The South Mrican Communist Party and the Collapse of the Soviet Union
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Malibongwe Let Us Praise the Women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn
Malibongwe Let us praise the women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn In 1990, inspired by major political changes in our country, I decided to embark on a long-term photographic project – black and white portraits of some of the South African women who had contributed to this process. In a country previously dominated by men in power, it seemed to me that the tireless dedication and hard work of our mothers, grandmothers, sisters and daughters needed to be highlighted. I did not only want to include more visible women, but also those who silently worked so hard to make it possible for change to happen. Due to lack of funding and time constraints, including raising my twin boys and more recently being diagnosed with cancer, the portraits have been taken intermittently. Many of the women photographed in exile have now returned to South Africa and a few have passed on. While the project is not yet complete, this selection of mainly high profile women represents a history and inspiration to us all. These were not only tireless activists, but daughters, mothers, wives and friends. Gisele Wulfsohn 2006 ADELAIDE TAMBO 1929 – 2007 Adelaide Frances Tsukudu was born in 1929. She was 10 years old when she had her first brush with apartheid and politics. A police officer in Top Location in Vereenigng had been killed. Adelaide’s 82-year-old grandfather was amongst those arrested. As the men were led to the town square, the old man collapsed. Adelaide sat with him until he came round and witnessed the young policeman calling her beloved grandfather “boy”. -
Lies in the Life of 'Comrade Bill'1
LIES IN THE LIFE OF 'COMRADE BILL'1 Baruch Hirson Frank Glass and W H (Bill) Andrews were close friends, both socially and politically. It is not certain when they first became intimate, but they certainly met at the founding conference of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in 1921, where Glass was the youngest delegate. They occupied leading positions in the party and were in constant contact with one another. In 1923/4 Andrews was party secretary, Glass the treasurer and full-time organizer. Both worked in the white trade unions and were the protagonists inside the CPSA for affiliation to the South African Labour Party (SALP). In 1923 the CPSA, reduced in size after the suppression of the general strike of 1922, decided at its annual conference to apply for affiliation to the SALP, only to have its overture rejected. The isolation of the CPSA worsened and, seeking a new initiative, mem bers of the party's Youth League favoured a radical change in policy. Grouped around Eddie Roux and Willie Kalk, they urged party members to seek recruits among black youth and black workers. Some members op posed this policy, others accepted it enthusiastically. In mid-1924 conditions changed in South Africa. General Smuts was defeated in a general election by an alliance of the National and the Labour Parties. This had CPSA support, but the party condemned the entry of Labour into the government. Nonetheless, Glass and Andrews moved that the party apply for affilia tion to the SALP, for the second time. Their approach arose, at least partly, from a letter written from a sanatorium in Yalta by David Ivon Jones, in mid-1924. -
The African National Congress Centenary: a Long and Difficult Journey
The African National Congress centenary: a long and difficult journey RAYMOND SUTTNER* The current political pre-eminence of the African National Congress in South Africa was not inevitable. The ANC was often overshadowed by other organiza- tions and there were moments in its history when it nearly collapsed. Sometimes it was ‘more of an onlooker than an active participant in events’.$ It came into being, as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC)," in $&$", at a time of realignment within both the white and the conquered black communities. In the aftermath of their victory over the Boers in the South African War ($(&&-$&#"), the British were anxious to set about reconciling their former enemies to British rule. This included allowing former Boer territories to continue denying franchise and other rights to Africans, thus disappointing the hopes raised by British under- takings to the black population during the war years. For Africans, this ‘betrayal’ signified that extension of the Cape franchise, which at that time did not discrimi- nate on racial grounds, to the rest of South Africa was unlikely. Indeed, when the Act of Union of $&$# transferred sovereignty to the white population even the Cape franchise was open to elimination through constitutional change—and in course of time it was indeed abolished. The rise of the ANC in context From the onset of white settlement of Africa in $*/", but with particular intensity in the nineteenth century, land was seized and African chiefdoms crushed one by one as they sought to retain their autonomy. The conquests helped address the demand for African labour both by white farmers and, after the discovery of diamonds and gold in $(*% and $((* respectively, by the mining industry.' * I am indebted to Christopher Saunders and Peter Limb for valuable comments, and to Albert Grundlingh and Sandra Swart for insightful discussions. -
