence. It is, therefore, with great hesitation and humility that I accept the honour you have bestowed on me. I bow in reverence at the memory of those who have passed away. Every medal has two faces. If one side of this medal is an expression of appreciation and confidence,the other side is a call to duty. I pray to God to give me the strength to deserve the honour and to enable me to discharge the duty you expect of me. Africa has known no peace for five hundred years since the settlers, colonialists and enslavers landed on our shores to rob us of our riches, destroy our ancient civilizations and even enslave our people - except for brief moments of the "peace of the grave", the "peace of terror". Africa yearns for peace with freedom and human dignity. Africa fought with the Allies against Nazi racism and helped liberate Europe - including countries which had oppressed and exploited the continent. Africa hoped that the Atlantic Charter, the United Nations Charter and other declarations would herald a new world order. That was not to be.

- 11 - Hardly had the war ended in Europe than Africans were massacred from Algeria to Madagascar - for demanding their own freedom. Africa had to sacrifice millions of lives in the struggle for decolonization. It suffered untold casualties in conflicts fanned by the greed of external powers and interests who sought to divide and divert the African people from their struggle for emancipation. We had hoped that the valiant struggles of the African people for freedom, the patient efforts of African leaders for reconciliation and peace, and the blood of our martyrs, would persuade the Powers of the West to accept the realities and co-operate with us in facilitating the total emancipation of Africa without undue bloodshed. We had hoped that the collapse of the centuries-old Portuguese empire in 19T4 - brought about by the co-operation of African freedom fighters and the young men of the Portuguese armed forces - would be a turning point. But that was not to be. Indeed, the plots against Africa, the plots to reverse the march of freedom, were intensified. Angola became the victim of an invasion by the racist forces from South Africa, with the collusion of the secret services of a most powerful Western country. Its soil is still occupied by the racist forces and pressure is being exerted to force its Government to abandon its friends and defences. Encouraged by the protection of some major Western Powers, the Pretoria rfgime has embarked on an undeclared war against all neighbouring States. It has committed atrocities in Kassinga/in Angola, in Matola in Mozambique and in Maseru in Lesotho - atrocities which can only be compared to the crimes of the Nazis in Europe - and yet some countries continue to collaborate with it. The racist Pretoria r~gime has been enabled to acquire an enormous military arsenal, to obtain sophisticated technology and to establish the tenth largest armament industry for war against the people of South Africa and Namibia and against independent African States. It has, indeed, been helped to acquire nuclear-weapon capability in a continent that has earnestly appealed for denuclearization and in utter disregard of the enormous menace posed to humanity by nuclear weapons in the hands of racist criminals. We are confronted with the threat to drown in blood the aspirations of the people of South Africa and Namibia for freedom and human dignity. The hardwon independence of African frontline States is endangered because of the greed and short-sighted strategic calculations of powerful interests. The OAU and this Special Committee have repeatedly appealed to all States, all organizations and all individuals to join in a common effort to promote freedom and peace in southern Aftica. We have sought a solution in South Africa in the interests of all the people of that country irrespective of race, colour or creed. We have again and again appealed that Africa be spared the intrusions of external conflicts on ideological or other considerations. For we seek the friendship of all. But that was not to be. I recall that in the 1950s, the national liberation movement of South Africa was engaged in an epic non-violent struggle. And when that struggle inspired millions of people all over the world, some Western Powers, blinded by the cold war, lent support to the racist regime as a military ally, defamed the liberation movement as communist and even tried to divide it. Today, regrettably, they have again foudd common interests with the racist r6gime and have embarked on a slander of heroic freedom fighters, calling them "terrorists".

- 12 - They even try to libel men and women of conscience who support the liberation struggles. Our memories are not short. Can we forget how the giants of Pan- Africanism, Dr. W.E. B. DuBois, Paul Robeson, Jomo Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah, were persgetted and defamed? In my own country, a head of State, martyr and saint,the late General Murtala Mohamed, became the object of slander by Western agents when he went to the rescue of the infant Republic of Angola. We shall not be deceived, we shall not be diverted and we shall not be intimidated by the psychological warfare against African liberation. Africa today faces grave dangers and needs all its friends. Africa today is in a battle for redemption and demands the support of all those who believe in justice. We seek the friendship and support of all governments and peoples - East and West, North and South - in this struggle for peace and freedom. We face grave perils in a world that is torn by conflict and irrationality *where the governments spend a million dollars a minute on arms while hundreds of millions of people suffer from malnutrition, disease and illiteracy. But we are sustained by the fact that the continent of Africa, and the cause of freedom and peace,have many true friends, and by the faith that people will prevail over brute force. As John Milton said: "Let Truth and Falsehood grapple: who ever knew Truth put to the worse in a free and open encounter?" In accepting the chairmanship of the Special Committee, I undertook to contribute my utmost to peace and freedom in southern Africa, to the future of all the people of South Africa - black, white and brown - and to the redemption of Africa. That is my obligation as a son of Africa. That is my duty as a Muslim, the faith I profess. I shall keep your award to me as a demand, as a challenge, as a reminder to give all my strength to this task. I pledge that I shall, God willing. 3-. H.E. James Gbeho, Permanent Representative of Ghana to the United Nations, on behalf of the African States members of the Special Committee I apologize for requesting the floor for a second time but my duty as the African spokesman is not yet done and I crave the indulgence of you, Sir, and my distinguished colleagues for imposing on you once again. Sir, on behalf of the African members of the Committee I wish to take this opportunity to pay a richly deserved tribute to Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, our distinguished Assistant-Secretary-General, on the occasion of the presentation of the Joliot-Curie gold medal to him. Mr. Reddy needs no introduction because he has been the indefatigable spirit behind the Committee for two decades. Many will, I am sure, always remember him as the official who is forever pushing papers and documents into their hands even before they had had the chance to read those that were given to them a few minutes earlier. But that is the concern and style of a dedicated international official whose whole life is dedicated to the struggle against apartheid.

- 13 - Those of us who have worked very closely with him will testify to the dedication of the man. He has been more than an efficient functionary, he is the embodiment of what it takes to prime the anti-apartheid machine into action against the racists in South Africa. The honour done to him today cannot therefore fail to gladden the hearts of all colleagues of his. We, his African colleagues, are especially pleased that this recognition has come to a man who has never counted the cost of what he gives to such a worthy cause. We are grateful to the World Peace Council for the recognition and also for its rededication, through the presentation today, to work hand in hand with us on the Committee, f-r the eradication of apartheid. We look forward to the fullest co- operation wtth the Council in our common endeavour. 12. Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations Centre against Apartheid 9/ Mr. Chairman, permit me, first of all, to congratulate you very warmly on the occasion of the award to you of the Frederic Joliot-Curie medal. For twenty years, this Special Committee has constantly expanded its commitment and activity - with a determination rising with the new challenges. It has earned the respect of Governments, organizations and peoples by its dedication to its task and by its unceasing efforts to persuade world public opinion to join in action to eliminate the inhumanity of apartheid. It has made a notable contribution to freedom and peace even though, regrettably, its task is not yet fulfilled. You have been at the helm in the past 18 months. I have had an opportunity to observe your commitment and dedication, your resourcefulness, your uncompromising attachment to non-racialism and your ability to convince, persuade and even proselytize. I have also seen the affection and respect you have gained in your own ccuntry, especially among the students and youth, by your record in public life. An honour to you as Chairman of the Special Committee would have sufficed to recognize the contribution of the Centre against Apartheid, for the work of the Centre is complementary to that of the Special Committee. That the World Peace Council has chosen to award me the medal named after Frederic Joliot-Curie can only be a token of friendship of its many eminent leaders whom I have known and respected, and with whom I have had occasion to co-operate in my official duties. The gesture of the World Peace Council, and the kind words spoken today about my own contribution are indeed far too generous. But I am most gratified that this award is a recognition of the work of the Centre against Apartheid to which all its present and former staff have contributed, often at some sacrifice, because of their regard for the Special Committee, their commitment to non-racialism and their respect for the national liberation movement of South Africa. The contribution of the Centre, within the structure of the United Nations, and under the guidance of the Secretary-General and the Special Committee, was possible because of the co-operation of numerous governments, national liberation movements, non-governmental organizations and individuals. I find it most

- 14 - appropriate, therefore, that this award is being made at a meeting of the Special Committee on its twentieth anniversary when we have the great pleasure of the participation of many guests. Our lives have coincided with the historic march of our two continents for liberation from colonial and racist domination. We have seen great struggles and great triumphs. We have looked forward to the dawn of a new world order. But this historic process, during which millions of people have given their lives, has been arrested, especially in southern Africa. The resurgence of racism in some parts of the world cannot be unrelated to the paralysis of our efforts and the dark clouds on the international horizon. There is a need for renewed determination to see that freedom is irreversible, that emancipation of Africa is soon completed and that a new era of world history is opened - an era of human equality and of genuine international co-operation. When we are committed to a cause and there is no greater cause than the defence of the dignity of the human person, irrespective of so-called race or colour, it is not enough merely to affirm our support verbally. It is not even enough to demonstrate our conviction by individual action. The final test is whether we join with all those who are equally committed, in decisive action to ensure the triumph of justice. At the behest of the Special Committee, the Centre against Apartheid has co- operated with numerous public organizations, committed against apartheid irrespective of their ideological and other orientations so long as their commitment is sincere. We have tried constantly to promote concrete action by all such organizations. The World Peace Council has not only consistently and unconditionally co-operated with the Special Committee and the Centre against Apartheid, but through its President helped to bring together many other non- governmental organizations to join with the Special Committee in the international campaign against apartheid. For that we are grateful. In my work with this Special Committee since its inception, I have been inspired by the guidance I received from the late Secretary-General U Thant. I have acted on the assumption that no one, not least a service of this Organization, can be neutral on apartheid. I have felt that we must totally reject and hate racism, without any equivocation and compromise, but we must never hate the communities which the racist doctrines have poisoned. I have in mind particularly the white people of South Africa, and especially the Afrikaner people of that country; they too have produced some of the great fighters for freedom. While the oppressed people have every right to fight against oppression, by arms if they have no other choice, it is our task by international action to avert conflict and human suffering in the inevitable process of liberation. I have had no illusions about painless and swift victories. I was most fortunate that the Special Committee, at its very inception, proclaimed its policy which I could fully share and respect. In attempting to obey fully the oath of my office, and at the same time to follow my convictions without succumbing to any pressure whatsoever, I found no contradiction. I can look back with satisfaction that I have made no enemies but numerous friends; that this Organization has been very generous to me; and above all, that I could make some contribution to the cause of freedom.

- 15 - I am most grateful to the Secretariat and to the Secretary-General, to the Special Committee and its successive Chairmen and to all its friends. I have felt that I should say this, despite any impression of a lack of modesty, because I feel deeply the moral imperatives of the civil service. I believe that the civil service cannot be neutral on great human issues, and that objectivity should not be allowed to degenerate into insensitivity. This is true, above all, of the international civil service bound by the principles of the United Nations Charter. Many of us owe our jobs, our advancement and our security - even our lives to those who have strixggled and sacrified to end colonial domination and discrimination on the basis of race, colour, sex or creed. We have a duty to them. In the course of the past two decades, the Special Committee and the Centre have made many friends. Many of the great leaders of the movement for peace, including many of the laureates of the Nobel and Lenin Peace Prizes, have appeared before this Special Committee and co-operated with the Centre. I have known and been inspired by several of the great leaders and martyrs who are among the recipients of the Frederic Joliot-Curie medal from the great Dr. W.E.B. DuBois who passed away twenty years ago, to Dr. Amilcar Cabral, the leader of the liberation struggle, and a dear friend of ours, who was assassinated ten years ago. They would love your company as you would theirs. For my part, I can assure you and the Special Committee that this beautiful medal will only be a reminder to serve even better this Special Committee, this Organization and the cause of freedom and peace in southern Africa. II. Special session on the role of international solidarity and action support of the strungle for liberation in South Africa A. Statements made at the 518th meeting held on 30 March 1983 1. H.E. Mr.Imre Hollai (Hungary), President of the United Nations General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session 10/ Apartheid has been declared by the international community to be a crime against humanity. It is a system built on racism. Against the mn-white peoples of South Africa the apartheid rfgime uses a mixture of coercion and force reminiscent of the Nazis. With mean prejudice and brutal force, anyone who is not white is denied any shred of human dignity in South Africa. It spares no one: children, women, young and old, all feel its whips and scorn. This benighted system of racist oppression attempts to defend itself from international scrutiny and action by saying that what happens within the borders of South Africa are its internal affairs. In this claim, South Africa is supported by those outside its borders who profit from the exploitation of the non-white population of the country. But the vast majority in the world outside South Africa rejects these contentions resolutely. For what is happening in South Africa is a matter that touches us all deeply.

- 16 - Racism on a mass scale, as institutionalized in South Africa, is an infection the world community cannot ignore. This is why the United Nations has been involved from the very beginning with the fight against apartheid. This is why it created the Special Committee against Apartheid twenty years ago. The fact that the Special Committee against Apartheid is observing its twentieth anniversary should be a matter of concern to all people. It signifies the continued existence of a theory of human relations and a system of oppression that cuts at the roots of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. The only fitting way to observe this occasion is for all of us to rededicate ourselves to the fight against that theory and system. Mr. Traore,speaking on behalf of the Special Committee of 24, said that the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid had always been characterized by a desire to work out concrete proposals with a view to eliminating apartheid. It had actively and successfully campaigned for the implementation of United Nations resolutions by a large number of Member States and organizations. It had participated actively in the adoption of comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa. It had on several occasions drawn the attention of public opinion to the repressive policies of the racist regime and the inhuman conditions in which political prisoners were being detained. It had acted to defend human rights in South Africa, it had helped give a fresh impetus to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa. It had helped prompt specialized agencies and nongovernmental organizations to make their contribution to the overall struggle against the apartheid system. And it had organized several conferences and seminars which had helped focus the attention of the international community on the real nature of the apartheid system and the danger that it represented for the maintenance of peace. In short, it has been an extremely important catalyst in the mobilization of world public opinion behind the liberation struggle of the people of South Africa. Those activities, which did not represent an exhaustive list of the Special Committee's work, indicated the vigour and imagination with which it had endeavoured to fulfil the mandate that the General Assembly had given it. Stressing the importance to the struggle against apartheid of the contribution of international organizations and individuals who desired justice and peace, he welcomed the active role played by non-governmental organizations in mobilizing world public opinion on behalf of the cause of eradicating apartheid and racial discrimination. He was convinced that it would be possible to count on their active and total support in the future. He also wished to pay tribute to the thousands of heroes who had given their lives so that others might live in freedom. The meeting to observe the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid once again drew the attention of the world public to the degrading and inhumane living conditions imposed by the racist regime upon millions of people and to their struggle to recover the human freedom and dignity of which they had been deprived for so long. It was truly anachronistic that, in a so-called enlightened era, it was still necessary to meet to help the peoples of southern Africa to obtain the most basic human rights: the right to liberty, dignity and equality, and the right to live without being,perpetually subjected to acts of oppression, exploitation and humiliation by a minority re"gime. The principles which he wished to see applied to the oppressed peoples of southern Africa were, after all, those which the international community had proclaimed repeatedly and which had been enshrined in the United Nations Charter,

- 17 - The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. In the light of the forthcoming Second World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination it should not be forgotten that the fight against racial prejudice, racial discrimination and social injustice was directly related to the establishment of a climate of peace in today's interdependent world. That climate could not exist without respect for the human dignity of all and friendly relations between nations. In the same context, he was convinced that the International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for Independence, to be held at Paris from 25 to 29 April 1983,would result in constructive proposals to strengthen activities at all levels, both in assisting the victims of colonialism in Namibia and of apartheid and in eliminating the policies which caused their suffering. The Paris Conference, to which the Special Committee attached particular importance, could be decisive for the independence of Namibia and the struggle against apartheid. The struggle against apartheid and colonialism had become one of the most important tasks facing the international community. Indeed, the fight against apartheid in South Africa and that against colonialism in Namibia both had the same aim, that of restoring basic freedoms and human dignity to millions of unfortunate human beings. The current meeting was a new opportunity to reaffirm the common will of the States Members of the United Nations and to redouble efforts to eradicate those two evils. The lessons from past experience should be borne in mind in order to clearly define the basis for a future programme of action to eliminate apartheid. The Special Committee against Apartheid could count on the co-operation and support of the Special Committee of 24 in its efforts to ensure the implementation of United Nations decisions aimed at the elimination of the odious system of apartheid. 3. H.E. Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun, Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations, on behalf of the United Nations Council for Namibia I wish to thank the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid for inviting the Council for Namibia to participate in this special session in connection with its 20th anniversary on the Role of International Solidarity and Action in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa. The United Nations Council for Namibia, as the legal authority for Namibia until independence, has an identity of purpose with the Special Committee against Apartheid. Our common task is to support the liberation of the people of South Africa and Namibia. The year 1982 marks thirty years since the General Assembly began consideration of the question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the South African regime. It is twenty years since the General Assembly appealed to Member States, separately and collectively, to take a series of concrete measures to bring about the abandonment of apartheid and established the Special Committee to facilitate effective action by the United Nations in this regard. For twenty years, this Special Committee has worked relentlessly against the inhuman system of apartheid,and has mobilized the international community to join with the oppressed people of South Africa in this fight against this oppressive system.

- 18 - This was made possible thanks to the dynamic and wise leadership which your predecessor and yourself, Mr. Chairman, have provided the Special Committee. It is also a fact that the dedication and total commitment of the Assistant SecretaryGeneral Knuga S. Reddy has inspired and sustained the work of this Committee. That is why we believe that the medals which were awarded you by the World Peace Council are a symbolic recognition from the world community of your magnificent work. The Special Committee has constantly followed and publicized the situation in South Africa and its international repercussions. It has undertaken many studies on the matter and has sent missions to many Governments - especially those which have been reluctant to take any concrete measures against South Africa - to-persuade them to co-operate in international action. It has organized internatonal, regional and national conferences to promote concerted action. It has promoted funds for humanitarian, educational, political and other assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movement. It has taken many initiatives to obtain the understanding and support of world public opinion, of trade unions, religious leaders, or writers and artists, of sportsmen and youth, for the efforts of the United Nations. During 1982, the Special Committee against Apartheid worked consistently to make the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa effective. The Committee solicited the aid of committed governments, organizations and individuals to press for mandatory and comprehensive sanctions against South Africa. The Special Committee has targeted those countries which collaborate with South Africa in the military, nuclear, economic and cultural fields. The Special Committee has not only appealed to these governments but has the long established co-operation of dedicated NGOs who work to influence their national Governments through public opinion campaigns, and through dissemination of information. Thanks to the Special Committee, the people of South Africa and Namibia have the fervent support from all regions of the world and of diverse ideological persuasions. Many Governments - especially the African and non-aligned States and the socialist States - have imposed comprehensive sanctions against South Africa both in their firm opposition to the system of apartheid and to the continuing illegal occupation of Namibia. Over the years, we have become acutely aware that the South African regime could not persist as it has in its brutal suppression of the majority of people in South Africa by Its inhuman apartheid system nor could it continue its colonial occupation of Namibia if it were not for the support it received from certain Western States. Let us now pay a special tribute to those nations who are in the front ranks in support of the people of South Africa and Namibia; those who bear the retaliation of the South African military machine for the fraternal support they extend to the people of South Africa and Namibia.

