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Nonviolence and Peace Psychology
Nonviolence and Peace Psychology For other titles published in this series, go to www.springer.com/series/7298 Daniel M. Mayton II Nonviolence and Peace Psychology Intrapersonal, Interpersonal, Societal, and World Peace Daniel M. Mayton II Lewis-Clark State College Lewiston ID USA ISBN 978-0-387-89347-1 e-ISBN 978-0-387-89348-8 DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-89348-8 Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg London New York Library of Congress Control Number: 2009922610 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009 All rights reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written permission of the publisher (Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 233 Spring Street, New York, NY 10013, USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identified as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) Foreword The UNESCO constitution, written in 1945, states, “Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed.” This is an appeal for peace psychology. It is a call to understand the values, philoso- phies, and competencies needed to build and maintain intrapersonal, interpersonal, intergroup, and international peace. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
1 Cold War Contested Truth
Cold War Contested Truth: Informants, Surveillance, and the Disciplining of Black Radicalism, 1947-1957 Charisse Burden-Stelly, PhD Africana Studies and Political Science Carleton College [email protected] (510) 717-9000 Introduction During the height of the era of McCarthyism, roughly 1947-1957, Black radicalism was surveilled, disciplined, discredited, and criminalized through a multitude of anticommunist technologies. These included “parallelism,” red-baiting, infiltration, and guilt by association. McCarthyism was constituted by a range of legislation meant to fortify the U.S. security state against the Communist threat, starting with the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, and including the Alien Registration Act of 1940 (commonly known as the Smith Act); the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947 (often referred to as the Taft-Hartley Act); Executive Order 9835 of 1947 (the “Loyalty Order”) and its supersession by Executive Order 10450 in 1953; the Attorney General’s List of Subversive Organizations; and the Internal Security Act of 1950 (also known as the McCarran Act). It was under this legal architecture that scores of activists and scholars who defied Cold War statist pedagogy were indicted, deported, incarcerated, surveilled, and forced underground. This paper uses the examples of the the Peace Information Center (PIC) the Sojourners for Truth and Justice (STJ), and the Council on African Affairs (CAA) to elucidate that career confidential informants, “stool pigeons,” and “turncoats” were instrumental to the Cold War state apparatus’s transmogrification of Black radicals committed to anti-imperialism, anticolonialism, antiracism, peace, and the eradication of economic exploitation into criminals and subversives. Black 1 radicalism can be understood as African descendants’ multivalent and persistent praxis aimed at dismantling structures of domination that sustain racialized dispossession, exploitation, and class-based domination. -
Conspiracy of Peace: the Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956
The London School of Economics and Political Science Conspiracy of Peace: The Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 Vladimir Dobrenko A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 90,957 words. Statement of conjoint work I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by John Clifton of www.proofreading247.co.uk/ I have followed the Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition, for referencing. 2 Abstract This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee. -
Robert A. Karl [email protected] Dickinson Hall 609-258-7249 Princeton University Princeton, NJ 08544
Robert A. Karl [email protected] Dickinson Hall 609-258-7249 Princeton University http://rakarl.com Princeton, NJ 08544 Teaching Princeton University, Department of History Assistant Professor 2010-present Instructor Fall 2009 Dartmouth College, Department of History Visiting Instructor Spring 2007 Publications Book Forgotten Peace: Reform, Violence, and the Making of Contemporary Colombia. Violence in Latin American History series, University of California Press (2017). • Spanish translation, Librería Lerner (forthcoming, 2018). • Reviewed by Choice (Highly Recommended), El Tiempo, NACLA Report on the Americas, ReVista: Harvard Review of Latin America. • Selected as preread for The Nation Travels’ 2017 Colombia tour. Articles “Century of the Exile: Colombia’s Displacement and Land Restitution in Historical Perspective, 1940s–1960s.” Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes 42, no. 3: Land, Justice, and Memory: Challenges for Peace in Colombia (November 2017): 298–319. “Reading the Cuban Revolution from Bogotá, 1957–62,” Cold War History 16, no. 4 (November 2016): 337–358. • Reviewed by H-Diplo. Forthcoming “From ‘Showcase’ to ‘Failure’: Democracy and the Colombian Developmental State in the 1960s,” in State and Nation Making in Latin America and Spain: Rise & Fall of the Developmental State, ed. Miguel A. Centeno and Agustin E. Ferraro. Cambridge University Press (forthcoming, 2018). In Progress “The Politics of Colombian Development in Latin America’s Long 1950s.” State of Impunity: Injustice and Legal Exception in Modern Colombia. Education Harvard University Ph.D., History 2009 Robert A. Karl 2 Dissertation: “State Formation, Violence, and Cold War in Colombia, 1957-1966” Committee: John Womack, Jr. -
