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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Road to Europe: Politics of Montenegro Between 2006 and 2016
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS QUARTERLY , Vol.7. No.3. (Fall 2016/1 Ősz ) ROAD TO EUROPE: POLITICS OF MONTENEGRO BETWEEN 2006 AND 2016 ∗ A review by András Braun Abstract : After a more than one year long political crisis, parliamentary elections were held in Montenegro on 16 October 2016. Although the country was led by an interim government, the party of Prime Minister Milo Đukanović prepared to maintain its power after the elections as expected. In the past few years, Montenegro experienced many crises. Protests began on the one hand, against the government and against NATO membership on the other. Also the formation of the Marković Government showed that the political division remained strong in the Western Balkan state. Keywords : Montenegro, Elections, European Union, NATO, Milo Đukanović, Duško Marković, DPS, NGO’s. OUTLINE OF ARTICLE The independent Montenegro within the Western Balkans Region Relations between the European Union and Montenegro Montenegro and the NATO The reign of DPS The political crisis: pressure on the Government After the elections: the third retire of Milo Đukanović The Marković Government Conclusions * Introduction The governing DPS remains the strongest party in Montenegro, as the divided opposition was unable to break the more than two decades reign of the party. Since Milo Đukanović came to power in 1991, he was able to create a balance and plans with full of ambition. He also managed the independence process of the country. After a close result, the objective of the independent Montenegro was to achieve the EU and NATO membership. Beside these ambitious goals, the prime minister has been criticized by many political and civil society actors especially in the past few years. -
Serbia and Montenegro
SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO POLL WORKER TRAINING VOTER AWARENESS ASSESSMENT LEGAL REVIEW JULY 1997 - FEBRUARY 1998 PREPARED BY: CATHERINE BARNES,PROJECT TEAM LEADER TOM PARKINS,SENIOR TRAINER CARL SLAUGHENHAUPT,TRAINER PARVINDER SINGH,TRAINER ANTHONY REISSIG,TRAINER DANIEL FINN,LEGAL ADVISOR ALEXANDRA LEVADITIS,PROGRAM ASSISTANT International Foundation for Election Systems 1101 15th Street, NW, Third Floor Washington, DC 20005 This Report was made possible by a grant from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The opinions expressed in this Report are solely of the International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES). This material is in the public domain and may be reproduced without permission, citation is appreciated. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE..................................................................... SUMMARY ...........................................................1 REPUBLIC OF SERBIA,POLLWORKER TRAINING PROGRAM,PHASE I I. PROJECT BACKGROUND.....................................................................................................6 A. ASSESSMENT OF SERBIA’S ELECTORAL ENVIRONMENT......................................6 B. PROJECT DEVELOPMENT ......................................................................................6 C. PROJECT OBJECTIVES............................................................................................7 II. PROJECT IMPLEMENTATION .............................................................................................8 A. CHANGES IN THE PRE-ELECTORAL -
Elections in Montenegro: 2016 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions
Elections in Montenegro 2016 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org October 12, 2016 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework and electoral system in Montenegro? ........................................................... 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How is voter registration conducted and how many registered voters are there? ..................................... 1 Is out-of-country voting allowed? ................................................................................................................. 2 Who are the main parties involved? ............................................................................................................. 2 What are the party/candidate registration requirements? .......................................................................... 2 What are the key issues in the campaign? ................................................................................................... 3 What is media access like during elections? ................................................................................................. 3 How is equal gender participation -
Major Political Parties Coverage for Data Collection 2021 Country Major