- 19 - It is the front-line States, Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe as well as Lesotho, that pay the price. It is their innocent civilians, men, women and children who are murdered in South African military raids; it is their economic infrastructure that is destroyed by South African bombs - roads, railroads and ports, crucial links in the economic survival of these countries. These Governments are being forced to spend on defence outlays funds that they need to develop their countries themselves newly independent after centuries of colonial exploitation. I will have the honour and privilege of leading soon a delegation of the Special Committee against Apartheid to the front-line States to express our solidarity and take account directly of the needs of those countries. In this connexion, we would like to appeal to the world community to show understanding and give full support to the States in southern Africa who are struggling for economic survival. We in the Council for Namibia view the struggle for liberation of the people of South Africa and Namibia as two sides of a coin. The destinies of these two peoples are linked; each battle von is a step towards freedom for both of them. The Council for Namibia and the Special Committee against Apartheid have co- operated closely over the years. During the coming years we will co-operate in many areas including some very specific ones, for example, the sending in 1983 of a high level mission to the International Monetary Fund to stop loans to South Africa. The Mission would be composed of the Chairman of the Special Committee of 24, the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia and the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid. The General Assembly of the United Nations proclaimed 1982 as the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. Your Committee has a full-fledged programme of work for 1983. Similarly, the Council for Namibia as part of its programme of work will convene an International Conference in Support of the Struggle of the Namibian People for independence to take place from the 25-29 April 1983 at Paris. On behalf of the Council for Namibia, which is the legal authority for Namibia until independence, I call on the international community to fulfil its duty of international solidarity and action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa and Namibia. Today, the liberation of South Africa and Namibia stands as the last hurdle for the completion of the emancipation of Africa. 4. H.E. S. Shah Nawas, Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chairman of the Security Council Committee established by resolution 421 (1977) concerning the question of South Africa I wish to express my most sincere thanks to youpSir, and to the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for the invitation addressed to me to participate in the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee. The Special Committee was first established by General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962 as the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. It was

- 20 - requested constantly to review all aspects of South Africa's policies and their international repercussions and to report as appropriate to the General Assembly or the Security Council or both. The Committee, which later was enlarged to its present membership and very appropriately called the Special Committee against Apartheid, has established itself as the most effective body in dealing with the nefarious aspects of South Africa's policies based on racial discrimination and oppression of its black majority. Its task has included the promotion of campaigns for the total isolation of the racist regime of South Africa, and of increased assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement. It has not been an easy task, given the obduracy of South Africa and the pernicious character of the evil system of apartheid. In spite of many difficulties, however, the Committee has devised a vast and action-oriented programme of work covering the manifold aspects of that system. The efforts of the Committee have met with considerable success, and it is a well-deserved tribute that I wish to pay to you, Sir, and to all your colleagues, former and present. The situation in South Africa has also been the concern of the Security Council, which has adopted several resolutions on the subject. As early as 1960, the Council deplored the policies and actions of South Africa which had led to loss of life of so many Africans, and called upon it to initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial harmony based on equality (resolution 134). I shall not enumerate here all the resolutions of the Council on this question, but only wish to mention specifically resolutions 418 (1977), 421 (1977) and 473 (1980). You will recall that by resolution 418 (1977), adopted on 4 November 1977, the Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, called among other things, for the imposition of an arms embargo against South Africa. Subsequently, on 9 December 1977, the Security Council, in order to ensure full implementation of the wims embargo, adopted resolution 421 (1977) which established the Committee composed of all members of the Security Council, to recommend measures to close all loopholes in the arms embargo, to reinforce it and make it more comprehensive. In response to what it declared was the worsening situation in South Africa, the Security Council, on 13 June 1980, unanimously adopted resolution 473 (1980), in which the Council, among other things, strongly condemned the Government of South Africa for further aggravating the situation, for its massive repression against all opponents of apartheid, and for killings of peaceful demonstrators and political detainees. In paragraph 10 of the resolution, the Security Council called "on all States strictly and scrupulously to implement resolution 418 (1977) and enact as appropriate effective national legislation for that purpose". Furthermore, in paragraph 11, the Security Council called on the Security Council Committee "to redouble its efforts to secure full implementation of the arms embargo against South Africa by recommending measures to close all loopholes in the arms embargo4 reinforce and make it more comprehensive". On 19 September' 1980, the Committee submitted in accordance with resolution 473 (1980), a report which the Council began considering on 19 December 1980 (8/14179) on ways and means of making the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa more effective with the conclusions and recommendations of the Committee. That report still remains under consideration by the Security Council.

- 21 - From its earliest inception, the Security Council Committee has co-operated with the Special Committee against Apartheid in the pursuance of their respectite mandates. Representatives of either Committee have participated, within the framework of the mandate of that Committee in the work of the other. Let me assure this distinguished gathering that the Security Council Committee established by resolution 421 (1977) concerning the question of South Africa is prepared to continue this co-operation within the framework of its mandate. While this message does not prejudice the individual positions of members of the Security Council, the Council is unanimous in its condemnation of apartheid and its belief in the need for its elimination. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I wish to pay tribute to the able guidance and leadership given by the Special Committee's former Chairman and other members of the Bureau and for your own effective leadership and that of your colleagues. Your Committee has been ably assisted by the Centre against Apartheid whose work has become well kmova within and outside the United Nations. I am confident that you will continue to fulfil the tasks entrusted to you by the General Assembly with determination and diligence. May I again offer my congratulations and my best wishes for the continued success of the Committee's work. 5. H.E. Mr. N. Krishnan, Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations, on behalf of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries I consider it a great privilege to have been invited by the Special Committee against Apartheid to address this special session to observe the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid on behalf of India, the current Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. Apartheid is the most extreme and obnoxious manifestation of racial discrimination, institutionalized by the racist rfgime of Pretoria. This intolerable system has caused immense hardship, misery and suffering to the indigenous people of South Africa. To sustain this ignominious policy of racist domination, exploitation and humiliation of the people of South Africa, the Pretoria regime has, in violation of international law, committed acts of terrorism and destabilization in the region which poses a serious threat to international peace and security. Twenty years ago, the General Assembly established the Special Committee in pursuance of resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962 to facilitate effective action by the United Nations to eradicate aparthkid. During this period, the Special Committee has been able to mobilize increasing international support and co-operation and secure the virtual isolation of the racist r~gime through publicising the situation in South Africa and its international repercussions, undertaking and sponsoring studies, sending missions, organizing and co- sponsoring international, regional and national seminars and taking initiatives to obtain understanding and support of world public opinion for the efforts of the United Nations. Laudable though have been the efforts of the Special Committee, apartheid is far from being eliminated and indeed constitutes an ever growing menace. In an interdependent world, no regime, however strong militarily, can survive

- 22 - long in isolation. It is only through the assistance and collusion - both overt and clandestine - of some powerful countries that the r6gime has survived and has continued to flout with impunity the will of the international community, as expressed in the numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly over these many years. It is only through international solidarity and action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa that the long sought objectives of the United Nations can be achieved. The recently concluded Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in New Delhi has stressed the determination of NonAligned Countries to intensify their joint efforts in support of the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa for self-determination. The Conference recalled that the year 1982 had been proclaimed by the United Nations as International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa which represented a firm 'commitment by the international community to the struggle against the racist regime and renewed this commitment specifically in the context of the Naibian question also. It urged all Governments and international organizations to ever contacts with the racist r~gime of South Africa. It also called for a cessation of all assistance by the IMP and other specialized agencies of the United Nations to South Africa as the granting of such assistance and credit has been used by the Pretoria rfgime to meet its increasing expenditure for military and repressive purposes directed against the majority population. The Conference urged the Member States of the Non-Aligned Movement and the international community to increase their assistance to the liberation movements of South Africa recognized by the OAU to enable them to further intensify the struggle. The Conference demanded that all countries take effective measures to prevent their nationals from joining mercenary forces and not to allow them facilities for their nefarious activities. It also called upon the world community to provide all possible assistance and support to the front-line States and other neighbouring States to strengthen their defences as well as creating conditions to avert bloodshed in the whole of southern Africa. Only through concerted determined international commitment and action can the intolerable and reprehensible system of apartheid be eradicated paying the path for the establishment of black majority rule in South Africa within a framework of full racial equality, harmony and human dignity. The Non-Aligned Countries are pleased to learn of your re-election as Chairman of this Committee. We have been profoundly impressed by your integrity of spirit and sincerity of purpose as well as the determination with which you have guided the Special Committee in the discharge of its mandate. It is in grateful appreciation of your selfless dedication that you have been awarded the Frederic Joliot-Curie medal of the World Peace Council this morning. It is an honour which you richly deserve; and the conferment of this honour on you will inspire the Special Committee to even more dynamic activity. On the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee, our sincere appreciation is extended to Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, the unassuming yet dynamic Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid who nurtured the Special Committee from its inception and ceaselessly worked for it with missionary zeal, these past twenty years. It is in recognition of his dedicated services to the Special Committee in building up significant public movement against apartheid that he too has been awarded the Frederic Joliot-Curie medal of the World Peace Council.

- 23 - We are confident that under your devoted and skilful leadership, the Special Committee, which has almost become synonymous with your name, with the assistance of the other distinguished members of the Bureau and the able support of the Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid, will further intensify its efforts to mobilize the international community to take decisive action for the eradication of apartheid within our life time. Your success will indeed be a glorious victory for all humankind. 6. H.E. Mr. Wafula Wabuge, Permanent Representative of Kenya to the United Nations, on behalf of the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity On behalf of the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, I would like to thank you and other members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for organizing this very important special session in observance of the Committee's twentieth anniversary. Meetings like this one go a step further. We seek to mobilize the peoples of the world to understand what is happening in South Africa. An informed world public can be a catalyst, a monitor and a true support for positive action by Governments and organizations against the injustice that prevails in South Africa. The question of apartheid, of the regime of South Africa has been with the international community for many years. There is not a single year or a meeting of the international community which does not express its indignation of the evils committed by the racist regime of South Africa. The brutalities and oppressions of the racist regime against African people have been sufficiently exposed over a long period of time in most of the international gatherings. Despite the efforts of the world community calling the racist regime to abandon its policies, the regime continues to fortify its forces of oppression and suppression againt the African people. The regime in its stubborn efforts continues to perpetuate racist domination by an everincreasing dependence on violence and repression against the majority people of South Africa. While we are meeting here today to take stock of the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid, we take this opportunity to register our rejection of any system whose structure is based on the erroneous belief that certain persons of a particular race or creed are superior to other races. We condemn, wtihout any qualification, the inhuman policy of apartheid and the schemes and devices of the South African regime underlying creation of the so-called "homelands". In addition, and since the South African regime has rejected peaceful approaches, free Africa will continue to support liberation movements fighting in that country for as long as the South African regime refuses to grant human rights to all. There can be no doubt that the South African situation is one which poses a direct threat to international peace and security. No one must be deceived by statements from the South African hypocrites about "equal but separate development". There are countries today supporting the South African regime, on the pretext of containing communism in Africand protecting sea-lanes to the West. But they should clearly understand that the South African situation can no longer sustain any meaningful safeguards for what they refer to as their

- 2)4 - vital economic interests. On the contrary, the situation in that unhappy country is a direct threat to stability and peace in Africa and the world as a whole. It therefore endangers the political and economic interest of all nations and groupings, big and small, including the West. More pressure simply must be brought to bear on the South African rfgime, until the legitimate rights of all the people are attained and upheld. Recent discussions here at the United Nations seem to indicate that some countries of the West do not appreciate the urgency of this matter. We in Africa are now making it clear that those who support the racist rfgime in South Africa, and its abominable system of apartheid, are against us both individually and collectively. There are no two ways about it. In 1977 the Security Council in a modest step forward imposed an arms embargo against South Africa. Under Chapter VII of the Charter, the Security ,Council decided that the sale of arms to South Africa represented a threat to international peace and security. We all, however, know that it is not the sale of arms that represents the threat. South Africa is already heavily armed and has a sophisticated arms industry of its own. Thus while we accepted this step forward for its psychological effect we do not delude ourselves; it is the r6gime iteelf and the system of apartheid that represent the threat to the peace and security of the world. We, therefore, urge the world community, the Security Council and particularly the three Western permanent members of the Security Council to declare without qualification that South Africa represents a threat to international peace and security in the terms of Chapter VII of the Charter of our Organization. Let us continue to demand that all members of the international community now prepare for various kinds of actions that are required. There is no doubt in the minds of many that only economic sanctions can force the racist rfgime to heed to the world call to dismantle the inhuman racist apartheid system of oppression and injustice. The international community is familiar with the range of measures that can be brought to bear; the cutting of oil supplies, the halting of investments and machinery replacement are examples of steps that can be taken to reinforce total economic sanctions. It should be recalled that the international community, through the United Nations has, on a number of occasions, issued repeated warnings to the effect that continuation of the practices of the policies of apartheid by the Government of South Africa, constitute a grave danger to the people of South Africa and to the maintenance of international peace and security. These warnings have been ignored and sometimes ridiculed by the racist regime. For those of us who are meeting here today, on this special session of the Special Committee against Apartheid in observance of its 20th anniversary, we should ensure that we continue to fight racism and racial discrimination in whatever form it may appear. Apartheid is a crime against humanity and we feel that it should be punishable by the maximum punishment possible under any state law. Even though exploitation through the system of apartheid is different in shape, it is in its form the same as slavery which has been abolished in the world many years ago. Efforts are being made everywhere by Governments and peoples to make a way from the so-called primitive attitudes which have held the human race in bondage, leading to numerous wars and all forms of strife in the past, in favour of a much more enlightened world where these scourges are eliminated.

- 25 - Let it be clearly understood here that we are not in anyway opposed to the people of South Africa, black, brown, red or white. What we are opposed to without any reservations is the policy followed by the minority whites, policy which has made the majority of the people in that country slaves, policy which has made the majority sub-human beings, policy which in itself has no future for all the people in that country. And it is this policy, the policy of apartheid, that we are condemning and will continue to condemn until democracy, justice and liberty for all is realized in that country. The time has come when international community must wake up to the gravity of the situation in southern Africa. There is no longer any time left for ambiguity and prevarications over apartheid South Africa. We call upon the International bummnity now to recognize its duty and impose mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. We remain confident that the just struggle to put an end to the apartheid system will succeed. We must continue to give every assistance possible to the people of South Africa and Namibia to continue with their legitimate struggle under leadership of their liberation movements until the final victory. We pledge once again our total solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and Namibia in their legitimate struggle for freedom. The oppressed people of South Africa and Namibia and their national liberation movement deserve the support of the international community. We want them to know that they are not alone. We are with them in this struggle until the final victory is achieved. 7. Mr. Emeka Anyaoku, Deputy Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, former member of the Special Committee Allow me, Mr. Chairman, to begin by congratulating you most warmly on the award to you this morning by the World Peace Council of the Joliot-Curie Gold medal in recognition of your outstanding contribution to the campaign against apartheid. The vigour and commitment with which you personally and your Government, the Nigerian Government, have continued to play your role in this world campaign, have remained a special source of encouragement to many determined to rid the world of the scourge of apartheid. I would also like to congratulate this morning's other recipient of the special award, Mr. Enuga Reddy. I am sure that I speak for all those who have followed closely this work of the Special Committee against Apartheid from its inception to this day, when I say that Mr. Reddy's untiring contribution has been of singular importance and effectiveness. I salute him and the Secretary-General in whose behalf Mr. Reddy and his colleagues have continued to provide indispensable support to the Special Committee's work. In the history of an individual, a nation or an institution, anniversary celebrations are usually occasions for stock-taking; reviewing past achievements and setbacks and considering and mapping out the future. But equally important, they are also occasions which serve to remind us of the fundamental purpose of the life of the individual, the nation or the institution concerned. I am grateful to the Committee for the honour of the

- 26 - the invitation to be here and participate in this special session marking the twentieth anniversary of the Committee and focussing on the role of international solidarity and action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa. By universal declaration, apartheid is a crime against humanity and thanks to the relentless efforts of the Special Committee, this proposition is now a part of the common sense of our time. Yet it is not that far back in time when for some people the case against' apartheid had still to be made and made convincingly as a glance at the pattern of voting in the General Assembly to establish the Special Committee in the autumn of 1962 will show. In all 67 voted in favour of the resolution establishing the Special Committee, 16 against and 23 abstained. Of the 16 countries that voted against the resolution all, with the exception of 3 countries one of which was South Africa itself, were Western countries. In other words, practically all the Western democracies which claim to place premium on individual liberty stood four square behind a system reminiscent of nazism which had been acknowledged and fought against as an evil system by most of the very same Western countries. Today there is hardly any country, major or minor, that claims to see any residual virtue in apartheid or even if it perceives such a virtue would have the courage to say so openly. The same goes for individuals. So much of the brutal and sordid details of apartheid has become common knowledge that it is now practically impossible to combine a position of public support for it with any serious claim to sanity, to say nothing of respectability. Perhaps some of you in this hall will recall, as I do only too well, the reaction of the South African representative to the establishment of the Special Committee against Apartheid by the General Assembly in November 1962. The then South African Foreign Minister, Mr. Eric Louw, denounced the resolution as being based largely on "unfounded allegations and distortions of fact" and that, I might add by way of emphasis, was the only basis on which the South African Government rested its case. In its twenty years, the Special Committee has more confirmed the wisdom of the international community when the decision to establish it was taken in the autumn of 1962. It has proved a formidable instrument in the fight against apartheid and the achievements of the anti-apartheid movement would have been almost inconceivable without it. There are however, two aspects of its work which have been particularly decisive in the fulfilment of its mandate and to which I would now like to turn. The first of these is its information gathering and dissemination function. The foundations of apartheid - the systematic expropriation from the African population of its Datrimony, the enforced expulsions and transfers of whole African communities, the physical and psychological brutalizations - all these and more were in earlier years enacted away from the glare of world publicity. In those early years, apartheid had come to depehd even more on the ignorance of the outside world for its development. Consequently the rulers of South Africa perceived in the Special Committee whose central remit was "to keep the racial policies of South Africa under review" a special threat. Their fears, I am glad to say, have been fulfilled. Through the efficient machinery of the Special Committee, Eric Louw's successors can no longer accuse the international community of ignorance of the detailed workings of apartheid.