135 Newcontree the Birth of Umkhonto We Sizwe: Old And
NEWCONTREE 135 THE BIRTH OF UMKHONTO WE SIZWE: OLD AND NEW SOURCES Vladimir Shubin (Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences) The history of the South African liberation movement is still to be written. Academic books and articles published so far left too many of its pages blank or contain information which can't withstand a scrutiny. Among the bibliographies on the anti-apartheid struggle Peter Limb's "The ANC and the Black Workers in South Africa, 1912-1992" should be singled out as well as books by Thomas Karis and Gail Gerhart. However, no special bibliography on "Umkhonto we Sizwe" (MK) has been compiled so far except for an introductory bibliography prepared by Sandi Ie Schalk and the author for the Conference on the Beginnings of the Armed Struggle in South Africa convened in December 1995 by the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture at the University of the Western Cape. Who took a decision and when? The early history of MK is a subject to controversy. The question of when and how the decision was taken is a subject of debate among academics. Naturally nobody knew this better that the participants themselves but even the evidence of those who participated in the events directly is somewhat contradictory. The possibility of using an armed form of struggle was discussed in Congress Alliance and communist circles immediately after the Sharpeville massacre in March 1960 if not before. The mood was growing that under repressive conditions a position of non- violence was becoming more and more irrelevant. Some people even called it treacherous. -
An Investigation Into Wits University's Public Roles and Responsibilities, 1922
Do not reference/cite without permission [email protected] Rehana Thembeka Odendaal WITS IMAGINED: AN INVESTIGATION INTO WITS UNIVERSITY’S PUBLIC ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES, 1922 - 1994 Rehana Thembeka Odendaal / ODNREH001 A dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Arts in Historical Studies Faculty of the Humanities University of Cape Town University of2019 Cape Town COMPULSORY DECLARATION This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. Signature: Date: 20 November 2019 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived fromTown it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive licenseof granted to UCT by the author. University Please notify the author of the use of this research for educational or publication purposes: [email protected] Abstract: This thesis examines the public roles and responsibilities of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in the period 1922-1994. It does this through a close investigation of four moments in the history of the University, namely the foundation of Wits (1910s and 1920s); early debates about the entry of Black staff and students (1930s and 1940s); the Academic Freedom protests (starting in the mid-1950s) and the formation of the Wits History Workshop (from 1977 to the early 1990s). -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
In July, 1953, a Memorial to Johannes Nkosi, South Africa's First Revolutionary Martyr, Was Unveiled in a Simple but Moving Ceremony at Stellawood Cemetery, Durban
Underground Resistance and Armed Struggle 231 Underground Resistance and Armed Struggle 231 Editorial Note: In July, 1953, a memorial to Johannes Nkosi, South Africa's first revolutionary martyr, was unveiled in a simple but moving ceremony at Stellawood cemetery, Durban. Nkosi's mother, Mrs Jacobina Nkosi, over 80 years old, was amongst those present. Many messages were received from all parts of the Union, including the following: DOCUMENT 100: Message from Moses M Kotane, Walter Sisulu, J B Marks and Y M Dadoo read at the unveiling of a memorial to Johannes Nkosi in Durban on July 18, 1953. 'To freedom-loving people in South Africa this day is of great significance. Twenty-three years ago, late in December, Johannes Nkosi, one of the most gallant sons of South Africa, lost his life in the thick of the struggle for the freedom of his people. 'The huge mass demonstration that was then organised against the vicious pass laws was indeed a tribute to this great people's leader, who, by his courage, showed the down-trodden people of South Africa that liberation can only be achieved through courageous leadership and unity of the masses. 'We, who are following in this hero's footsteps, call upon all freedom-loving people in our country to renew their hopes in our great struggle to make South Africa a happy country for all, and to continue in every possible way to help the march towards liberation.' DOCUMENT 101: 'South Africa's Way Forward', statement by Moses Kotane, published in Advance (successor to the banned Guardian) on May 6 and 13, 1954. -
1 Cold War Contested Truth