Major political parties Coverage for data collection 2021 Country Major political parties EU Member States Christian Democratic and Flemish (Chrétiens-démocrates et flamands/Christen-Democratisch Belgium en Vlaams/Christlich-Demokratisch und Flämisch) Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste/Socialistische Partij/Sozialistische Partei) Forward (Vooruit) Open Flemish Liberals and Democrats (Open Vlaamse Liberalen en Democraten) Reformist Movement (Mouvement Réformateur) New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie) Ecolo Flemish Interest (Vlaams Belang) Workers' Party of Belgium (Partij van de Arbeid van België) Green Party (Groen) Bulgaria Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (Grazhdani za evropeysko razvitie na Balgariya) Bulgarian Socialist Party (Bulgarska sotsialisticheska partiya) Movement for Rights and Freedoms (Dvizhenie za prava i svobodi) There is such people (Ima takav narod) Yes Bulgaria ! (Da Bulgaria!) Czech Republic Mayors and Independents STAN (Starostové a nezávislí) Czech Social Democratic Party (Ceská strana sociálne demokratická) ANO 2011 Okamura, SPD) Denmark Liberal Party (Venstre) Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterne/Socialdemokratiet) Danish People's Party (Dansk Folkeparti) Unity List-Red Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) Danish Social Liberal Party (Radikale Venstre) Socialist People's Party (Socialistisk Folkeparti) Conservative People's Party (Det Konservative Folkeparti) Germany Christian-Democratic Union of Germany (Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands) Christian Social Union in Bavaria (Christlich-Soziale -
Russia, Anti-Westernism and Europe's Political Parties
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu FELLOW TRAVELLERS: RUSSIA, ANTI-WESTERNISM, AND EUROPE’S POLITICAL PARTIES Gustav Gressel Russia is increasingly getting to know some of Europe’s political parties. And it is not just that Russia is coming SUMMARY to Europe – some European political parties are coming • There is a large amount of ideological overlap to them. In October 2016, members of the Italian political between some European political parties and party Lega Nord travelled to Crimea, making up the largest the Russian government. Significantly, these component of the visiting Italian delegation. One of the include parties considered to be ‘mainstream’ party’s leading members, Claudio D’Amico, had acted – it is not just ‘fringe’ parties that share as an ‘international observer’ at the peninsula’s status elements of the Kremlin’s world-view. referendum two years previously.1 • European political parties range from those Earlier that same year, in February 2016, Horst Seehofer, that are ‘hardcore’ in their ‘anti-Westernism’ head of Germany’s Christian Social Union (CSU), to those that are fully pro-Western. The former Angela Merkel’s key coalition partner, made an official are much more open to cooperation with Russia visit to Moscow. Although insignificant from a German and are generally aligned with its priorities. perspective, the Russian media celebrated Seehofer as the alternative to Merkel and as the German leader who would • Strong election showings from anti-Western re-establish German-Russian friendship.2 At that time, parties can change the character of entire Seehofer had just recently threatened legal action over the national political systems. -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Montenegro – Parliamentary Elections, 30 August 2020
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Montenegro – Parliamentary Elections, 30 August 2020 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The elections were competitive and took place in an environment highly polarized over issues of church and national identity. Contestants were able to convey their messages, but the ruling party gained an undue advantage through misuse of office and state resources and dominant media coverage. The lack of independent campaign coverage by the media further undermined the quality of information available to voters. The law provides basic regulations for the conduct of democratic elections but gaps and ambiguities allow for circumvention, particularly in campaign finance. The elections were run overall transparently and efficiently, although the State Election Commission (SEC) did not properly fulfil its regulatory role. COVID-related restrictions limited physical campaign opportunities and increased online outreach, but did not prevent voters from turning out in high numbers. Election day was orderly and the process was generally transparent and well administered, while health protocols were not implemented consistently. The legal framework remained largely unchanged since the last parliamentary elections, with the exception of campaign finance. A number of ODIHR recommendations remain unaddressed, including introducing an audit of the Voter Register (VR) and measures against the misuse of state resources, as well as reconsidering certain limitations of suffrage rights. -
Montenegrin Mirror Polity in Turmoil (1991-2001)