- 27 - The consequences of this development have been evident for all to see, the most prominent being the conspicuous isolation of South Africa in the family of nations. Equally significant has been the Special Committee's policy formulation function. The recommendations adumbrated in its first report and later refined and elaborated in subsequent reports are what constitute the basic agenda of the international anti-apartheid movement, within the UN system and outside it. In one of its earliest reports published on 18 September 1963, the Special Committee rightly stressed the urgent need to deny the apartheid r6gime its hitherto unimpeded access to arms and ammunitions. To this end, the Special Committee recommended that a study be made of the means for ensuring an effective embargo on the supply of arms, ammunition and petroleum to South Africa, "including a blockade, if necessary, under the aegis of the United Nations". The Special Committee returned to this issue in report after report until 4 November 1977 when finally the UN Security Council passed its resolution 418 imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. The embargo itself has been subjected to various criticisms. True, in certain sectors of South Africa's arms industry, the measure came rather late in the day to bring about the desired result. There have also been serious and regrettable lapses in its implementation. Nevertheless the passing of resolution 418 stands as a significant political victory for the anti-apartheid cause and, properly enforced, might yet lead to further successes. For this too the international community is grateful to the Special Committee. It is true that the case for mandatory economic sanctions has still to be won but no one would now seriously argue that the case has not been eloquently and convincingly made. Not even the most hidebound apologist for apartheid would now assert this with any degree of seriousness. Intellectually, morally, economically and politically the case for mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa remains very sound, being the only realistic alternative to armed conflict which is bound to be the logical conclusion of the present drift of events. What has held up and continues to hold up the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa, which would involve all countries and be binding on all of them, is a lack of the necessary political will on the part of a number of key Western Governments. The onus of proof that there is a workable, peaceful alternative which would bring apartheid to heel other than economic sanctions lies with these countries which continue to invest in apartheid. This special session of the Committee is about the role of international solidarity and action in support of liberation of South Africa. As a representative of the Commonwealth Secretariat, I naturally take pride in the fact that the Commonwealth has come to regard as very important the campaign to remove apartheid which is the fundamental condition for the emergence of freedom in South Africa. A lot has been said about the diplomatic and inter-governmental aspects of the Commonwealth's condemnation and rejection of South Africa in 1961 but not quite enough has been said to highlight the enthusiastic support with which the decision met within South Africa itself and among the people in whose interest it was taken. To the vast majority of South Africans, the news of South Africa's rejection was hailed as a blow for freedom. Albert Lutuli, that venerable father of African nationalism in the Republic, said that the decision was "most reassuring to us non-whites as we fight against the evil and oppressive policy of apartheid in our land".

- 28 - There is much else that we can be justly proud of as we celebrate the twentieth birthday of the UN Special Committee against Apartheid. But we should be speaking loosely if after our review of the Special Committee's work and achievements in the past two decades we were to conclude that the task that lies ahead is not far greater than what has been tackled in the past. There would be no warrant for such an optimistic assessment. In its first interim report published on 8 May 1963, the Special Committee stressed that the countries which had "traditional relations" with South Africa had a "special responsibility" for dissuading that country from its racist policies and saving the "people of South Africa from the disastrous consequences of those policies". Twenty years on, those disastrous consequences threaten a wider reach. Apartheid South Africa is in the throes of what is probably a mortal crisis. With the collapse of its so-called "outward policy" towards independent Africa and with the international community's unanimous rejection of its , Bantustan satellites, the regime has turned with a primitive ferocity on the African majority within the country and the neighbouring minority-ruled States of the region. And, increasingly, its military attacks against the front-line States are being aimed at civilian concentrations, the most recent of which was the attack on Maseru, the capital of Lesotho, on 9 December 1982. These developments itkake the "special responsibility" of South Africa's allies more incumbent and more urgent. In the meantime the duty of the wider international community in this state of affairs should be to continue to seek to substitute the true interests of all the people of South Africa for the blind and suicidal propensities of the r~gime. In the fulfilment of this responsibility, the Special Committee has a key role to play. First, it should expand and intensity its information gathering and dissemination function, and this information should be directed as much to South Africa as to the rest of the international community. Second, it should also continue its efforts to expose the collaborators of apartheid. Its activities in exposing those sportsmen who continue to give moral succour to apartheid have rightly won international acclaim. Third, and this follows from my second point, in the work of the Committee, a special premium should be placed on discrediting the present apologia for apartheid. This apologia usually wears the mask of anti-communism. A lot of harm has already been done to mankind in 'the name of the oldest of conservative fears. Apartheid should not be allowed to continue to invoke the support of the Western democracies to shore it up especially now that it is on its last legs. The Special Committee should consider new and more effective initiatives designed to bring home to these Governments the urgency of their responsibility in this respect to themselves and to humanity as a whole. And finally what is at stake is grave enough for international peace and stability and for the credibility of the United Nations itself to warrant an overall strengthening of the capacity of the Special Committee to carry its work and campaign to more places outside the UN Headquarters. Whether directly or indirectly through encouragement to appropriate solidarity organizations, the Special Committee should intensify its efforts to sensitize more capitals and more people to the enormity of the South African liberation

- 29 - struggle by organizing more anti-apartheid conferences, symposia and seminars outside New York. The merits of such a decentralization have already become apparent from such meetings organized not long ago in Lagos, London, Paris and Lisbon. O~r objective must be to quicken the pace towards eventual elimination of the evil system of apartheid with its menacing and destructive implications for all our peoples and countries. 8. Mr. E.O. Ogbu (Nigeria), former Chairman of the Special Committee May I first congratulate you and your Committee for this memorable occasion. The mere fact that the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid has survived the last twenty years is a living testimony of the dint of hard work, commitment and devotion by your goodself, members of the Committee and the United Nations staff that have serviced the Committee since its inception. To all of you, I salute you. I congratulate you, Mr. Chairman, on your receipt of the peace prize. My congratulations also go to Mr. Reddy. I consider it a singular honour to have been invited by your Committee to participate in this special session because it affords me the opportunity to debunk the short-lived jubilation of the racist rfgime of Pretoria when, some seven and a half years ago, I ceased to be Chairman of your Committee as I was recalled from my assignment as Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Nigeria. I am particularly pleased, Mr. Chairman, that my successors, including your goodself, have continued in the spirit of commitment and with even greater vigour in the fight and crusade against the "crime against humanity" which has continued to be perpetuated by the Pretoria rzgime in South Africa. The question that comes to my mind on this occasion, twenty years after the establishment of your Committee, is "where do we go from here?" From all indications and the cataologue of the United Nations resolutions and sanctions against the Pretoria rfgime, that regime appears undaunted and determined to continue its nefarious and abhorrent policy and aided and abetted by some Western Powers who pay lip-service to the condemnation of apartheid. South Africa's allies have continued to supply her with conventional and sophisticated weapons and there is no doubt in my mind that South Africa is heading on a collision course with the rest of the world that condemns apartheid in fact and in deed. She has embarked upon a systematic design to destabilize African front-line States by training guerrillas and dissidents from those States and sending them back there. She has tried to tie the economic noose around the necks of those countries who depend upon her for economic life-line. She is seriously training her nationals, including white women and children, for conventional war. The picture and prospects look gloomy. Yet I am emboldened in my optimism when I look back twenty years ago at the prospects for independence and self-rule for the then colonial territories. It looked equally gloomy to your sisterCiaittee on Decolonization at that time. What were the prospects that Angola, Mozambique, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) would ever be emancipated from colonialism? The story is different today and representatives of those nations occupy their rightful places in this comity of nations. But for Namibia now, the Committee on Decolonization could blow its whistle on its assignment.

- 30 - It must therefore follow as the night follows day that all people of goodwill who truly detest apartheid must intensify their condemnation of this racis evil policy. There must be increased assistance both material, moral and hinancial to the noble and courageous sons and daughters of Azania who resist lapartheid in South Africa. I recommend among other things that: 1. African and other well-meaning countries who sincerely condemn apartheid must increase their economic assistance including the supply of food and fuel, to front-line African States to make them less vulnerable and less dependent on South Africa. 2. The sanctions against South Africa must continue and be intensified. 3. South Africa's isolation by professional bodies and organizations must continue. ). The different nationalist groups including the ANC and the PAC must seek to close their ranks, sink their differences and work together towards the common goal. A united front is imperative. 5. Freedom fighters must continue to be encouraged. There is no doubt in my mind that, during this special session, many words will be spoken, many ideas thrown up but, with the greatest respect to the participants, I say, the time for rhetoric is gone! Let us move into action and more action. The gallant and heroic sons and daughters of Azania who have lost their lives would have done so in vain, should we now fail to continue the struggle in greater intensity and, like the historic British soldiers of World War I, their souls will not slumber although poppies grow in Flanders' field". 9. Mr. Vladimir Stanis. Rector of Patrice Lumumba University on behalf of the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee F-rst of all, I would like to thank the United Nations Special Committee a4ginst for the invitation to take part in this important session. We regard this opportunity to speak at the celebration session of the Special Committee against Apartheid to mark the 20th anniversary of its formation as a recognition of the contribution made by the Soviet public to the common struggle against racism and apartheid. The past twenty years, and especially the past ten years announced as a Decade of Action against Racism and Racial Discrimination in accordance with a UN decision, show that the international community is ever more actively joining the struggle against apartheid recognized by the United Nations as a crime against humanity and as a threat to peace and security of nations.

- 31 - The United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid has become an important communication and information centre for the numerous organizations working for the eradication of the racist ideology underlying the apartheid system. There are various political parties, public, scientific, religious and sports organizations as well as youth, student, women's, trade-union and other movements taking part in this struggle in various countries of all continents. We make a high appraisal of the extensive programme of action of the Special Committee aimed at helping and supporting the national liberation movements of southern Africa. Many provisions of this programme are already finding their practical materialization at various international forums such as the conference of solidarity with the front-line States, which successfully ended in Lisbon a few days ago. The Soviet public supports the efforts of the Special Committee to expose the collusion of the racist South African regime with a number of Western nations and transnationals corporations. Particularly flagrant is the open support of the racists by the United States, which has intensified with the transition into office of the present United States Administration. Relying on the political and economic backing of its imperialist associates, many of which still continue with ignoble racist practices against their own citizens, South Africa is trying to get hold of another means of blackmail and intimidation: nuclear weapons. It is small wonder that here the apartheid rfgine receives complete support from Zionist Israel. The racists and Zionists have a common arsenal of methods: open aggression and occupation, "creeping' aggression in the shape of subversive acts, murders from behind the corner, formation and backing of separatist groups, direct interference in the affairs of sovereign states and economic sabotage. A great role in exposing the crimes of racism and apartheid is played by the information activities of the Special Committee against Apartheid, i cluding the presentation of its high rostrum and of the opportunity to release publications to national organizations. The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee has rppeatedly spoken within these precincts and we have accumulated some valuable experience of co-operation with the Special Committee in various fields - notably, in staging common mass actions. We reaffirm our readiness to keep making our contributions to the cause of the common struggle against racism and apartheid and to maintain; and expand this co-operation.

- 32 - Throughout the whole history of the existence of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid the Soviet Union has vigorously spoken up in support of its initiatives and is continuing its multiform efforts to fight racism and apartheid)both at the national level and within the framework of international and regional organizations. Suffice it to say that such a vital document for the struggle against racism and apartheid as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to the Colonial Countries and Peoples was submitted to the United Nations and adopted by it in 1960 at a Soviet initiative. The USSR was also one of the co- sponsors of the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Disorimination in 1963 and of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid in 1973. I would also like to point out that for many years now one of the most responsible posts in the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid that of Vice-Chairman - has been held by a representative of the Soviet Ukraine. The multimillion public of our country readily responds to all useful United Nations initiatives to organize and foster various acts of support and solidarity with the struggle of the patriots of southern Africa. The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee has circulated copies of the Declaration demanding the release of the recognized leader of the struggle against the apartheid r6gime, Nelson Mandela, among prominent Soviet people. This letter appealing for his release and for the eradication of the inhuman practice of apartheid has been signed by the mayors of the 82 biggest Soviet cities with a combined population of more than 40 million. There are annual rallies, meetings and exhibitions staged in the USSR to mark the International Day of the Struggle for the Eliminationlof Racial Discrimination, the South Africa Freedom Day, the Day of Solidarity with the Struggle of Namibia, and the International Day of Solidarity with the Political Prisoners of South Africa. The Soviet public also marks annual weeks of solidarity with the struggle of the people of southern Africa and the annual Africa Day, with a Vice-Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet speaking at the meetings of the Soviet public in Mosoow on these occasions. The clear anti-racist demands which the true patriots of South Africa are guided by in their struggle: "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and no government can justly claim authority unless it is based upon the will of the people", are clear and understandable to the Soviet people. A good example of our concrete support for the struggle against racism and apartheid was the extensive programme to mark the 7Oth anniversary of the African National Congress of South Africa, the acknowledged vanguard of the South African people. The USSR Ministry of Communications has released millions of copies of ANC anniversary envelopes and stamps. There was a tour of the Amandla company in the USSR and its LP record was released in our country. Hundreds of members of the national liberation movements of southern Africa are studying at Soviet institutes under scholarships granted by Soviet public organizations, and dozens of graduates from Soviet higher schools are actively working to translate to life the programmes of the ANC of South Africa and SWAPO. The Soviet Solidarity Committee and other public organizations annually extend their material aid to SWAPO and the ANC. They are sent transportation facilities, foodstuffs, drugs, clothes, school equipment and implements and other industrial goods. Three planeloads of relief supplies were dispatched

- 33 - to Namibian refugee camps in 1981 and 1982 alone. Soviet aid has also been given to the Solomon Mahlangu College in Tanzania and to other educational centres of the ANC. We would like to note here that Soviet public organizations receive funds for such continuous aid and support from the Soviet Peace Fund which is made up of free donations from the Soviet people. The Soviet mass media broadly advertise the accomplishments and victories of the South African patriots. What's more, this information is circulated not only among the multinational population of the Soviet Union, but also abroad, in numerous publications and radio broadcasts. Apart from this, for more than 10 years now the Soviet Solidarity Committee has been making special annual contributions to the fund of the Organization of African Unity for radio propaganda to southern Africa. Soviet public organizations assist the national liberation movements of southern Africa in their participation in international trade and book fairs, international film festivals and international cultural and sporting exchanges. Soviet public organizations and government agencies pay great attention in their everyday work to educating our people in the spirit of intolerance of any manifestation of race prejudices. This is our principled policy whose foundations were laid with the first official documents of our State: the Decree of Peace and the Declaration of the Rights of the People of Russia, and have been fixed in the Constitution of the USSR. The establishment of the Peoples' Friendship University in our country was a convincing proof of the Soviet Unionls adamant allegiance to this policy. From the very first days of its existence the University has come to hold a sspecial place in the Soviet system of higher education and has become a unique phenomenon in world practice. The University bears the name of Patrice Lumumba, an outstanding leader of the African national liberation movement who gave his life in the struggle against imperialism, colonialism, racism and apartheid. The entire work of our University is a vivid proof of the invalidity of the racist theories and apartheid. The entire work of our University is a vivid proof of the invalidity of the racist theories and apartheid. These days, 6,700 students and post-graduates are studying at the six main and one preparatory department of the University. They come from 107 different countries. Over the 23 years of its existence the University has trained more than 11,500 specialists, including more than 8,000 foreigners currently working in 110 different countries. Altogether, there are about 10,000 people on the University's staff. Of the 1,300 teachers, nearly 700 are Candidates of Science, while at the preparatory department the share of teachers with the highest scientific degree exceeds three quarters. There are not too many higher schools in the world with such a high level of teaching personnel. As early as 1964 our University was admitted to the International University Association. In 1975, the Soviet Government awarded the University an Order of Peoples' Friendship for its accomplishments in training personnel from Asian, African and Latin American countries.

- 314 - At the moment, there are more than 2,400 University graduates working in Latin America, more than 2,000 in Africa, more than 1,800 in Arab countries and more than 1,800 in Asian countries. It should be also noted here that there are more than 500 Candidates of Science among the University graduates. Former University students are fruitfully working in their home countries and are staunch campaigners for the eradication of racial discrimination and apartheid. They quickly gain reputation not only with their superior qualifications and professional expertise, but also with their democratic attitude and the ability to find a common language with most various people. We explain this by the fact that parallel with acquiring a top-class education, they graduate from an excellent international school of life due to getting an opportunity to study and live side by side with people from dozens of other countries at an age when their characters are shaped. It is in lecture halls that friendship grows firmer and the foundations for co-operation among future specialists are laid. The inculcation of the noble feelings of respect towards the culture and history of other peoples and intolerance of the oppression of man by man in any form are promoted by the broad democracy of social life at the University. Throughout its history, the University has never known any conflicts on racial, religious or other similar grounds. In this respect it probably serves as the best example of mutual relations among representatives of a large number of countries, doing a common Job. University graduates are fruitfully working for the benefit of their countries. It is gratifying to note that there are many members of the national liberation movements of southern Africa among them, who are actively engaged in the constructive efforts undertaken by these movements to lay the foundations for their countries' independent statehood. As the Rector of the University, I am pleased to note that apart from a large number of qualified engineers, doctors, agronomists, and economists, many of our graduates are working in the educational systems of their countries. They include dozens of college and faculty managers, while many others are engaged in research. There are statesmen and public figures among our graduates, too: ministers, ambassadors and high-ranking economic managers. All this serves to expose the absurdity of the occasional propaganda speculations trying to portray our University in a wrong way. Our Peoples' Friendship University primarily arms its graduates with knowledge, and in today's world a truly educated person is also invariably an internationalist and a champion of peace and social progress. In conclusion, I would like to congratulate the participants in this anniversary session on behalf of the Soviet public and to emphasize that the Soviet people highly appreciate the contribution of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid into the struggle against racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. We are confident that Joint efforts of the progressive forces will promote the attainment of the important goal of complete eradisation of racism and apartheid.