The History Problem: the Politics of War
History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement. -
1982 Moscow Independent Peace Group
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1982 Moscow Independent Peace Group Citation: “Moscow Independent Peace Group,” 1982, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jean Stead and Danielle Grunberg, END Special Report, European Nuclear Disarmament and the Merlin Press, 1982. Contributed to NPIHP by Matthew Evangelista. Reproduced with the permission of the Merlin Press, www.merlinpress.co.uk http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113734 Summary: Pamphlet from European Nuclear Disarmament with two first-hand accounts of a Scandinavian women’s peace march through Moscow that visited with an independent Soviet peace group. Includes details on the process and END’s internal debate on how to interact with the emerging movement, along with publications of the peace group itself, Western journalistic sources, official documents, and photographs. Original Language: English Contents: Scan of Original Document ©Jean Stead, Gabrielle Grunberg, 1982 The excerpts from New York Times, The New Yorker and The Guardian reproduced by kind permission. Distributed by The Merlin Press, 3 Manchester Road , London E 14 and END, 227 Seven Sisters Road, London N4. Joint Merlin/END publication. First published November 1982 Printed by Black Rose and set by H. Hems MoicOw's Police ArTeSt FoWlder ofPeace Group ! MOSCOW, I -The arrested a founderAug. (AP) of theUnion's Soviet PQltce cmJy puup today and putindependent him in a peace his wW. fellowpsychiatric l"OUI> mm11enlapital acainst �Mid � �,W- old artistSerae1 who spent timeIn a Batomn, ric 5e'YeD yearspsychiat ago, wula.ken from.baspltaJ the apanment of YuriMedved bv, a fellow group member, after DOOl1 . COUeagues said theshortly police •ccmed bilD of 8el'Y• . -
"The Crisis in the Communist Party," by James Casey
THE CRISIS in the..; COMMUNIST PARTY By James Casey Price IDc THREE ARROWS PRESS 21 East 17th Street New York City CHAPTER I THE PEOPlES FRONT AND MEl'tIBERSHIP The Communist Party has always prided itself on its «line." It has always boasted of being a "revolutionary work-class party with a Marxist Leninist line." Its members have been taught to believe that the party cannot be wrong at any time on any question. Nonetheless, today this Communist Party line has thrown the member ship of the Communist Party into a Niagara of Confusion. There are old members who insist that the line or program has not been changed. There are new members who assert just as emphatically that the line certainly has been changed and it is precisely because of this change that they have joined the party. Hence there is a clash of opinion which is steadily mov ing to the boiling point. Assuredly the newer members are correct in the first part of their contention that the basic program of the Communist Party has been changed. They are wrong when they hold that this change has been for the better. Today the Communist Party presents and seeks to carry out the "line" of a People's Front organization. And with its slogan of a People's Front, it has wiped out with one fell swoop, both in theory and in practice, the fundamental teachings of Karl Marx and Freidrick Engels. It, too, disowns in no lesser degree in deeds, if not yet in words, all the preachings and hopes of Nicolai Lenin, great interpretor of Marx and founder of the U. -
A3299-B8-1-2-001-Jpeg.Pdf
G> ) vl Recording made by Hilda Bernstein, 1j5th March 1973, on her recollections of the South African Peace Movement. I think there were two very important reasons why we started a Peace Movement - at least I was involved with these two reasons The first was a desire to do something about the menacing world situation since the dropping of the nuclear bombs in Japan, to outlaw nuclear weapons and to save the potential world from this terriDleXdisaster it was facing; and the second was the desire to link up any activities on this front in South Africa with some sort of international movement, particularly in South Africa because one is so terribly isolated there from world affairs. This was in the early 1950's, a kind of post-war activity which grew up: people who took an active part in politics in South Africa also of course followed what was happening overseas, inter national affairs as we called it, but a lot of South Africans are very much absorbed with their own problems which are real and near, and everything else seems so far away and nobody cares a damn about it. We felt a necessity to establish this international link. Now during the whole time of its existence the official peace movement in South Africa wasn't officially connected with the World Peace Council, but this was for safety reasons as far as the South African Government was concerned. But unofficially we kept our links with them, and wherever we could we sent people to conferences that were held. -