Cold War Contested Truth: Informants, Surveillance, and the Disciplining of Black Radicalism, 1947-1957 Charisse Burden-Stelly, PhD Africana Studies and Political Science Carleton College [email protected] (510) 717-9000 Introduction During the height of the era of McCarthyism, roughly 1947-1957, Black radicalism was surveilled, disciplined, discredited, and criminalized through a multitude of anticommunist technologies. These included “parallelism,” red-baiting, infiltration, and guilt by association. McCarthyism was constituted by a range of legislation meant to fortify the U.S. security state against the Communist threat, starting with the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, and including the Alien Registration Act of 1940 (commonly known as the Smith Act); the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947 (often referred to as the Taft-Hartley Act); Executive Order 9835 of 1947 (the “Loyalty Order”) and its supersession by Executive Order 10450 in 1953; the Attorney General’s List of Subversive Organizations; and the Internal Security Act of 1950 (also known as the McCarran Act). It was under this legal architecture that scores of activists and scholars who defied Cold War statist pedagogy were indicted, deported, incarcerated, surveilled, and forced underground. This paper uses the examples of the the Peace Information Center (PIC) the Sojourners for Truth and Justice (STJ), and the Council on African Affairs (CAA) to elucidate that career confidential informants, “stool pigeons,” and “turncoats” were instrumental to the Cold War state apparatus’s transmogrification of Black radicals committed to anti-imperialism, anticolonialism, antiracism, peace, and the eradication of economic exploitation into criminals and subversives. Black 1 radicalism can be understood as African descendants’ multivalent and persistent praxis aimed at dismantling structures of domination that sustain racialized dispossession, exploitation, and class-based domination. -
Nelson Mandela and His Colleagues in the Rivonia Trial
South Africa: The Prisoners, The Banned and the Banished: Nelson Mandela and his colleagues in the Rivonia trial http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuun1969_08 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org South Africa: The Prisoners, The Banned and the Banished: Nelson Mandela and his colleagues in the Rivonia trial Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 13/69 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1969-10-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1969 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description Note. -
Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director. -
Revolutionary Theory and Contemporary South Africa *
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. ARTICLE BUNDY AROUND WHICH CORNER?: Revolutionary theory and contemporary South Africa * Colin Bundy Just thirty years ago, Julius Lewin wrote an article in Africa South entitled No Revolution Round the Corner. He criticised the fallacious logic which presumed that because South Africa was 'so obviously rotten with injustice' it must be 'ripe for revolution', and argued that 'certain well-defined circumstances have to be present in combination before an attempt at revolution is likely to succeed'. He proceeded to specify criteria proposed by Brinton (1937) in his comparative study of the English, American, French and Russian Revolutions. These were: a period of economic growth immediately before a revolution; the presence of bitter class antagonisms of a complicated kind; inefficiency in the machinery of government (especially when rapid change laid intolerable strains on governmental machinery adapted to simpler conditions); and in particular the relationship of government to its armed forces. Lewin quoted Brinton's dictum that 'no government has ever fallen before revolutionists until it has lost control over its armed forces or lost the ability to use them effectively'. On this basis, concluded Lewin, 'the signs of discontent in South Africa, when all added up, do not amount to a serious situation in the sense of a prelude to revolution'. -
"The Crisis in the Communist Party," by James Casey
THE CRISIS in the..; COMMUNIST PARTY By James Casey Price IDc THREE ARROWS PRESS 21 East 17th Street New York City CHAPTER I THE PEOPlES FRONT AND MEl'tIBERSHIP The Communist Party has always prided itself on its «line." It has always boasted of being a "revolutionary work-class party with a Marxist Leninist line." Its members have been taught to believe that the party cannot be wrong at any time on any question. Nonetheless, today this Communist Party line has thrown the member ship of the Communist Party into a Niagara of Confusion. There are old members who insist that the line or program has not been changed. There are new members who assert just as emphatically that the line certainly has been changed and it is precisely because of this change that they have joined the party. Hence there is a clash of opinion which is steadily mov ing to the boiling point. Assuredly the newer members are correct in the first part of their contention that the basic program of the Communist Party has been changed. They are wrong when they hold that this change has been for the better. Today the Communist Party presents and seeks to carry out the "line" of a People's Front organization. And with its slogan of a People's Front, it has wiped out with one fell swoop, both in theory and in practice, the fundamental teachings of Karl Marx and Freidrick Engels. It, too, disowns in no lesser degree in deeds, if not yet in words, all the preachings and hopes of Nicolai Lenin, great interpretor of Marx and founder of the U.