- 35 - 10. Mr. Nicasio Valderrama, Consul-General of the Philippines in Sydney, former Rapporteur of the Special Committee I thank you very much for the kind words you said about me this morning. May I extend my sincere congratulations to you on the richly deserved award to you of the Joliot Curie gold medal for distinguished service in the struggle against apartheid. It is characteristic of Nigerian diplomats that you should so modestly state as you did at our meeting this morning that you hold the award in trust, as it were, for the Special Committee, and that you consider it as a call to duty. I also wish to congratulate the Assistant Secretary-General in charge of the Centre against Apartheid, my friend and counsellor,Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, who has beeni for many years, identified with the anti-apartheid struggle, and who readily, knowledgeably and authoritatively guided and enlightened the tenderfoot rapporteur that I was in 1974 about the many aspects and labyrinths of apartheid. I am deeply honoured, as a Filipino and former Rapporteur of the Special Committee against Apartheid, to be among the ispecial guests of the Special Committeee to consider the role of international solidarity and action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa. I like to think that the invitation to me by the Special Committee reflects not only recognition of my modest contribution to the work of the Special Committee but also recognition of the steadfastness of my Government's consistent support for the cause of the oppressed black people of South Africa. I come from a country, the Philippines, which was a founding member of the Special Committee, and whose support for the struggle of the oppressed black people of South Africa and of Namibia has been constant and undiminished. I sincerely thank the members of the Special Committee under your sterling leadership and the Centre against Apartheid under the dedicated stewardship of Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, the Assistant Secretary General, for the gracious invitation to me which I was privileged and honoured to accept. I am here as a testimony of my Government's firm commitment to and total support of the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa against the odious policies of the apartheid rfgime in Pretoria. I want to express my great appreciation to my Foreign Minister and mentor, General Carlos P. Romulo, and to my Government under President Ferdinand E, Marcos, for making my attendance at this special session possible. The only remaining survivor among the signatories of the United Nations Charter, General Romulo was from the very beginning associated with the struggle against apartheid, and espoused the cause of the black people of South Africa for human dignity. I consider my attendance at this special session a homecoming, for it was in the Special Committee that I was privileged to be associated with prominent and dedicated fighters for national liberation and the elimination of apartheid.

- 36 - I think of your distinguished compatriots, H.E. Dr. E.O. Ogbu, H.E. Mr. Leslie Harriman, and of Her Excellency Mme. Jeanne-Martin Cisse, the Minister for Social Affairs of Guinea, under whose chairmanships,in their turn I was privileged to serve as Rapporteur. I think of the men and women of the Special Committee, the Centre against Apartheid, the OAU, the Commonwealth Secretariat, the national liberation movements, the anti-apartheid movements, the front-line States, and I cannot but admire their singleminded dedication to their task in the struggle against apartheid. I pay tribute to all of them, and may I say that it was indeed a privilege to be associated with them. In an assessment of the Special Committee's work, and the contribution its chairmen and members have made in recent years, several important developments during my tenure as Rapporteur come to mind. Apartheid was declared by the United Nations as a crime against humanity, as indeed it is. Bantustanization and the insidious scheme of Pretoria in granting false independence to the homelands were exposed and declared illegal by the General Assembly, thus making the public at large aware of the brutal injustice of white minority rule over the black majority. The General Assembly, in a historic decision in 1974, rejected the credentials of the representatives of the white minority r6gime. During those years the national liberation movements gained international recognition and began to participate in the work of the Special Committee and the General Assembly, along with the OAU, the anti-apartheid movements, the NGOs, the PLO, the front-line States and the non-aligned countries. The General Assembly adopted important resolutions for the boycott of apartheid sports, for the implementation of the International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, and for the holding of the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. If there was no unanimity about the results of the World Conference, it did focus on the evils and the anarchronism of the false idea of man's superiority over his fellowmen. The membership of the Special Committee was increased from sixteen to the present eighteen, even as the calls for total trade and military and nuclear sanctions as well as an oil embargo against South Africa were intensified. The collapse of colonialism is inevitable, as the collapse of Portuguese colonialism and of the white racial r6gime in Southern Rhodesia, and the emergence of Zimbabwe as a free and independent country and a full-fledged member of the United Nations has shown. Under your leadership, Mr. Chairman, the work of the Special Committee was broedened with the establishment of the Task Force on Women and Children under the chairmanship of Mrs. Maria Lopez of the Philippines and the proclamation by the General Assembly of the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. The people and Government of the Philippines were happy to host the Asian Regional Conference for Action against Apartheid which was held in Manila from 24 to 26 May 1982. During that Conference, my President received the members of the Special Committee, and, as you noted, showed his personal interest in it and in the liberation of South Africa and Namibia. In a message to the Conference, he reaffirmed the Philippines' solidarity with the peoples of South Africa and

- 37 - Namibia in their fight for liberation. In your closing address, at the Asian Regional Conference in Manila, you said aptly, that the struggle against apartheid and racism "has been a struggle for justice for all the people of South Africa, not for the blacks alone, but also for the white minority. When we call for sanctions, we do not seek revenge. We call for sacrifices to enable all the people of South Africa to achieve a just society." This is statesmanship of a high order and should put to rest any unjust criticism that the Special Committee's motivations are biased and prejudiced against the Pretoria r6gime. As you rightly put it, the Manila Declaration for Action against Apartheid which was adopted on 26 May, "reflects (the Conference's) commitment to justice". Concerted effort and action are imperative to implement the Manila Declaration, which calls for the total eradication of apartheid, calls on the international community to support the legitimate struggle of the South African people, and appeals to the mass media to publicize the situation in South Africa and Namibia and to mobilize public opinion against apartheid. Almost 31 years ago, a group of thirteen Asian countries, including the Philippines, introduced a resolution before the General Assembly inviting the attention of the international community to the grave situation in South Africa. The situation in South Africa remains grave. Since its first meeting on 2 April 1962, the Special Committee has been focusing world attention on the evils of apartheid and on the need to eradicate it if international peace with justice is to be achieved. There is no gainsaying the many accomplishments of the Special Committee and the unquestionable dedication of its members. They deserve every possible assistance from us all and the international community. The international community must continually assist them and the liberation movements to the end that the black peoples of South Africa and of Namibia will at long last, now not twenty years hence - begin to enjoy their fundamental freedoms, as enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Univeral Declaration of Human Rights. In the final analysis, this is the only valid test of all our labours to see in the immediate future our brothers and sisters in South Africa and in Namibia enjoy the fruits of freedom and independence, free of racial strife and living in harmony and equality with their fellowmen. It behooves the United Nations to redouble its efforts to hasten the dawn of national liberation in Namibia and the total elimination of apartheid in South and southern Africa, and to seek the undivided support of the international community towards the accomplishment of these noble objectives. If violent strife is to be averted in South Africa, every Member State of the United Nations is bound to abide by the many resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council calling for the continued assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movements and suport for the front- line States, and for isolation of.the apartheid r6gime through diplomatic boycott, the boycott of apartheid sports, total economic and trade sanctions and mandatory arms embargo.

- 38 - The Special Committee against Apartheid under your dynamic leadership has a vital role to play insuring international solidarity and concerted action in support of the struggle for liberation in South Africa. I am confident that the Special Committee, together with the Centre against Apartheid, will work with renewed vigor and determination to fulfil its important mandate from the General Assembly. This, it seems to me, is the meaning of today's commemorative special session. B. Statements made at the 519th meeting held on 31 March 1983 1. H.E. Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun, Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations I would like first to thank you for the very kind words you had expressed in inviting me to address this meeting, kind words you had for me for my modest contribution to the work of the Special Committee and to the sentiments which you have expressed in connexion with the close co-operation we have had, both of us. And I must say that since I've been in New York and a little before, since I have known you as the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apattheid, it is with renewed thanks, courage and commitment that I - and but not only I, but many other colleagues in this Committee-have worked together with you because of your very wise leadership, your dynamic leadership, your skill, in persuading some of the most, maybe hard to win of people. We have to address ourselves in order to convince them of the necessity of the need to work closely together to put an end to this great evil - apartheid. The reason I accepted to introduce the discussion this morning is, as you yourself recalled. the fact that I have been associated with the work of the Special Committee right from the beginning. As you know, the Special Committee had its first meeting on 2 April 1963 and you recall also that one month later, in May 1963, the Organization of African Unity was established at the Summit Conference in Addis Ababa. This year then is both the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee and also the twentieth anniversary of the Organization of African Unity and of African Liberation Day. I believe all those who have worked with the Special Committee or with the OAU know that right from the beginning there was a very close co-operation between the Pan-African organization and the Special Committee. The first Chairman of the Special Committee was a great son of Africa, Boubacar Diallo Telli. He was to be elected Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity. This again is a symbol of the close connexion between the Special Committee and the OAU. I served with Diallo Telli as his Assistant Seeretary- General in charge of political affairs and I know that as Secretary-General, he was also looking back to his days in the Special Committee and always asked us to co- operate very closely with this Committee. As you know, one of the first achievements of the co-operation was the decision of the Security Council in August 1963 when it adopted its first resolution on arms embargo. What was the situation when both the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Organization of African Unity began their great mission, their great work in 1963? There was then in southern Africa and in South Africa, especially, an upsurge of resistance. The liberation movements were organizing themselves

- 39 - and mobilizing their people in the country of apartheid. But to this resistance the apartheid regime answered with more and more repression. Thousands of people were arrested in 1963 - 1964. Nelson Mandela was put in prison. Some other leaders went underground. The racist white Parliament was discussing Draconian laws for indefinite detention. Torture of detainees began on a mass scale and was the order of the day. Therefore,the focus of work of the Special Committee and the Organization of African Unity was first to publicize - to make known to the world public opinion all these acts of repression, to develop a campaign for the release of political prisoners, and, to try to promote a policy of sanctions against South Africa starting with arms embargo. I believe the Special Committee had shown then that it had a good strategy and great determination. On 11 October 1963 the General Assembly adopted resolution 1881 on the Rivonia Trial by an overwhelming majority - 106 votes for the resolution and only one against that of South Africa. I believe the campaign that followed and in which the Special Committee played an important role saved the lives of Mandela and other leaders. The campaign on sanctions also made some headway and won some victories. As you might remember, the General Assembly had attempted in 1962 before the first meeting of the Special Committee to adopt a resolution on sanctions. But this was done with a large number of countries voting against it including all Western countries and a large number of abstentions. But this has changed after 1963. Because of the efforts of the Special Committee there was increasing support for sanctions. The Nordic countries changed their position and have voted in favour since 1965. Today, we can claim that sanctions, in principle, are supported by a large majority of the international community and of the Members of the General Assembly including a majority of Western countries. After 1964, with the development of the arms struggle in the Portuguese territories, Africa and the Organization of African Unity decided to give priority to this struggle while, of course, not ignoring the struggle of the people in South Africa itself against apartheid. While the OAU was giving this priority to the struggle, it was the Special Committee which was keeping the issue of South Africa constantly alive before the Governments and world public opinion with the assistance of the Organization of African Unity. I believe it initiated then or we initiated together then many constructive activities with great dedication and imagination. It was then that we established the United Nations Trust Fund to assist political prisoners and their families in South Africa. It was then that we estabished the scholarship programme for South African refugees. The Special Committee launched a United Nations international campaign against apartheid, a campaign of public information together with many anti- apartheid groups whose representatives are today here with us. From 1973 on, with the assistance of the Special Committee, missions to capitals, especially capitals of Western countries, were sent to consult with Governments or political parties or public governmental and non-governmental organizations. The Special Committee, in this connexion, together also with the Organization of African Unity pressed for recognition of the national liberation movements and for direct assistance to them. - 40 - May I also add that we of the OAU felt that the Special Committee has given us great help and played an important role in counteracting the various manoeuvres of the South African regime to break through isolation by its propaganda about dialogues and detente, so-called dialogue and so-called detente. All these, Mr. Chairman, culminated in the initiation and organization of the historic Oslo Conference in support of the victims of colonialism and apartheid in April 1973, exactly ten years ago. This Conference was the result of close and dynamic co-operation between the United Nations and the Special Committee, the Organization of African Unity and the Nordic countries especially the Norwegian Government This Conference then would not have achieved so much success without the active role of your Committee and the Centre against Apartheid. Since then liberation movements gained large recognition and were granted observer status in many United Nations specialized agencies and other international forums. After 1974 with the collapse of Portuguese colonialism, South Africa lost its battle. The resistance against apartheid in South Africa increased tremendously. The national liberation movement began an ever wider mobilization of people and we all have in memory the various demonstrations, strikes even from children, from schoolchildren. The national upsurge which followed the Soweto massacre amplified and the development of armed struggle became more efficient. We witness then that the Special Committee has stepped up its activities in close consultation with the liberation movement. Another culmination of this was the World Conference for Action against Apartheid which was hosted by your own country, Mr. Chairman, in Lagos in August 1977. Many other conferences including the International Conference for Sanctions against South Africa held in Paris in May 1981, have shown how more than ever that public opinion was mobilized against apartheid. This period has been a period of great progress, of great advance of the liberation struggle. It was, however, followed by a period of counter offensive strategy by the Pretoria regime with, we must say here in a loud voice, with the support of its open and covert allies. South Africa invaded Angola in 1975 and has since launched numerous acts of aggression, destabilization and terrorism against all the neighbouring countries. Despite the mandatory arms embargo, South Africa has been able to expand its military power and acquire nuclear capability. This was also thanks to the collaboration it received from some Western countries. The unfortunate resurgence of the Cold War in the past few years has enabled South Africa to get more support from these Western Powers. In conclusion let me say that in this context we need to concert and formulate strategy for the next period. We need, I believe, first of all to see to it that the unity and the cooperation between African States, Non-Aligned States, socialist States, friendly Western States and all organizations fighting against apartheid should be closer than ever. We need to make a special effort to mobilize public opinion in Western countries and I would say especially in the United States of America. We need to initiate or to call for an international programme to assist and support the front-line States and other States in southern Africa who pay a very heavy price for expressing their solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and Namibia. We need finally more concrete assistance in diverse forms for the liberation movements because this struggle is, first of all, their own struggle and the struggle of their people.

- 41 - 2. Mr. M.J. MakatiniObserver, African National Congress (ANC) on behalf of Mr. Oliver Tambo, Prfsident of the ANC Thank you for giving me the floor to read the statement from our President, Comrade Oliver Tambo. I seize this opportunity, however, to extend on behalf of my colleague, Comrade Jele, apologies for his failure to be with us today due to visa problems, and also with your permission, we will present our statement this afternoon. Thank you. The President's statement reads as follows: "We take the opportunity to extend to the Committee through you the most cordial fraternal greetings on occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee. The Special Committee against Apartheid belongs to the most ardent campaigners internationally in educating world public opinion on the evils of apartheid. The Special Committee has been in the forefront in mobilizing the international community for the total isolation of the Pretoria regime and for all- round support for the liberation struggle in South Africa. The fact that the Chairman of the Special Committee has been given the highest World Peace Council award this year underlines the important role played by the Special Committee in the fight against racism, apartheid for peace and social progress. "We take the opportunity to salute all the leading figures from the various solidarity committees throughout the world who are taking part in this solemn occasion. The Pretoria regime has stepped up its brutal repression against all opponents of apartheid inside the country. It has stepped up its acts of aggression against neighbouring independent African States. In this the regime is emboldened by Washington which aids and abets apartheid South Africa in its campaign of destabilization in the whole region of southern Africa. We are certain that the Special Committee and other solidarity committees represented there will do their best to expose this conspiracy and bring pressure to bear on the Reagan administration to stop collaborating with this avowed enemy of the African peoples. "Wishing the solemn meeting all the success and pledge that we will do everything in our power to deserve the solidarity we receive by intensifying the liberation struggle for the final liquidation of the racist minority regime in our continent." 3. Mr. Joseph Mkwanazi, Observer, Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania The Special Committee against Apartheid was established in 1963 - an extremely significant year in the history of the struggle of the people against fascist colonialism. Those who are also truly conversant with the history and development of our struggle will also recall the nationwide repression, mass arrests and judicial murders carried out by the racist South African regime in 1963 following the so-called findings contained in the Snyman Reports. Snyman, a racist judge in apartheid South Africa, was appointed to investigate the armed attacks that were carried out in several parts of the country - from Paarl in the Western Cape to Bashee River in the Eastern Cape. His report, presented in 1963, called for the ruthless suppression of the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania, especially its military wing Poqo. This led to the arrest of over 11,000 PAC activists and members throughout the country. Over 70 were arbitrarily tried and summarily hanged. Equally it was in 1963 that the first life sentences were imposed against freedom fighters. It was in 1963 - the year of the establishment of the

- 42 - Special Committee against Apartheid - that Comrades Samuel Chibane, Dimake Malepe, Jeff Masemola, Isaac Mtbimunye, John Nkosi, and Philemon Tefu were the first political activists to receive life sentences. Today, as we celebrate the 20th anniversary of the founding of the Special Committee against Apartheid, let us not forget that these comrades have completed twenty years on that infamous island prisonRobben Island. If sacrifice, dedication to a cause and commitment to sacred principles were to have a yardstick, these six comrades deserve mention if not admiration for spending twenty years in incarceration. In the case of Comrade Jeff Masemola, he has been held in solitary confinement since 1968. On this twentieth anniversary of the founding of the Special Committee against Apartheid, it is both incumbent and politically wise and prudent to reflect on these unassuming heroes of the struggle of the people of Azania, for it is they in the final analysis who have and will chart the course of their liberation. Those committed individuals who fought for the establishment of the Special Committee against Apartheid did not for a moment contemplate that the Committee would celebrate its twentieth anniversary. That is because they did not want to believe that our oppression, exploitation and national dispossession would prolong itself. Yet the truth is that twenty years after its establishment, we are still oppressed, exploited and nationally dispossessed. Does that mean that the Committee has failed? Far from it. In the past twenty years the Committee has played an important role in drawing international attention to the plight of our people and the struggles waged by them in difficult circumstances. The Committee, moreover, has played an important role in mobilizing sanctions against the South African racist r4gime. But its activities and campaigns have been given impetus and credibility as lonq as our people valiantly continued the struggle an still continue to do so. No slave can hope or aspire for freedom without himself strugling for it. The justice- minded, the good intentioned and the philanthropists car only play an effective supportive role. Our people are likely to be the last on the African continent to be liberated. This objective reality is not due to any lack of sacrifice or commitment on the part of our people or the absence of politicnl consciousness among all Azanians. It is due to the nature of fascist- colonialis- which was implanted by the colonial and imperialist Powers. It is also due to the fact that our country is endowed with rich and varied mineral resources, so covete& by the imperialist Powers. It is for these vast natural resources and the strategic position Azania occupies that imperialist Powers brook no shame in openly supporting the South African regime while on convenient occasions piously declaring their so-called opposition to apartheid. Let us be honest to ourselves. Should we even entertain the idea that the imperialists - who benefit most from apartheid - would be prepared to cut their own noses to spite their own faces! Oppressors have never abdicated of their own accord - and will not do so in occupied Azania. Our people realized and acknowledged this truism following the 21 March 1960 Positive Action Campaign launched by the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania. The racists, in true Fascist style, responded with reactionary violence against unarmed men, women and children in Sharpeville, Langa and other places. In 1976 during the Soweto uprising, the