Japanese Scientists' Critique of Nuclear Deterrence Theory and Its
Japanese Scientists’ Critique of Nuclear Deterrence Theory and Its Influence on Pugwash, 1954–1964 ✣ Akira Kurosaki Japan and Pugwash from a Transnational Perspective In July 1957, 22 scientists from both sides of the Iron Curtain gathered in the quiet village of Pugwash in Nova Scotia to discuss nuclear dangers and ways to establish world peace. This meeting led to the founding of a loose- knit transnational coalition of scientists known later as the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs (Pugwash, for short). During the Cold War, Pugwash provided scientists with a forum to discuss issues related to world peace and security. It also served as an informal communication channel be- tween East and West.1 In 1995, Pugwash, together with its former president and one of its founding members, Joseph Rotblat, won the Nobel Peace Prize “for their efforts to diminish the part played by nuclear arms in international politics and in the longer run to eliminate such arms.”2 As Pugwash’s activities expanded and its participants increased, national groups sprang up in several countries, including Japan. In the late 1950s, the Japanese affiliate was created under the leadership of three prominent theo- retical physicists: Hideki Yukawa (1907–1981), who received the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1949; Sin-Itiro¯ Tomonaga (1906–1979), who received the No- bel Prize in 1965; and Shoichi¯ Sakata (1911–1970). The Japanese branch sent scientists to international Pugwash meetings and kept scientists and citizens in Japan informed about Pugwash activities. In 1962, Yukawa, Tomonaga, and Sakata also established the Kyoto Conference of Scientists (KCS) in line with 1. -
Partment of Political Affairs - Security Council Affairs Division Security Council Practices and Charter Research Branch
ADVANCE VERSION Repertoire of the Practice of the Security Council 20th Supplement 2016-2017 Department of Political Affairs - Security Council Affairs Division Security Council Practices and Charter Research Branch Part III Purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations Repertoire website: http://www.un.org/en/sc/repertoire Repertoire of the Practice of the Security Council ADVANCE VERSION 20th Supplement (2016 – 2017) Contents Introductory note ................................................................................................................. 2 I. The principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples under Article 1, paragraph 2.......................................................................................................................... 3 Note ..................................................................................................................................... 3 A. Decisions relating to Article 1 (2) .................................................................................. 3 B. Constitutional discussion relating to Article 1 (2) ......................................................... 5 C. Invocation of the principle enshrined in Article 1 (2) in other instances ....................... 6 II. Prohibition of the threat or use of force under Article 2, paragraph 4 ........................... 8 Note ..................................................................................................................................... 8 A. Decisions relating to Article -
The South Mrican Communist Party and the Collapse of the Soviet Union
144 MARXISM'S RETREAT FROM AFRICA II lit 51. Angop Document, No.72 (19 Nov. 1990), p.5; Projectos de Teses, p.15. ;\; The South Mrican Communist Party and the jl' H• 52. Africa Economic Digest, Vol.12 (12 Aug. 1991), p.8; Vicki Finkel, 'Angola's Rough Road to Revival', Africa South, No.14 (Sept. 1991), p.12; Financial Times, 26 Sept. Collapse of the Soviet Union ! ·~ 1991. 53. Emanual Carneiro, reported on Radio Nacional de Angola, 16 Nov. 1991, in BBC j , .. ..,.;.> I SWB ME/W0207 A2/1-2 (26 Nov. 1991). STEPHEN ELLIS r·1 54. Angola, Siio Tome and Principe: Country Profile, 1990191 (London: Economist iff! Intelligence Unit, 1990), p.37; Financial Times, 26 Sept, 1991. 11!1 55. Author's interview with Angolan commercial attache, London, Nov. 1989. I!" i.l 56. Angop News Bulletin, No.150 (22 Oct. 1990), p.3, and No.160 (25 April1991), p.17; Facts and Reports, Voi.21(M), 28 June 1991, p.23; Financial Times, 26 Sept. 1991; Angola Economic Notes, Vol.l, No.3 (Oct. 1991), p.l. For 40 years (1950-90) the South African Communist Party (SACP) was banned 57. Jose Eduardo DosSantos, 'There Will be Peace in Southern Africa', World Marxist by a government that represented international communism as the source of all Review, 1989, No.10, p.14. political evil. The conditions of exile go some way to explaining the SACP's 58. Information on Angola's relationship with the communist countries is derived from continuing attachment to Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy. The practical conse Webber, op.