- 43 - racists did not hesitate to shoot primary schoolchildren. Consequently, it was after the Sharpeville massacre that our founding and first President, Comrade Mangaliso Sobukwe, correctly observed and I quote: "Until today we were prepared to die for our freedom, but henceforth we must be prepared to kill for it as well." The 21 March 1960 Positive Action Campaign, therefore, constitutes a watershed in the qualitative development of our struggle. It progressively progressed from protest, to challenge, to armed struggle. We of the PAC, make no apologies for having decided that armed struggle, based on the masses, must be the principal form of struggle. We have taken this conscious decision because it is the only method that ensures genuine liberation and social emancipation. During this decade which the PAC has declared as the Decade of the Azanian Revolution - the struggle in Azania is sure to escalate and intensify. The oppressed, exploited and dispossessed people of Azania are prepared for this noble and glorious task. Any serious struggle requires fundamental prerequisites, in the case of Azania an unequivocal affirmation that armed struggle must be the principal form of struggle and the conscious mobilization of our people. In the realization of both of these, the PAC has continued to play a vanguard role. It was the Positive Action Campaign launched by the PAC which paved the way for the acceptance and the introduction of armed struggle. The Soweto Uprising of 1976, for which the PAC was formally charged constitutes tangible evidence of the conscious mobilization of our people. Given that these two basic prerequisites have been largely realized, the escalation and intensification is inevitable and logical. In the light of this reality what should be the emphasis of the Special Committee against Apartheid in the coming years? Should it look forward to its 30th anniversary or to the immediate and decisive end to this crime against humanity called apartheid? The answer is clear - to do everything possible to liquidate apartheid in our lifetime. The major and principal force in the struggle against apartheid is the people led by their national liberation movements. The task of the Committee, therefore, is to play the complementary role. It is an important complementary role. The fact that we are observing this twentieth anniversary is a stark reminder that the struggle in Azania for national liberation and social emancipation is a long and arduous one. It is also a monumental one. But it is not an impossible one. What is required is maximum unity and commitment and the broadest possible united front against this common enemy of-not only the Azanian people but the world at large. We urge the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Centre against Apartheid to foster unity of all forces opposed to the racist regime at all available times. This our people will regard as an invaluable contibution to our struggle. Equally we urge and implore the Special Committee to continue, with greater vigour, the excellent work of bringing our struggle to international attention and mobilizing world public opinion. The racist regime is feeling and reacting to the struggles of our people and to the international pressure. The reaction is brutal, aimed at entrenching white racist supremacy in South Africa and not to bring about changes. The so- called changes in the form of the Presidential Council dispensation are nothing but political frauds to hoodwink world public opinion and to entrench white supremacy. These frauds, including the th6 luring of sportspersons and entertainers to apartheid

- 44 - South Africa should be carefully followed and unequivocally denounced. The delegation of the PAC would be failing in its duties if it did not warmly and sincerely thank and congratulate all those who have been associated with the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid. Whilst sincerely thanking them, we want to Pay special thanks to you and your country, Nigeria, for the principled and constant support rendered to our struggle. It reflects both your personal and your country's commitment to the noble cause of human liberation from all oppression and exploitation. As we deemed it fit to take valuable time to conpratulate ourselves on this occasion, I am sure yon will bear with me if I take a few precious minutes to request those present here to demonstrate in practice their solidarity with our struggling people. We have here shirts, made by the mothers, wives and sisters of victims of jaarheid, some of them who lost their breadi.inners in 1960 at the Sharpeville massacre. Others lost their lives during 1963 and during the 1976 Soweto Uprising. These victims have engaged in self-reliant programmes. Thus on the 20th anniversary we offer these beautifully made sbirts, made inside occupied Azania for a donation which we shall send directly to them. 4. Mr. Pius Asheeke, Observer, South West Africa People's Organization Allow me first of all to extend SWAPO's warm congratulations and best wishes to you for the well-deserved tribute paid to you yesterday by the World Peace Council, which awarded you the prestigious Frederic Joliot-Curie medal. We consider this both as a recognition of your ownm outstanding statesmanship and courageous and dedicated leadership of the Special Committee and acknowledgement of Nigeria's persistent and uncompromising support for and solidarity with the noble cause of national liberation and independence as well as her prominent role in the worldwide anti-apartheid struggle. In the same vein, we also wish to congratulate our good friend, Mr. Enuga Reddy, the dynamic and imaginative Assistant Secretary-General in charge of the Centre against Apartheid. The record of achievements in this regard and the progress made in the field of decolonization are nost encouraging in light of the independence achieved in Africa as well as the advances made by the forces of liberation and progress against the defenders of the status quo, oppressors and exploiters. The contribution made by the Special Comnittee has been sigYnificant. And we know that this good work will continue unabated, under your able and industrious leadership, until apartheid is totally eradicated. SWAPO, being one of the beneficiaries of the commendable work of the Special Committee, is appreciative of the fact of the existing close co-operation and co- ordination between this Committee, the United Nations Council for Namibia, the Committee of 24 as well as all the other relevant bodies within the United Nations system. Ue consider that this fine arrangement should be further strengthened so as to revitalize the efforts of the United Nations in support of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia to wrest their freedom from the racists and the imperialists who are collaborating in all fields to perpetuate the subjugation of our peoples and the plunder of the natural resources in our countries.

- 45 - In conclusion, I wish to 7lace on record SWAPO's unswerving and militant solidarity with the oppressed but struggling fraternal people of South Africa, led by their vanguard natioral liberation movement, the African National Congress, whose military wing the Umkhonto we Sizve has taken up arms in the common struggle against the racist military nac-'ira thus complcmentinZ thc efforts of the People's Liberation Army of Namibia, SWAPO's military wing. These arc difficult times demanding more sufferings and sacrifices from our oppressed masses. But the will and determination of our people remain steadfast and ever ready to carry on and heighten the struggle. We know also that the United Nations and its key committees like the Special Committee will always stand with us. A luta continua! 5. Mr. Abdul S. Minty, Director, World Campain against Military and Nuclear Collaboration with South Africa, Oslo Or. behalf of the British Anti-Apartneid Movement and the World Campaign, we should like to thank you for invitin- our Vice-Chairman, Mr. Vella Pillay, and ryself to this meetinq to observe the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee. We would also like to associate ourselves with the congratulations and good wishes extended by earlier soenkprs to yourself, Yr. Chairman, and to Mr. Reddy on the av-ard of the Joliot-Curie medal by the World Peace Council. The British Anti-Apartheid Movement was formed in London on 26 June 1959 when very few African countries were free and in direct response to the appeal which came out of South Africa made by Chief Albert Lutuli, President General of the ANC, and other leaders for a boycott of the apartheid regire. Whilst our initial campaigns were to organize a consumer boycott of South African goods, we soon took on within weeks othor issues: the release of political prisoners; the exclusion of South Africa from the Commonwealth; the demand for an arms embargo; support for the African liberation movements: the sports, cultural and academic boycott; the oil embargo and many related issues, all in the context of the overall demand for mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. In a sense and in a very real way, we were working on these issues before the Special Committee was formed and we had won some notable successes. But after the formation of the Special Committee on November 1962 our work was made very much more effective because of the close working relationship which developed over the years between us and the Special Committee. One of the first issues on which we co laborated was over the Rivonia trial when Nelson Mandela and his colleagues were facing death sentences. At that time we established through the anti-aprtheid movement the World Campaign for the Release of all South African Political Prisoners and by co-ordinating international action and sending representatives to Rome to see the Pope, to Western capitals to see their leaders, we were able to have enough oressure mobilized throughout the world and succeeded in saving the lives of these South African leaders. But I am sure that as we mark the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid today, we are also aware of the fact that throughout these years, Nelson 1andela has been imprisoned for every moment of every day of those twenty years.

- 46 - Twenty years is a very long time for Nelson Mandela and the people of South Africa. Twenty years is also a very long time for the Special Committee. For the AntiApartheid Movement which will next year be twenty-five years, it is an even longer time. On the basis of this experience of some twenty-five years and twenty years working with the Special Committee, we would like to highlight a few aspects. First, on the role of the Special Committee. The very first thing that one can say is that the Special Committee has- proved to be the most reliable and the most important instrument in the development of international policy and action against apartheid. There are various headings that other speakers have mentioned but I wish to draw attention just to a few which we believe were crucial in the past twenty years. Your actions with the support of the solidarity movements and public pressure in Western countries made certain that the attempt by the Pretoria regime to win recognition for bantustans was averted and that, today, none of the bantustans are recognized by any of the Western Governments although we know that many of them wish to help South Africa in recognizing those bantustans. We also know that at a crucial time in 1974-1975, after the collapse of the Portuguese empire coming about as a result of the liberation struggles in Portuguese territories in Africa, South Africa and its allies were able to create great international confusion even in Africa and it was the clear and forthright position of the Special Committee in exposing those manoeuvres that failed to produce the results that South Africa and its allies wished for. We know too that soon after that at the meeting of the OAU Council of Ministers in Dar es Salaam, Ambassador Edwin Ogbu, who is with us today as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid presented a paper which was crucial in uniting the OAU in counteracting this manoeuvre and recognizing the South African regime as the main enemy of Africa which required all of Africa to stand four-square against it. Later in 1975 when the South African forces invaded Angola in collusion with the CIA, the Special Committee was the first and only Committee in the United Nations system to expose and condemn that aggression. Its role at that time, in defiance of pressures of Western countries, was a significant factor in helping to preserve Angola's independence. There are many other aspects that we could refer to but because of shortage of time, we will abstain from that. However, in this context we want to commend the co-operation which the Special Committee promoted with anti-apartheid movements and solidarity groups throughout the world where you were able to overcome all the problems of protocol and other difficulties which exist in an interstate organization like the United Nations and give us assistance for our campaigns. SecondlY, we need to commend you for the way in which you have developed relationships with the liberation movements and the fact that they do participate in this Committee as if they are members of the Committee, and thirdly, for the tremendous information work done by the Special Committee and the Centre against Apartheid. The second aspect, Mr. Chairman, is in a sense slightly personal but no less significant. And that is that since the formation of the Special Committee with its first Chairman, Mr. Diallo Telli and later with all the success of the ChairWn that we have had, and now with yourself we have had remarkable good luck to have persons of tremendous calibre and deep commitment who have helped to advance the work on southern Africa. We know that this is the first Committee to be boycotted by the Western Powers and despite the fact that they do not serve on this Committee, the way in which the Special Committee has conducted its work has meant that they have won respect and recognition even from some of these Western Powers who did not wish this Committee well.

- 47 - In 1964 the British Anti-Apartheid Movement convened in London an international conference of Governments and non-governmental organizations to further the cause of sanctions. At that conference not only did we have a delegation from the Special Committee but for example today Mr. Anyaoku, who spoke earlier, was present, .then Mr. Haksar from India,0at that time representing the Indian Government at that conference. That conference was called to examine all the aspects of sanctions and it reached the conclusion that sanctions were feasible, that they were practical but what they lacked was political will. From 1964 to 1983 that situation has not changed in that what they lack is political will on the part of the major Western Powers. Secondly, partly as a result of the fact that Mr. Diallo Telli became Secretary-General of the OAU but also because of our relations with the Special Committee, we were able to establish very close working relationships with the OAU and over the twenty years the OAU helped by the Special Committee, has also developed its own relationships with anti- apartheid movements. So we-were able to build up an alliance relationship with independent African States and forces of public opinion in the collaborating countries in order to support the objectives of the OAU and the United Nations. In this context, we are also enormously grateful for the mainstay in the United Nations system on the question of apartheid and here I speak of Mr. Reddy who, since we met him in the early 1960s, has been a constant source of encouragement, support, knowledge and guidance not only to the British Anti-Apartheid Movement but to every anti-aparth6ld and solidarity group that has come into existence in that period. The third aspect, Mr. Chairman, is the substantial issues that we're concerned with. The last twenty years are the most traumatic in terms of the transformtion of colonial Africa into the independent states of Africa. As the transformation of colonial Africa into a continent of free, liberated and independent States developed, the Western Powers focused their policies not only on sustaining the South African apartheid system through accelerated capital investments, trade and the provision of supplies for a massive armaments and nuclear industry but also of employing South African power to intimidate the independent African states into accepting a status of subordination and inferiority. In this critical sense South Afriea has become the instrument of indirect colonialism and of fixing the African continent permanently into the strategic and geo-political sphere of the United States and other Western interests. It is this which explaines the systematic Western violation of the arms embargo, the support given to the Pretoria regime in developing its nuclear-weapon capability and the polity of what is today called constructive engagement with the apartheid regime. This constructive engagement means in effect to bolster the South African regime to confer upon it a regional power role on the subcontinent whereby it is able to attack all independent African States within its reach without any international action forthcoming to put an end to that aggression where it is able to occupy Namibia without suffering any international consequences. And indeed being provided with a military arsenal, with an air force and a missil& system that puts the entire African continent within the reach of the Pretoria rigime. And that is the scale of the support given to Pretoria by the Western Powers. In earlier years when we were campaigning for an arms embargo, British, French and other Prime Ministers used to say that the provision of arms to South Africa was only for external defence. And I remember very well how in the late 1960s and early 1970s President Nyerere used to argue at Commonwealth conferences and elsewhere

- 48 - that Africa comes within the orbit of South Africa's external defence no matter how much the Western leaders talk about a supposed Soviet threat in the Indian and South Atlantic Oceans. And today we see the very armaments provided to South Africa to contain socalled Soviet expansion in the southern oceans - the Buccaneer Aircraft, the Mirage Aircraft, the entire arsenal provided to the Pretoria regime being used daily against Angola and all the other front-line States in the area. But the range of South Africa is not only to the imediate region as we have seen with these attacks against Seychelles and its recent attacks against Lesotho which does not even have a defence force. So South Africa behaves in Africa as if the entire continent is at its disposal in order for it to unleash violence on an unprecedented scale in order to intimidate and subject the entire African continent. And as if this is not enough, we have also seen the provision of nuclearoveapon capability, the perfection of nuclear warheads, of missile systems and other forms of nuclear collaboration with the apartheid rigime. And in this context I want to just spend a moment to show the relevance of the role of the ANC and the liberation struggle in South Africa because, for example, when we campaigned to stop the Koeberg nuclear plant to stop nuclear collaboration with South Africa and failed in that, the French Government authorized the delivery of the Koeberg plant to the Pretoria regime. It was the direct action of the ANC in South Africa which was trying to impose the international arms embargo against South Africa. By acting in South Africa in such a decisive manner the ANC now has to try and ensure that it is acting to preserve the safety and security of independent Africa and all the States in that region. So the twenty years of experience, Mr. Chairman, has also shown us that the liberation movement in Namibia and South Africa had to take on an added burden not only to fight for their own liberation as difficult as that is but to fight this monstrous system of apartheid with all its military and nuclear might which is presenting such an enormous threat to international peace and security. And therefore in a very real way when we destroy the apartheid system, we will have destroyed this threat, this growing threat to international peace and security. And in this context, in this added context, the liberation movement deserverthe full support of the international community. But the second experience of twenty years is that the South African regime recognizes no boundaries and has attacked the front-line States and other countries in the region. And they, too, require our support and we welcome the forthcoming mission of the Special Conmittee to be led by Ambassador Sahnoun hoping that it will come back with a programme of action which the international antiapartheid community can support to mobilize full support for the front-line States. Thirdly, on the question of sanctions we of course have to werk for the tightening of the arm embargo to ensure that the nuclear embargo is made effective as the oil embargo. But we have really to move forward and not s:&ply repeat old slogans. In this context the conference of the anti-ap1rtheid movement called in Britain in March last year, with the presence and participation of the Vice-President of Nigeria, reached the conclusion that the situation has now reached a point where Africa, the non-aligned countries and all committed Governments have to move forward to ensure that their relations with the Western countries become much more dependent on the policies of the Western countries in relation to southern Africa. We have had

- 49 - a number of actions by Nigeria, by Tanzania, by various Governments against multi-national corporations operating in South Africa but these isolated actions are not enough and there is no reason why these individual countries should' bear the full burden of the retaliation that comes from these Western countries and corporations. Therefore, we would like the Special Committee to begin to take initiatives to mobilize the committed Governments of the world together with the antiapartheid movements to ensure that this objective becomes a reality. It is our belief that the potential is there. The potential for united action exists if only we could have the machinery to bring it about and we hope that the Special Committee will address itself to this problem. Secondly, and mention has already been made of it,one has to concentrate much more on mobilizing public opinion in Western countries as we have been trying to do in Britain through the anti- apartheid movement. But we need to intensify these efforts elsewhere, and as Ambassador Sahnoun has emphasized, the special need to promote action in the United States at this tine. Thirdly in this context I think we also need to look anew at the methods of work that we have utilized over the past twenty years. I have said earlier that twenty years is a very long time. I also recall that twenty years ago there were not very many people who believed then in the era of the winds of change - speeches and so on - that apartheid would survive for twenty years. In the 1960s there was an optimism about freedom coming to South Africa as well. But the fact that it has taken so long is because of the enormous support the Western countries have given to the apartheid regime and continues to provide today. And what we have seen is that every success, every pressure, every gain that we have made has been =ntmav with increased support from the Western Powers for South Africa. And later on not only the traditional allies of South Africa but Israel and various Latin American countries Joined this alliance system. Thus today we face this paradox where, with the largest number of resolutions we have ever had on apartheid through the United Nations, with the strongest resolutions, with the biggest majorities, we also face a situation where South Africa has never before traded as much with as many countries as it does today. South Africa has never had as much investment as it has today. Indeed, South Africa has never had as many arms as it has today. And in regard to the arms embargo which we first secured in 1963 and then got the 1977 mandatory arms embargo which was an enormous political victory - when we examine the history of this five-year embargo we see the nature of the problem we face. The Security Council Committee, which has a responsibility for exercising and administering this embargo, has not met for over two years - at precisely the time when we havethrough the World Campaign and anti-apartheid organizations, been revealing armed smuggling cases stretching from Austria to Denmark to the United States to the United Kingdom to Switzerland, to Spain to Portugal to Germany - name the countries and you have the deals and this Committee is not able to meet. The Security Counci4 as we were told yesterday by the Chairman of the Committee on the Arms Embargo, the Security Council has had before it since 1980 a report of its own Sub-Committee with sixteen recommendations to strengthen the arms embargo. That was given in September 1980. We are now, Sir, in 1983 and in this period the Security Council has not even discussed that report. What explains this paralysis in the United Nations? What permits the Western Powers and others to provide South Africa with all the armaments it needs while the arms embargo remains on paper in the United Nations as a sacred decision and the only decision made under Chapter VII of the Charter?

- 50 - This shows the atmosphere in which we are working and when we compare this to the 1970a for example when some of us were engaged to stop a British Prime flister when he was trying to sell six helicopters to the apartheid regime, the entire Commonwealth was at risk. Now these arms flows continue to Pretoria with very little being at risk. There is a certain air of self-confidence and assurance on the part not only of Pretoria but of the Western Powers and the new rulers in Washington who are giving South Africa increased elbow room in order to conduct its aggression with greater self-confidence. In this overall process, then, the alliance of the Western Powers and South Africa has reached a point where as the peoples of southern Africa challenge that monstrous apartheid system and with near successes, we face the danger of real intervention from the Western countries. This intervention is already there in the form of arms supplies, mercenaries and so on. And so as our pressures mount internally and internationally, and the regime becomes weaker in various ways, it resorts more and more to the use of war as an instrument of policy and is supported in this by the Western Powers. Thus, what we face today is the real prospect that the African continent will become a sphere of war and violence manifested through the South African r4giae, through its so-called regional power in the continent of Africa, through its integration into the Western defence system whereby it is now regarded as a major ally n the Indian Ocean area as well as the South Atlantic region. And it is the responsibility of all of us to avert that war and to avert that catastrophe that South Africa is determined to inflict. Like earlier speakers we are optimistic about the future. But our optimism is not based on the progress that we have achieved through the international community as important as that is. It is based primarily on the courage and the successes scored by the African liberation struggle in Namibia and South Africa, and secondly on the steadfastness and sacrifices being made by the people in the front-line and other States. We in the outside world often say that victory is certain and that is true. And sometimes we've said as we said yesterday that victory might come sooner than many people expect and that too is true. But I want to warn that time is neutral and we are perhaps not utilizing this time as effectively as is South Africa and its allies. And therefore we must redouble our efforts and match the efforts of the people of South Africa and Namibia and of the front-line States and ensure that victory is brought forth sooner rather than later. In conclusion I want to refer to two other aspects. One is that the twenty years of effective action that we have spoken of by the Special Committee and other groups has also somehow created a sense of insensitivity to the horrors of apartheid. And there is the danger too in the international community and particularly here in New York at the United Nations which we fail to understand when we're away working at grassroots level of how one can deal with the Namibian question as simply a routine question that seems to be involved with talks about talks about talks about talks, with missions after missions going to deal with South Africa. There was a time soon after we called the International Conference on Namibia in 1966 and presented that report to the United Nations when people in this forum were talking about expelling South Africa from Namibia.

- 51 - And now we are talking to South Africa about it agreeing to leave Namibia. There Is a danger too, in the debates and resolutions against apartheid that there develops a certain atmosphere of routine action with routine resolutions. We must not allow the apartheid issue to become a routine issue where everyone confesses their abhorrence of apartheid just as every Christian confesses that he is against evil. In this sense we need action rather than statements. So we have to guard against making apartheid a routine issue because it is today an issue of supreme importance not only for the peoples of Africa but to maintain peace and security in the world. The second point in conclusion that I wish to address myself to is that whilst we have new opportunities and we can take them and act decisively, there are also new dangers. And we must not underestimate either the opportunities or the dangers. We need to recall that in the last twenty years we've also seen, of course, the significant decolonization declaration of the United Nations and that most of Africa is independent. But from the very outset in 1960 all Africa and every African realized that the core of the problem of African independence was the problem of apartheid in South Africa. And despite the fact that we have a larga number of independent States, none of those States are either free or independent in the true meaning of that wo d because South Africa and its apartheid system continues to survive. So in order to make Africa independent, to truly decolonize the African continent, we must destroy the apartheid system and redouble our efforts. We have to take stock and we have to rededicate ourselves. But we have to realize that if we really want a celebration, then we have to work hard, use time wisely, unite all the forces available in the struggle against apartheid to ensure that independence comes to Namibia soon and that victory is achieved for the people of South Africa. So that when we celebrate inside South African borders, that will be the time for celebration not only for the South African people but for the continent of Africa and indeed for the rest of humanity. For not only would we have ended this phase of colonialism and racism, but we will also have begun the phase of co-operation among African States, to put to use all the resources which in South Africa are used today to oppress the peoples of southern Africa for the real development of independent Africa. 6. Hr. Kurt Seibt, President of the Solidarity Comittee of the German Democratic Republic On behalf of the Solidarity Committee of the German Democratic Republic and all citizens committed to solidarity in our country I have the honour and pleasure to convey to you, as well as to all members of your honourable Committee the most sincere wishes and cordial greetings on the 20th anniversary of the existence of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid. The Solidarity Comittee of the GDR highly appreciates the extensive and persistent work of your Committee for the liberation struggle of the peoples in southern Africa. The imediate concern of your Committee to continuously mobilize new forces for the final elimination of the established racism of Pretoria is valued by us as an important integral part of the worldwide striving for peace and international security. Almost every day we are witnesses of how great the threats to peace all over the world are which originate from the apartheid r4gIme with its policy of terror inwards and of aggression outwards.

- 52 - The Solidarity Committee of the GDR fully agrees with the view of the participants of the Warsaw Treaty States as it is expressed in the Declaration of Prague "that to eliminate the causes of many conflicts it is necessary to eliminate, once and for all, all remnants of colonialism and racism...". We stand for that in the interest of humanity and peace - that apartheid with all its roots should be eliminated once and for all. In the struggle against the apartheid regime we regard binding sanctions as an effective means. Therefore we call for immediately stopping any political, economic and military assistance which is rendered by the NATO States and Israel to the South African regime. In this position of ours we are aware of being at one with the overwhelming majority of the United Nations Member States and with the Movement of NonAligned States which have taken clear decisions at their VIIth Summit Meeting in New Delhi for the condemnation of colonialism and racism. With satisfaction I can here point out that the alms and tasks of the Solidarity Committee of the German Democratic Republic are in full agreement with the concern of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid in supporting the peoples in southern Africa. Fully in line with this, our Committee works for the vigorous condemnation of colonialism, racism and apartheid and renders unconditional assistance to the colonially and racially oppressed peoples and to their national liberation movements. Allow me to mention here the following highlights of work in the sense of our common concern. In this I would like to mention, first of all, the International Seminar on the Role of the Mass Media in the Struggle against Apartheid which was held by the Special Committee against Apartheid in co-operation with the Solidarity Committee of the German Democratic Republic and assisted by the Government of the German Democratic Republic with extraordinary success in Berlin in 1981. The calendars on the Anti-Apartheid Year and for 1982 jointly edited by both our Committees were also met with a very good response. Further milestones of activities in the struggle against colonialism, racism and apartheid which were supported by the Solidarity Committee of the GDR were events on the 70th anniversary of the foundation of the African National Congress, ANC, the edition of the book "Fanal am Kap" (Oriflamme at the Cape), the co-operation in the International Commission for Inquiry into the Crimes of Apartheid, the active participation in the secretariat of the International Committee against Apartheid, Racism and Colonialism in Southern Africa, among other things, by arranging of extended meetings of the Secretariat of the ICSA in Berlin. The Imternational Conference for Solidarity with the Front-line States and for National Liberation and Peace in Southern Africa just finished in Lisbon, received due attention and effective assistance by the Solidarity Committee of the CDR because we hold the opinion that in the struggle against the criminal apartheid policy important stimuli for the impending Second

- 53 - United Nations Conference against Racism and Racial Discrimination has been given by this great international forum. Finally, I would like to refer to the Weeks of Solidarity with the Anti- Imperialist Struggle of the African Peoples annually held on the German Democratic Republic which this year coincides with the 20th anniversary of the foundation of the Organization of African Unity. The deep sympathy of the people of the GDR with the struggle of the peoples in southern Africa is reflected,for example in the fact that from donations amongst the population the Solidarity Committee alone could support in the past 8 years the peoples in southern Africa with nearly 500 million Marks. 7. Mr. Antonio Saura, Chairman, Committee of Artists of the World against Apartheid, Paris 12/ Mr. Saura said that 20 years had passed since the United Nations had first called for a struggle against the most odious manifestation of racism, which constituted a monstrous anarchronism in the contemporary world and persisted despite the passing of time, the ardour of those involved in the struggle and the undisguised censure of most of the world's nations. Freedom and splendour were the essential characteristics of great creative artists, and in the face of a situation such as existed in South Africa, where repression and the denial of freedom were so scandalously and degradingly evident, failure to combat them would be a mark of shame. Thus, of the many sectors of public opinion which had been mobilized by the Special Committee, intellectuals and artists must be at the forefront of the struggle. The Committee of World Artists against Apartheid, established at Paris in December 1981, had begun by producing a series of 15 posters designed by artists of various nationalities; the posters had been exhibited on a single day at more than 100 different locations throughout France, and the Committee planned to organize similar exhibitions in other countries. The Committee would then go on to the mast important phase of its activities, the establishment of a permanent museum against apartheid, for which it was asking the collaboration of artists of all nationalities in order to form the nucleus of a collection that would be the tangible symbol of the mobilization of intellectuals and artists against apartheid. It hoped that those works would be exhibited in museums of modern art throughout the world until the necessary conditions had been met for bringing them to the country for which they were intended. That generous gesture would become the permanent symbol of life against death, freedom against repression, and love and equality of mankind against the domination of an oligarchy. On behalf of the Committee of World Artists against Apartheid, he thanked the United Nations for its generous collaboration and asked the international community to lend its support for the execution of that project.

- 54 - 8. Mrs. Jennifer Davis, Executive Director, American Committee on Africa The American Committee on Africa is very honoured to be part of this important anniversary and recalls with gratitude the two decades of work of the Special Committee against Apartheid. Over and over again the Special Comittee has facilitated the ongoing programes of the NGOs in support of the South African struggle for liberation. We salute the Committee for its excellent work. The American Committee on Africa, this year celebratIng our thirtieth year of support work for African liberation, has a broad programme that over the years has expressed itself in many ways, including politital and economic actions and material aid. One of the constants in our work has been to fight for a United States foreign policy that is not deterimental to the just demands of the people of Africa for independence and majority rule. We are working very hard to help educate a constituency that will reject the Reagan policy of "constructive engagement", a policy which gives direct aid and comfort to the apartheid South African regime. One major vehicle for our work is the ever growing divestment campaign which we see as an important part of the international sanctions campaign. Just last Friday the University Senate of Columbia University here in New York City voted without dissent to urge the President and the Board of Regents to remove all holdings from companies operating in South Africa. These holdings are currently worth some $23 million. If the trustees take this action they will be joining more than 25 institutions of higher learning, that include the University of Maine, Michigan State University, Ohio University, the University of Wisconsin and McGill University, that have already taken this action. We have worked closely with dozens of national, regional, and local churches as they acted to sever their ties with Citibank, the largest United States lender to apartheid. Others have gone even further. Some churches, for example,the American Lutheran Church, have voted for total divestment from United States corporations and banks operating in South Africa and Namibia. These actions have in turn contributed to the newest arena of divestment action, that taken at state and municipal government level. Campaigning for divestment legislation has now become a central focus of our work. Already such laws have passed or are pending in 24 states, 18 cities, 2 countries and the District of Columbia, the same place where Reagan sits in his White Rouse. As a result of legislation passed in 1982, more than $300 million of public money will be taken out of companies that are invested in South Africa (both cmpanies and banks). We see these divestment actions as important because they take a crucial foreign policy issue to the grassroots level. Every vote for divestment in a coflege, in a church, in a state legislature, or in a city council is a rejection of constructive engagement. Trade unions, black organizations, church and community groups have formed dynamic new coalitions to end economic collaboration with apartheid. We are building a new constituency that will take the issue of foreign policy seriously, that will reject partnership with South Africa, that will make a choice that is on the side of the black people of South Africa.

- 55 - And in this work the role of the Centre against Apartheid and the Special Comittee in constantly stressing, publicizing and educating around the way Western economic interests are n fact propping up apartheid, has played a vital part, helping us to build the legitimacy of the divestment campaign, to build the legitimacy of the international sanctions campaign. I think it is Important for us to remember that in fact there is a great deal of sympathy within the grassroots population of North America and of Western countries for the United Nations and that the force of United Nations opinion can in fact become a powerful force for change if it is taken to the people in ways that they understand it. South Africa is beginning to realize the power and the dangers inherent in the divestment campaign and beginning to be concerned. They are paying lobbyists in the United States to defeat divestment legislation and their consulates in this country are feeding massive amoumas of propaganda to elected officials. In South Africa itself there is public recognition that this campaign is a serious threat to the interests of the racist status quo. An article in a leading Afrikaans paper the Beeld recently declared that the State would be Justified in reverting to the secret funds and dirty tricks of the Nalder-Rhoodie years. In this way, with proper state supervision, the editor suggested this new irritating American action should be stopped before it becomes a larger problem to them. But we will not stop. The American Comittee on Africa will continue to work for a United States policy that expresses a comitment to freedom, justice and majority rule. We will continue to work with and be thankful for the support of the Special Committee, until that fine day when there will be no longer a need for a Special Committee against Apartheid because apartheid itself will have been destroyed. 9. Rev. Father Austin Flannery, President, Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement It is a great privilege for me to represent the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement at this twentieth anniversary meeting of the Special Comaittee against Apartheid. It is also a great personal pleasure. I bring you greetings and felicitations from the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement which is very nearly contemporary in age with the Special Committee. We are proud of our long-standing association with the Special Committee. We have seen and admired over the years its splended md fruitful work. We have benefited from its relationships with ourselves and we know that we are but one of many organizations with which the Special Committee has kept in constant touch since its foundation. We would like the Special Committee to know and we welcome the opportunity to say this formally, that we deeply appreciate the Committee's commitment to establishing and maintaining links with grassroots organizations like our own all over the wotld. It is not Just a matter of giving encouragement, though indeed the importance of this is not to be again said. Anti-apartheid movements are voluntary organizations, subject to all the fluctuations of support which wst affect any voluntary campaign that has to be sustained over a lengthy period.

- 56 - Twenty years is a long period for a pressure group, especially when the group is not struggling for its own imediate interests but for the interests of people living thousands of miles away, interests which it will have to make its own, people with whom it identifies, if its efforts are not to lag or its zeal to wane. So encouragement is important. And the mere fact that one has te the support of the Special Committee of the United Nations is indeed an encouragement in itself. However, the Special Committee has done a great deal more for grassroots organizations than give them encouragement. For one thing, your support for organizations such as ours has enhanced credibility in the eyes of governments and indeed In the eyes of the general public. Any organization which has at times to resort to public protest can easily be dismissdd by those who want to dismiss it as being composed of cranks or dissidents. Secondly and extremely valuable is the twomway flow of infotmation and of ideas, of initiatives which you have so effectively organized and sustained. Visits from the Special Comittee to Ireland have been enormously beneficial. There was a notable visit in 1976 when a special session of the Committee was held in Dublin under the then Chairman, Sir Leslie Harriman. And indeed it is my hope and that of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement that you would do us the honour of paying us a visit. On behalf of the Irish AntiApartheid Movement, I invite you to visit us at a time of your own choosing. The Special Committee has also encouraged increasing co-operation between grassroots organizations and has helped enormously to raise consciousness worldwide. Especially worthwhile and noteworthy was the action in 1978 during the International Anti-Apartheid Year and in 1982 during the International Year for the Mobilization of Sanctions against South Africa. The United Nations Centre against Apartheid under the wing of the Special Committee has contributed a constant flow of invaluable documentation. The Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement is proud to have been associated with many of these and to have made particular contribution towards the efforts to achieve prisoner-of-war status for captured combatants and towards securing acceptance that South Africa is an illegitimate rigime. In this the Irish Anti- Apartheid Movement has recently obtained several thousand signatures to a petition to free Nelson Mandela. Only a few days ago, we sent a delegation to the International Conference in Solidarity with the Front-line States at Lisbon. After years of campaigning on our part, we are happy to report that the Irish Government has decided to prepare legislation to ratify the International Convention for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. It was not that previous Governments did not want to ratify the convention. It was rather that it was not too high on their list of priorities. The coumitment to introduce legislation was given to a delegation of our members by our Foreign Minister a couple of weeks ago. At this point I should like to say a little about our modus operandi. We endeavour to put our views before successive governments, in particular to successive foreign ministers and to the Department of Foreign Affairs, with which we maintain close contact.

- 57 - We have established an informal grouping of Members of Parliament who are sympathetic to our cause. We also have close links with the Irish trade union movement and with university students where the movement is reasonably strong. Through Members of Parliament and trade unions, we can exercise some pressure when supporting organizations, for example, travel to South Africa or attempt to bring South African teams to Ireland. We organize public meetings, lectures on occasions like the Sharveville Day. We place pickets on institutions which trade with South Africa. We organize protest marches when Irish rugby players, for example, travel to South Africa. By means of leaflets, letters to the papers, we try to persuade people to boycott South African goods. Over the years we nave been successful in persuading successive Governments to forbid state bodies from trading with South Africa. We have had members of the liberation movements and of the African National Congress and SWAPO, for example, to give public lectures in Ireland and to be interviewed by the press. The violence of the South African Government has not abated but is on the increase, extending beyond its own frontiers to neighbouring States. The problem of Namibia seems no nearer a solution, even though a special factfinding committee sent to Namibia earlier last year by the bishops of South Africa found convincing evidence of overwhelming support for SWAPO if a free election under supervision of the United Nations were to take place. Which brings me to a point of some potential importance which has been mentioned by other speakers - that is the growing commitment and indeed militancy in sections of some of the churches against apartheid and against the violence of the South African Government. This, I know, is something that interests Mr. Reddy very much and he rightly feels that it is a factor of great importance and something to be encouraged and helped. Incidentally, the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement is happy to congratulate Mr. Reddy on his recent promotion to Assistant SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations, recognition of his own personal achievements on behalf of South Africa. Here indeed, Mr. Reddy is Mr. South Africa. And it is a matter of immense gratification that you, Mr. Chairman and Mr. Reddy have been awarded the Joliot-Curie gold medal of the World Peace Council. You, Mr. Chairman, said yesterday that in your eyes the medal given you was given to the Special Committee rather than to yourself. This was a generous acknowledgement on your part of the workd of your colleagues. However, it must also be said that if the Committee did not have the privilege of the able and inspiring leadership of yourself,

- 58 - Mr. Chairman, and of Mr. Reddy, the medals would not have been awarded. The honour indeed is for you and for Mr. Reddy. That said, one can go on to say that of course the Committee has been honoured too. And, further, that we of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement and indeed all non-governmental organizations throughout the world with which the Committee has established such close relationships, all of them feel honoured too. If there seems to be a certain inconsistency there, as an Irishman that is my privilege. Mr. Oscar Wilde once said that inconsistency is the last wreckage of the mediocre. That one can say this is a further illustration of the close solidarity which your Committee has created between you and all of us around the world who work for the same just cause, the freedom of oppressed and oppressors in South Africa, freedom from the chains that bind them together to the immense time-bomb of the oppressors, fear, greed and guilt and the oppressed people's suffering, bitterness and resehtment. 10. Mr. Sean MacBride, President, International Peace Bureau, Nobel Peace Prize and Lenin Peace Prize Winner, former United Nations Commissioner for Namibia 13/ Mr. MacBride, former Secretary-General of the International Commission of Jurists, former President of Amnesty International, former United Nations Commissioner for Namibia and sole recipient of both the Nobel Peace Prize and the Lenin Peace Prize, noted that the Special Committee, of all United Nations Committees, was the one whose work had been the mot useful and constructive. He was therefore pleased that the World Peace Council had awarded the JoliotCurie Medal to the Chairman of the Special Committee as well as to the Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid, who had shown by his work against apartheid that he was the most effective official of the United Nations.

- 59 - The world was now undergoing a period of decadence in which massacres and genocide had become the rule rather than the exception. Faced with that situation, the peoples of the world were right to be astonished at the absence of any reaction on the part of the United Nations and of Governments in general, particularly in the face of the acts of terrorism systematically perpetrated by South Africa, frequently with the connivance of certain leading Powers. He was particularly surprised that five NATO Powers, which had previously been interested in southern Africa only for the profits which they could extract from it, had come to intervene between South Africa and the United Nations, thereby usurping the functions of the United Nations Council for Namibia, the only body authorized to speak on behalf of Namibia. The members of that contact group all had interests in South Africa - the United States and Great Britain, whose investments were known to everyone; the Federal Republic of Germany, which collaborated closely with South Africa in its efforts to acquire a nuclear capability; and France, which sold arms to it. He suggested that the United Nations should resume the negotiations and ask the five Powers to stop intervening in behalf of South Africa and to stop exploiting the Namibian and South African peoples. Plans must also be made at the requisite time to recover the resources which certain Western Powers had managed to extract from Namibia. It was no secret that most Namibian uranium left Namibia on board British or French planes or ships and was illegally purchased by South Africa in. clear violation of the decree adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia. It was high time to take steps to ensure that the decree, whose status as an instrument of international law in due and proper form and with binding force could not be denied, was strictly respected. It was also high time to stop confining oneself to verbal support for the peoples of southern Africa when they were b~ing massacred and to envisage the possibility of taking legal action in respect of the many acts of genocide and terrorism perpetrated by the South African forces, often with the tacit, if not active, support of some States Members of the United Nations. Finally, he wished to pay homage to the memory of the Reverend John Collins, whose work in behalf of the liberation of the South African people saved the honour of Great Britain. C. Statements made at the 520th meeting on 31 March 1983 1. Mr. Abraham Ordia, President of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa I must first express profound gratitude and appreciation for the honour and privilege given me to be present at this birthday party - the 20th anniversary celebration of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid. South Africa's inhuman racial policy of apartheid or "separate development" is diametrically opposed to the policy and practice of racial equality and human dignity. The system is essentially designed to perpetuate, regardless of individual merit, the privileged position - political, economic and social of South Africans of European origin who represent about one fifth of the population of the country.

- 60 - Under apartheid, the freedom of movement and the political and socioeconomic rights of non-whites are sharply curtailed. Most of the land is set aside for the white minority. Africans are kept apart; the reserves assigned to them constitute less than 13 percent of the territory. Apartheid is the corner-stone of South Africa's economic as well as political structure; industries and business firms, owned mainly by whites and foreiga interests benefit from apartheid. They earn large profits through the exploitation of Africans whose land and natural resources have been taken from them and who toil at poverty-level wages, providing the cheap labour on which South Africa's economy depends. The leaders of South Africa's governing party have argued that races must be separated and points of contact minimized in order to avoid conflict, permit so called "separate development" of the different groups and perpetuate white control and domination over "non-white races which are at a less-developed stage of civilization". Racial classification determines where persons may live, how they may live, what work they do and what pay they may receive, what sort of education they may receive, what political right, if any, they may enjoy, whom they may love, whom they marry, the extent of social, cultural and recreational and sports facilities open to them and, generally, the extent of the freedom of their action and movement. The law of the country determines whom you may practise your sport with. How long can the world community continue to appear to condone a system which constitutes a slap in the face of millions of non-white people who have no means of changing the colour of their skin and to whom apartheid is a gross insult and denial of basic human dignity the more so when it is considered that non- white people constitute by far the greater.portion of the world's population? It is conceded that there is racial discrimination in many countries; but it is only in South Africa that the Government has both resolutely set its face against racial tolerance and has adopted racial discrimination as its declared official policy, and that, for many years. Nowhere else in the world are such policies so long- standing, so complete, so heartless, so harsh, so severe and so cruel as they are in South Africa. Racial discrimination, which the South African Government has chosen to call "separate development or apartheid", has been legally structured as the framework in which the whole of South African society is ordered. It is not surprising therefore that this state of affairs should have engaged the attention of the United Nations for more than a quarter of a century. Nor is it surprising that the abhorrent system of apartheid has been internationally condemned as a grave breach of the fundamental human rights guaranteed by the United Nations Charter and United Nations Members are constantly called upon collectively and individually to condemn it and do all they can to deny it support, aid and comfort.

- 61 - The United Nations did not stop there. Twenty years ago, that is In 1963, it established its Special Committee against Apartheid with a Centre at the United Nations under a Director (nov Assistant SecretaryGeneral) and his staff. This is a very bold step for which the democratic world t very grateful. The United Nations also chose the right Director (now Assistant Secretary-General) in the person of Mr. E.S. Reddy. Mr. Reddy has earned the respect and affection of thousands of people all over the world. His excellent inter-personal relations, his modesty, industry and total dedication and devotion to the cause make the Centre one of the formidable and effective divisions of the United Nations. The Centre has been and continues to be an important source of Information to us and other anti-apartheid groups in countries around the world. It also serves as a useful and convenient co-ordination centre for International action. Nigeria has, for four consecutive periods/provided the Chairmanship of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid. We wish to pay tribute to the current Chairman, His Excellency, Ambassador Alhaji Ysuff aitama-Sule and the Assistant Secretary-General, Mr. E.S. Reddy for significant achievements. We must also remember with gratitude the good works of the former Chairmen. Notwithstanding the unanimous condemnation by the widest strata of the international community and world public opinion, the minority racist roigime in Pretoriasupported by some Western Powers, who are themselves members of the United Nations, brutally violating numerous United Nations decisions, have proceeded still more brutally, arrogantly and defiantly to impose and to implement apartheid on the peoples of southern Africa. The sports and cultural boycott and isolation of South Africa must be rigorously enforced. But we ara meeting with criminal resistance. South Africa, supported by her Western allies, has become desperate. Millions of dollars are being spent on propaganda and in de-isolation by the incredibly high fees paid to hire mercenary sportsmen from all over the world. I regret to say that they also use some opportunists and inordinately ambitious agents and some disgruntled elements among our own people who because of money, position and lust for power, sow the seed of discord and disintegration. This state of affairs makes our work extremely difficult and dangerous. Some of us have not only been listed as targets but have been victims of the activities of these evil agents. Nonetheless, the struggle continues and no amount of persecution will deter us. Mr. Chairman, members of the United Nations Special Comittee against Apartheid, Mr. Assistant Secretary-General, I wish# once again, to thank you for the opportunity given me to join you in celebrating this 20th birthday anniversary of our Committee and to wish it many happy returns.

- 62,- 2. Mr. J.Dennis Akumu, Secretary-General, Organization of African Trade Union Unity 14/ Mr. Aknmu endorsed the points made at an earlier meeting by Mr. MacBride concerning possible steps against those Members of the United Nations which, although evidently aware of resolutions on South Africa and Namibia, set themselves up as brokers and supporters of apartheid. The members of the "Contact Group!' were South Africa's agents - the Special Committee must be clear on that point. While the Special Committee talked, the wealth of Namibia was being plundered. Something had to be done. Africa sought retribution against those who were looting Namibia. An international tribmal should be set up to prosecute the crimes against humanity being committed in southern Africa. Perhaps it was not within the powers of the Special Committee to take actions overnight, but steps towards the establishment of a tribunal should begin forthwith. The Committee had done a commendable job in mobilizing world opinion against apartheid. Thanks to its efforts, the trade union movement was becoming aware of the similarity between apartheid and nazism. Workers in southern Africa were also becoming aware of the similarity, and that was most important. A recent trade union meeting of the front-line States had resulted in agreement that the unions in those States would co-operate in supporting efforts by their Governments to disengage their countries economically from South Africa and join in the struggle against apartheid. The unions were committed to isolating South Africa politically, and ensuring that its agents had no international platform to speak from. He looked forward to the Implementation of the programme adopted at the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, which would put greater pressure on the racist regime and its partners to change their policies. In recent weeks, a number of trade union leaders had been arrested in one of the South African puppet States. Some of them were facing trial and might be sentenced to death. South Africa yet again had sent bandits to attack Lesotho. South Africa had recently received its first nuclear reactor from France, and had been granted substantial international loans depsite opposition from the United Nations, and the African Group in particular. Every effort to impose sanctions on South Africa was opposed in the Security Council by three of the permanent members, which supported the regime in its repression of the peoples of southern Africa and its intimidation and subjugation of the neighbouring States. There were indications that racism was being institutionalized by the permanent members in question: the new British Iigration Act was a case in point. It was hardly surprising, therefore, that South Africa felt no remorse. It shared the philosophy of racism with its allies. The Special Committee, accordingly, should come out strongly in favour of armed struggle by the liberation movements against the apartheid regime, and should call on the United Nations and specialized agencies to provide practical support for the liberation movements. Efforts must be made to refute the view that the liberation movements were terrorist organizations. The current double standard could not be tolerated. Why was Barbie, the Nazi, being punished for crimes he had comitted 40 years previously, when the misdeeds of South Africans and the massacres by the Zionists in the Sabra and Shatila camps were going unpunished? Evidently, the racists in South Africa enjoyed the support of racists in the White House and racists in Whitehall. Countries like Cuba must be contratulated for protecting such States as Angola against aggression from South Africa with the connivance of the United States and other countries. He hoped that such progressive Governments

- 63 - would continue to supply material and logistic support. 3. H.E. Mr. Abdel-Rahman Abdalla, Permanent Representative of the Sudan to the United Nations Thank you for giving me the opportunity to deliver a message from His Excellency, Gafaar Mohamed Nimeiri, President of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid. The message of the President reads as follows and I quote: "On behalf of the people of the Democratic Republic of the Sudansand in my own behalf, I wish on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee against Apartheid, to extend to you our warmest greetings and appreciation for the outstanding role played by the Special Committee in mobilizing international opinion against the Inhoman nature of the apartheid rigime and the threats posed by the obnoxious form of racism to international peace and security. I would also like to convey to you my own congratulations and those of the people of the Sudan for the well deserved recognition given to you and the Assistant SecretaryGeneral, Mr. Reddy, yesterday by the World Peace Council when it bestowed on you the highestaaward of the Joliot-Curie Medal. I believe that such an award portrays the recognition by the large world cmunity of your leadership of the anti-apartheid Committee as well as recognition of Nigeria's commitment to the cause of thettotal eradication of racial discrimination. As a country which enjoys strong and long-standing fraternal relations with your own, we are proud of you and your statesmanship in discharging the mandate of the Committee In defence of human dignity, freedom and equality for the people of South Africa. The outstanding actions taken in this Counittee in support of the legitimate struggle of the South African people to eliminate the inhuman system of apartheid and to exercise the inalienable rights have widened the international awareness of the horrors and crimes of apartheid. "As a member of the Special Committee the Sudan would avail itself of this opportunity to renew the commitment and the dedication of the people of the Sudan and the Government to the cause of total elimination of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa and pledge their support for the heroic and legitimate struggle of the brave people of Azania and Namibia for independence, self-determination and the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination. Let them be rest assured that their struggle will inevitably be crowned with victory." On behalf of the President and the people of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan, I thank you.

- 64 - 4. Mr. N.J. Makatini, Observer, African National Congress 15/ Mr. Makatini apologized for the absence of Hr. Joe Jele, International Secretary of ANC, who was to have addressed the Committee but had been unable to do so because of problems encountered in obtaining a visa to enter the United States. Turning to the twentieth anniversary of the first meeting of the Special Committee, he said that ANC was grateful for the efforts of Mr. Reddy, Assistant Secretary-General of the Centre against Apartheid, to expose the evils of apartheid ever since the establishment of the Special Committee. The twentieth anniversary provided an opportunity to make an objective assessment of the gains made, to identify the obstacles and to work out new 4trategies for a more effective campaign to isolate the racist rogme. In that connexion, he proposed that the statement from the President of ANC, which had been read out at the previous meeting, should be circulated to members of the Committee. For the people of South Africa, the creation of the Special Committee had been preceded by historic developments, including the first Security Council meeting to condemn apartheid and the stance taken by the United Nations General Assembly in calling on all Member States to sever dilomatic ties with the apartheid regime. That had been followed by the creation of a group of experts to examine the feasibility of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions, and its recommendations had been in favour of such sanctions. There had then been a series of resolutions reflecting an overall consensus in support of sanctions. The Special Committee had gone on to achieve more Important objectives and had put to rest forever the South African protest that United Nations concern with apartheid and its activities constituted interference in the domestic affairs of a Member State. The General Assembly had declared the apartheid regime to be illegitimate and had recognized that the liberation movement was the genuine representative of the people of South Africa and that apartheid was indeed the responsibility of the United Nations. By its resolution 34/93 A, the General Assembly had reaffirmed the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African people by all means, including armed struggle, to eliinate apartheid. It had also committed all Member States against armed intervention to support or protect the apartheid rdgine. Most important, the Special Committee had constantly called for mandatory and comprehensive sanctions against South Africa. The twentieth anniversary of the Special Committee was particularly timely since it came shortly after the important International Conference in Solidarity with the Front-line States, which had recently been held in Portugal - a country that once had been part of an unholy alliance with South Africa and Southern Rhodesia - and shortly before the anniversary of the victory of the Portuguese people against fascism. It also coincides with the anniversary of the death of Mr. Solomon Mahlangu, who had been hanged by the South African authorities in defiance of world public opinion, the twentieth anniversary of the Organization of African Unity and the one hundredth anniversary of the Berlin Conference, at which the Western countries had carved up Africa. It was a time for a reassessment of the situation and rededication of efforts to ensure that world public feeling against apartheid was transformed into concrete action by progressive mankino, just as mankind had made common cause against Nazi Germany.

- 65 - The apartheid rigime's bogus reforms and so-called peace moves were simply a smokescreen for the preparation and Implementation of the systematic policy of aggression against neighbouring States. It had attempted to justify its recent aggression against Lesotho by arguing that it had been a pre-emptive strike against ANC military bases. However, no ANC member in Lesotho carried so much as a pistol. The apartheid regime's definition of a military base was any building used by members of ANC and was in line with the rigie's decision to extend its defence parameters to include all of Africa, thus giving itself the right to interfere in all States. Stressing the danger that the r'gime represented to world peace and security, he said that it was armed with the most sophisticated weapons of mass destruction, which were either provided by its economic allies in the West or manufactured under licences from those countries. The r~gine was bent on stepping up both Its policy of oppression within South Africa and its unprovoked aggression against neighbouring States. It threatened any neighbouring State that "harboured ARC terrorists" - in other words, all those States that wished to grant political refuge to opponents of apartheid in accordance with United Nations resolutions and conventions on refugees. Its hit squads in the region were active and had inflicted many casualties on ANC. The rigime's aggression against Seychelles, where there was not a single member of ANC, testified to its global strategy of aggression against the region, which was part of the role that the Western States wished to see it fulfil in Africa. Indeed, it was now the foremost producer of arms in the southern hemisphere and the tenth in the world. He was deeply concerned by the encouragement the apartheid regime received from Washington, which embraced it as a friend and an ally of the United States. Emulating Israel's strategy in the Middle East, it had recently publicly admitted Its readiness to support counter-revolutionary armed bandits to topple the majority rule Governments of the front-line States, a position that was encouraged by Washington, whose policy was to reward those States that befriended South Africa and to punish those that aided ANC and SWAPO. Just like Israel, South Africa negotiated agreements while stepping up aggression. ANC had joined forces with SWAPO to fight the common enemy since the two struggles were now part of the overall battle for the security of Africa. He supported the proposals made by the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Trade Union Unity that the Special Committee should actively support armed struggle in South Africa, particularly since the General Assembly had recognized the legitimacy of all forms of struggle. He also supported Hr. Sean MacBride's suggestion that an international tribunal should be established to address the position of those who actively collaborated with the apartheid regime. As far as sport and culture were concerned, the regime was using its blood money to lure famous artists to South Africa in order to overcome its isolation. It was therefore essential to honour those who had turned down lucrative sums to visit South Africa, since such an approach would make it possible to reach out to their fans as well. He paid tribute to those countries that had taken action against mercenary cricketers who had toured South Africa. In conclusion, he supported the high-level mission to the front-line States and felt that it should be followed by international action to step up economic and material support to those States to help them improve their defence capabilities.

- 66 - 5. Mr. Glenn Fubler, Anti-Apartheid Group, Bermuda The Anti-Apartheid Group of Bermuda is honoured to be represented at this 20th anniversary meeting of the Special Cmmittee against Apartheid. We are sure that this historic session will play some part in strengthening the international anti-apartheid movement. We see our role as being one of dealing with one of the smaller links in a proverbial chain. However, since every link is important to that chain, we consider our task as being vital. We should note that our small island provides a base of operation for capital being funnelled out of South Africa to North America. Our - Government provides a conduit for Anglo-Aerican, South Africa's mining colossus, among others who channel profits earned off the backs of the victims of apartheid to other parts of the world. With such a presence in our small island home you can be sure that South Africa's financial interests are well represented in the corridors of power in Bermuda. In spite of this, the people of Bermuda are showing Increasingly that they are prepared to act in solidarity with the South African people. This growing grassroots support has been demonstrated by thirtynine parliamentarians out of 50 signing a petition calling for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. As a result of a campaign to r&ise funds for victims of apartheid, we collected some$US 30,000 which was matched by the Government of Bermuda. The $60,000 was channelled via the World Council of Churches to refugee programs set up by ANC, PAC and SWAPO. These gains have been achieved by our links internationally, notably with the Special Committee, the Anti-Apartheid Movement of Britain and former U.S. Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm who boosted our fundraising effort. The brutal apartheid system is only maintained by its international links. This has been pointed up recently with revelations of that racist rigime being aided in developing a nuclear warfare capability. It is only through international solidarity with the people of South Africa that they will be able to smash the barbaric system oppressing them, so that they can build a promising future for their up-coming generations. 6. Hr. Vassos Lyssarides, Secretary-General, International Committee against Apartheid, Racism and Colonialism in Southern Africa 16/ Mr. Lyssarides said that he shared the general frustration at the lack of effective means for implementing United Nations resolutions on South Africa, and felt that it was necessary to confront the forces that were inhibiting the will of the people. The Special Committee must therefore express its support for the armed struggle. Stressing that the racist rigime could not survive

- r7 - without the co-operation of Western States, he said that it was essential to expose the hypocrisy of those Governments and to mobilize national opinion to pressure them into complying with the relevant United Nations resolutions. In Namibia, the projection of puppet leaders was aimed at bypassing the implementation of the United Nations decisions on democratic elections and at creating a sophisticated bantustanization with those puppet leaders as proxies. Lack of quick and effective measures would result in more bloodshed but would not frustrate the inevitable success of thearmed struggle. The linkage attempted by the Reagan Administration constituted an effort to help the racist regime perpetuate its rule and serve multinational foreign interests. In South Africa itself, the so-called improvements in the situation were a mockery designed to offer pretexts to the supporters of the racist r4gime. He agreed with the President of ANC that the people of South Africa were fighting not for an amelioration of discriminatory conditions but for people's rule and real democracy. The front-line States, whose only crime was their adherence to United Nations resolutions, were being constantly subjected to criminal attacks by the racist regime. The recent International Conference in Solidarity with the Front- line States, held at Lisbon, had adopted a series of resolutions and a programme of action which he would make available to the Special Committee. He believed that the co-operation of non-governmental organizations with the Special Committee would be very effective in creating the conditions to eliminate a state of affairs which was an offence to human dignity. An organized programe of action, involving both Governments and non-governmental organizations, could contribute considerably to the collapse of the racist regime. His organization was committed to work with the Special Committee for the success of their common goal. 7. Ms. Carol SOmplatsky-Jarman, Director, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsbility 17/ Ms. Somplatsky-Jarman said that the churches belonging to the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility focused their efforts on educating the United States public about issues relating to South Africa and the role played by United States banks and corporations in strengthening white minority rule in South Africa and Namibia. Over the past decade, United States' churches had used their investment to challenge economic support for apartheid with scores of banks and companies. Foreign investment in South Africa was helping to cushion the Government of that country from the need to bring about real change. In fact, United States corporations operating in South Africa were being encouraged by the Government to form white work place militias that could be mobilized in an emergency. Furthermore, in a letter dated 15 December 1982 from the American Chamber of Commerce in South Africa to the Ministry of Industries and Tourism of South Africa, the voice of United States corporate activity in South Africa had indicated that the mere perception among United States Congressmen of genuine change in South Africa had staved off disinvestment legislation. That letter also referred to the legislators in such States as Connecticut, Mi-chigan

- 68 - and Massachusetts, in which disinvetstment legislation had been enacted, as "ill- informed". Moreover, it admitted to a "productive" relationship between United States and South African business circles, obviously ignoring the effect on the black majority in South Africa. 8. Mrs. Phyllis Altman, Director, International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (London) 18/ Mrs. Altman said that the Special Committee had done more than any other body to expose the true nature of apartheid and alert the entire world to the dangers of that system. In South Africa every aspect of the lives of the black people was subject to rigorous and brutal control, and failure to comply with the pass laws resulted in arrest, imprisonment, heavy fines or deportation In 1984 that legislation would be made more stringent, and the Administration Boards, which were responsible for black townships in the cities, had already been given extensive powers relating to the provision of employment and accommodation for black workers and their dependants. Officials of those boards had already carried out massive raids in black townships and in squatter camps to search out, arrest and charge "illegal residents". In 1982, 206,022 black men, women and children had been arrested under the pass regulations, a figure that represented an increase of 27 per cent in comparison with the figure for 1981 and an increase of 90 per cent in comparison with the figure for 1980. Moreover, in the period from 1976 to 1979, in the normal course of their duties, not while dealing with civil unrest, the police had shot dead 718 persons, including 40 juveniles, and wounded 1,851 persons, including 150 juveniles. In the course of those same four years, 978 members of the police force had been convicted on charges ranging from common assault to assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm, culpable homicide and murder. However, only 48 of those police officers had been discharged from the police force. Furthermore, it should not be forgotten that six members of ANC were facing execution because they had fought to end the apartheid system. The Labour Relations Amendment Act was designed to extend control of worker's organizations. However, the disenfranchised and dispossessed people of South Africa were demonstrating,protesting and defying such laws and regulations, and the number of armed confrontations within South Africa had increased to such an extent that the South African regime had no choice but to try to conceal the facts and increasingly to silence the press. 9. Mr. P.N. Haksar, All India Peace and Solidarity Organization 19/ Mr. Haksar said that, although the human spirit was on the march everywhere, the consciousness of mankind was not easily aroused and there was little reaction to the widespread moral corruption and human suffering in the world. That state of affairs was largely due to the fact that the cold war had distorted the world's perception of right and wrong. The international community should not allow its attention to be diverted from what was happening in South Africa. The South African regime had no future and the deprived and dispossessed peoples of southern Africa would ultimately triumph.

- 69 - 10. Hr. Jim Gale, Co-ordinator, Cmppaign against Racial Exploitation, Australia 20/ Hr. Gale said that the struggle being waged by SWAPO In Namibia and ANC freedom-fighters in South Africa provided the international community with an example of courage and sacrifice. The Campaign against Racial Exploitation, Australia, was working to draw together the many strands of opposition to apartheid in Australia, and it was greatly assisted by the Special Committee in carrying out its activities. The Goverment of South Africa was making a determined effort to influence Australian public opinion and the policy of the Government of Australia in many fields. Furthermore, white South Africans were looking to Australia as a place of refuge. However, in Australia the recent election of a Labour Government has improved the prospects for anti-apartheid activities. The new Prime Minister had already indicated that he intended to pursue the anti- apartheid policies begun by the previous Labour Government in 1972, and the new Minister for Foreign Affairs of Australia had already spoken to the Ambassador of South Africa to Australia, criticizing statements the Ambassador had made in Australia. Decent-minded Governments represented at the United Nations should write to the new Prime Minister of Australia, congratulating him on his statement of intent and urging him to consider specific practical measures to combat apartheid. So far, one of the weaknesses of the position of the Govermment of Australia on the question of South Africa had been the failure to recognize the need for armed struggle in the particular circumstances prevailing in South Africa. Governments and non-governmental organizations must improve worldwide co- ordination of their anti-apartheid activities and also expose the financial underpinning of the apartheid State. Relevant research must be intensified and dissemination of information about South Africa mut be stepped up. Anti- apartheid campaigns invwhich ordinary people could participate should be organized, and the long-standing boycotts of South African products should be intensified. In the field of sport,te anti-apartheid movements shoild promote the establishment of a link between sports sponsors and the relevant sporting events. In cases whe: it was decided that players should be boycotted, the sponsors should also be boycotted. Furthermore, steps should be taken to complete the drafting of a United Nations convention on apartheid in sport. 11. Mr. John Minto. National Chairman, HART: The New Zealand AntiApartheid Movement 21/ Mr. Kinto said that the Special Committee had played a vital role in co-ordinating the international campaign to is&late South Africa. As the apartheid regime becamef more sophisticated in its attempts to retain contact with the outsdde world so the role of the Special Committee increase in importance. HART's contribution to the struggle against apartheid had focused on New Zealand's sports contacts with South Africa. Recent developments on the

- 70 - international sports scene were causing it grave concern. The cricket tours to South Africa from Sri Lanka and the West Indies had dealt a severe blow to the boycott campaign. The indications were that such contacts would increase; indeed, New Zealand's top cricketer was reportedly considering an offer to play in South Africa provided the price was right. Such tours - necessitated precisely because of the success of efforts to isolate South Africa - were chipping away at the advances that had been made and must be discontinued. Turning to the attitude of the New Zealand Government, he pointed out that when the Permanent Representative of New Zealand to the United Nations had noted, in 1981, that New Zealand had the largest anti-apartheid demonstwations in the world outside of South Africa, he had failed to mention that the protests had been necessitated because of the Government's policy towards South Africa and that the protesters had been brought to trial and convicted. New Zealand was currently experiencing a major onslaught of South African propaganda from three of its own Members of Parliament who had Just returned from an all-expenses-paid trip to South Africa at the invitation of the Government. Although they acknowledged having found some. aspects of South African law which they did not like, their overall message was that apartheid was changing and that the boycott shoild be called off. The Minister for Foreign Affairs was the only Government official who had sought to dissuade then from going. The Prime Minister had expressed support for the visit and, when called on by HART to dissociate the Government from the pro-apartheid statements of the returning Members of Parliament, he had refused to do so, thereby giving great comfoss to the apartheid regime and contradicting his frequently expressed condemnations of apartheid. The Government's real attitude toward aparthkid had further been demonstrated by its refusal to permit HART to send the $5,000 it had raised in 1982 to help SWAPO - because of the slogan HART had adopted for that purpose "put a soldier in the field" - and by the Prime Minister's recent comment to the effect that the Gleneagles Agreement had not been affected by the Commonmalth Games Federation's Code of Conduct, a statement which would do nothing to assist in the acceptance and practical adoption of that code. The Prime Minister continued to attack HART merely because that organization refused to be bullied and told the facts as they were. That attitude was bound to affect the campaign to isolate South Africa. There was no reason to think that the New Zealand Rugby Union would not proceed with its planned tour of South Africa in 1985. Noting that the French and English rugby teams were scheduled to tour South Afrtea in 1983 and 1984 respectively, he said that urgent international action was needed to prevent the tours. Strong pressure must be brought to bear on the respective Governments. The Special Committee could do much to assist in that regard for example, by sending a delegation to the French Government to express the opposition of the international community to the French rugby union's plans. Ottlinftg HART's future plans, he said that a national conference was being organized to launch a campaign to stop the 1985 All Blacks tour of South Africa, and that efforts were being made to counter South African propaganda by renewing the campaign to oust the South African consul and by updating kits on Npartheid fntended ;or schczis. It was hoped that the Centre

- 71 - against Apartheid would be able to assist in that regard. It was also continuing to raise money for the liberation movements. Efforts to induce the only New Zealand company with investments in South Africa to withdraw those Investments had finally succeeded and efforts were currently being made to halt the importation of South African wines into New Zealand. HART was also starting an anti-raciss offensive which would be launched in May with debates at all levels of the New Zealand community. Finally, on behalf of the HART he invited the Special Committee to send a delegation to New Zealand in order to help counteract the South African. propaganda and to explain the Special Committee's position for the benefit of the Government and people of New Zealand. 12. Mr. Assim RirayAh Afro-Asian People's SolLdatty Organization 22/ Mr. Elrayah commended the Special Committee on its outstanding work noting, at the same time, that much remained to be done. The struggle against apartheid constituted a major part of the work of his organization. The proclamation of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination had greatly helped to promote solidarity in the struggle against apartheid and the designation of 1982 as Ifternational Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, had again demonstrated the comitment of the international community to the struggle. That commitment should be renewed. He looked forward in that connexion to the international conference which was scheduled for the end of 1983 to evaluate the results of activities carried out during the Decade. 13. Ms. Jeanne Woods, National Anti-Imperialist Movement in Solidarity with African Liberation (NAINSAL) 23/ Ms. Woods congratulated the Special Committee on its success in advancing the struggle for freedom in southern Africa and, in particular, for leading the fight for mandatory comprehensive sanctions against the racist rigime. NAINSAL had just launchdd a campaign to secure 1 million signatures for a demand for the complete isolation of the apartheid 'gIne. By so doing, it had linked the struggle of the people of southern Africa **ith the struggles of the masses of American people against racism, imperialism and war with a view to building a mass movament capable of challenging the unholy Reagan/ apartheid alliance. Whereas President Reagan would have the American people believe that to impose sanctions against South Africa would be against the American interest, the opposite was, in fact, the case. The alliance trampled on the basic aspirations of the American people. Thus the fight for sanctions constituted part of khe struggle against Reagan and the forces of oppression in the United States. - 72 - The imperialists knew that mandatory sanctions could undermine the foundations of apartheid and lead to the toppling of the rigime. They knew that the only way to end South African domination of the economies, trade and transport routes of the independent nations of southern Africa and the only way to protect the front-line States against the rigime's attacks was by imposing mandatory sanctions. That was why they continued to fight the imposition of such sanctions. The imperialists were seeking to recolonize Africa and to reverse the tide of history. It was essential to see that they did not succeed. NAIMSAL's campaign for 1 million signatures was an important part of the overall strategy. One million voices would certainly be heard by both the United States and the South African regimes. The struggle against apartheid was part of the struggle to preserve democracy and to avert nuclear war. People in the United States must open a second front comparable to that which had led to the defeat of Hitler. According to a recent article in Cape Times of South Africa, the ANC had won powerful support among the black %Asses. It was essential to build up the movement for mandatory comprehensive sanctions so as to destroy the Reagan/apartheid alliance and banish the curse of apartheid from the face of the earth forever. 14. Hr. E.C. Anyaoku, Depmty Secretary-General of the Commonwealth 24/ Hr. Anyaoku, highlighting some of the concerns which had emerged from the statements made in the past two days, said that all the speakers had reaffirmed the evil nature of apartheid and expressed their determination to do everything within their power to eradicate it. Some of the most urgent concerns included implementation of the arms embargo and cessation of the military and nuclear collaboration with South Africa. Particular reference had been made to Security Council resolution 418( 1977) and to the need to encourage the Security Council to see to it that its resolutions were implemented. At the same time general concern had been voiced at the regime's increasing ferocity, not only in its pursuit of the policy of apartheid in Namibia and South Africa but also in its attacks on the front-line States and others, and it had been agreed that as much international assistance must be secured as possible. There also appeared to be a general belief that the Secretary-General should be called on to use the full weight of the United Nations system and his own good offices to see to it that all United Nations resolutions were observed. In that connection he drew attention to the recent remarks mae by the Secretary-General at the conclusion of his tour of Africa concerning the need for the international community to intensify its efforts to bring about full respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and freedom from alien domination and to root out the abhorrent practices of racism and racial discrimination. Every nation should support the SecretaryGeneral in seeing to it that that policy was pursued.

- 73 - Another common theme had been the importance of mobilizing public opinion, particularly in those countries which were collaborating with the apartheid rEgime. Many speakers had emphasized the importance of the United States of America in that regard and had called for increased support of an encouragement to the anti-apartheid and solidarity movements. Another common theme had been the recognition that the international commnity must give more support to the liberation movements in Namibia and South Africa. In conclusion, he said that the general view seemed to be that efforts to secure mandatory economic sanctions must be stepped up since such sanctions were the only real alternative to major armed conflict. 15. H.E. Alhaji Yuiuff Haitama-Sule, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid (Concluding statement) It is a normal practice at sessions of this kind for the Chairman of the Special Committee to make a statement at the end in order to sum up the discussion and draw some conclusions. I hope you will excuse me if I will not even try to do that. We have had the benefit of the presence and participation of some of the greatest, wisest, most determined fighters against apartheid. We have had the benefit of their statements, and of consultations with them between meetings. For me, this session has been - if I may say so - educational. I look forward to receiving and carefully studying the full record of all the statements. I believe my colleagues in the Special Committee would like to do the same, so that we can become even more effective in the discharge of our task. I do not want to make any summing up which will not do justice to the discussion and consultations. The statement made by Chief Anyaoku has brought out some of our most urgent concerns. I am sure that as we proceed to distill the conclusions of this session and the initiatives we need to take, his statement will form a sound basis for our future action.I must, however, respond to all our distinguished guests by pledging that the Special Committee and I will do our utmost with the new inspiration and the guidance we received from them. Some of the participants here have been concerned with racism in South Africa and have been fighting it for two, three, four and even more decades. It has been a long struggle. We have not got tired. If the national liberation movement does not get frustrated or tired, how can we? All of us know that the struggle will be 'even harder in this last stage. But we are determined that this is the final stage of the struggle for victory. There is no going back, no retreat, no let-up. The struggle will be hard not only because the South African racist rgime has acquired enormous economic and military power. But also because it is being supported, openly or secretly, by its big brothers.

- 74 - Let me now be undiplomatic and speak as an African. We face a grave crisis because of the shoatL-sighted and imoral collusion of the Reagan Administration with the South African rdgine. We know the collaboration of other Western countries, Israel and others with South Africa. We have even the cricketers from Sri Lanka and the Caribbean who have betrayed their ancestors by playing in South Africa, being enticed by fabulous amounts of "blood money" from apartheid. But if only the United States Government will stop colluding with raciam, and will support freedom - by being true to their professions - the battle will be won. It will be won with little bloodshed. It will help to salvage a truly non-racial society in South Africa. The whites of South Africa are the adopted sons and daughters of Africa. We will not forsake them. It is the greedy interests in the West who are driving them to suicidal conflict. As an African and as a Moslem, I have, of course, rejected racism and apartheid all my life. But since I became the Chairman of the Special Committee I have really come to know how atrocious apartheid is, and how noble and righteous the liberation movement has been. I thank you for the very kind words many of you said about me. I thank you also for the good words you said about Mr. Reddy. I have admired his help to me, but I did not know he has worked with all of you, and is equally loyal to you, I may even be jealous. I am leaving tonight for Africa. I will go with renewed determination that Africa must get ready for the final struggle to "do or die" and with the conviction that we have many others who will march with us in battle.

- 75 - Notes 1/ See World Peace Council Awards Frederic Joliot-Curie Medal to Chairman Special Committee against Apartheid and Assistant SecretaryGeneral for Centre against Aiartheid (New York, Centre against Apartheid, April 1983). 2/ This statement has been reproduced from the summary record of the meeting. See A/AC. 115/SR.517. 31 Idm. 4/ Idem. 5/ Idem. 6/ Ide. 7/ Idem. 8/ See footnote 1. 9/ Idea. 10/ The statement was read at the meeting by the Chairman of the Special Committee. 11/ This statement has been reproduced from the summary record of the meeting. See A/AC.115/SR.518. 1/ This statement has been reproduced from the summary record of the meet1vg. See AIAC.115/SR.519 13/ Ide. 14/ This statement has been reproduced from the summary record of the meeting. See A/AC. 115/SR. 520. 15/ Idem. 16/ Idem. 17/ Idea. 18/ Idem. 19/ Idea. 20/ Idem. 21/ Idem. 22/ Idea. 23/ Idem. 24/ Idm.