Milan Popović Montenegrin Mirror Polity in Turmoil (1991-2001) Nansen Dialogue Center Podgorica 2002 Milan Popović Montenegrin Mirror Milan Popović Montenegrin Mirror Publisher Nansen Dialogue Center Podgorica Editor Daliborka Uljarević Reviewers Nebojša Vučinić Srđan Darmanović Language Editor Piter Barsoum Translation of review Ivana Gajović Vesna Bulatović Layout Đuro Stojanović Blažo Crvenica Milan Popović Montenegrin Mirror Polity in Turmoil (1991-2001) Nansen Dialogue Center Podgorica 2002 Montenegrin Mirror Milan Popović Table of Contents Montenegrin Mirror Polity in Turmoil (1991-2001) Part One Essays Montenegrin Alternative: Transition, Identity, State 11 Understanding Neopatriarchy 21 Before The Storm 25 After The Storm 29 Democratic FRY: Mission Improbable 33 The Last Balkan Triangle 37 Between East And West: Two Ideas Of a Nation-State 41 Europe versus Europe 47 New Miscalculations 53 Dances With Wolves 57 Shocking Connection 61 The Curse Of Involvement 65 Imagining Alternatives 69 Part Two Articles Yugoslav Disintegration In A World-System Perspective 75 After The Collapse 121 NATO Expansion And Balkan Testing Ground 143 Unholy Alliance 159 A Tadpole Transition and Its Alternative 165 The Post-Cold War Balkan Chaos And New Ideological Order 177 Appendices Review 197 Acknowledgements 201 Author 205 Part One Essays Montenegrin Mirror Milan Popović Montenegrin Alternative Transition, Identity, State June 1999 The rule of law has never really been a really working and stable principle in the shaky Balkan states. What happened in the second quarter of 1999, during the devastating NATO bombardment, in Montenegro, however, has been unprecedented even for these unstable lands. Two phenomena or sides of this unique process have been the most striking of all. -
Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2019a from August 21, 2019 Manifesto Project Dataset - List of Political Parties Version 2019a 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the name of the party or alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 2 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No. Elections -
Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe
Briefing Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe September | October 2016 #SEESecurityTrends Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe #SEESecurityTrends A FES DIALOGUE SOUTHEAST EUROPE PROJECT 2016–2018 Peace and stability initiatives represent a decades-long cornerstone of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s work in southeastern Europe. Recent events have only reaffirmed the centrality of Southeast European stability with- in the broader continental security paradigm. Both democratization and socio-economic justice are intrinsic aspects of a larger progressive peace policy in the region, but so too are consistent threat assessments and ef- forts to prevent conflict before it erupts. Dialogue SOE aims to broaden the discourse on peace and stability in southeastern Europe and to counter the securitization of prevalent narratives by providing regular analy- sis that involves a comprehensive understanding of human security, including structural sources of conflict. The briefings cover fourteen countries in southeastern Europe: the seven post-Yugoslav countries and Alba- nia, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Romania, and Moldova. This is a joint project between the thirteen Frie- drich-Ebert-Stiftung offices in Southeast Europe and the Social Overview Service (SOS). Regional Developments tary procedure on October 14. Parliament will therefore have to vote on it again, but In this period almost all of Southeastern Europe this time a minimum of 71 votes are required was witnessing numerous significant events and for the law to be adopted. The Speaker of developments, such as snap elections in Croa- the Albanian Assembly, Ilir Meta, intervened tia and general and local elections in Montene- in the debate by stating that in view of di- gro. -
SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17Th Street NW, Suite 200 • Washington, DC 20036-3011 • VOX 202.457.1700 • FAX 202.429.6063
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 • Washington, DC 20036-3011 • VOX 202.457.1700 • FAX 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT In December 1998, at a meeting at the United States Institute of Peace, Montenegrin government and parliamentary representatives expressed their concerns regarding the possibility of a Serbian crackdown on Montenegro’s democracy movement and Montenegro—And More—At Risk discussed with Balkans Working Group participants possible options for avoiding a crisis. At an earlier meeting on October 14, 1998 the working group had discussed the Briefly... growing threat to Montenegro from Serbia and recommended preventive measures to be taken • The threat of an attack on Montenegro by President Slobodan Milosevic’s by the international community and the regime is increasingly likely and may take any form ranging from an indirect Montenegrins themselves. This report is a “constitutional” coup to a more direct attempt to enlist pro-Milosevic forces summary by senior fellow Daniel Serwer, program officer Lauren Van Metre, and in Montenegro in acts of violence against the democratic regime. research assistant James Rae of the working • Although Montenegro remains a politically divided society, it is making great group’s discussion and the presentation by strides toward establishing inclusive political and social institutions. Montenegrin officials. The Balkans Working Group is composed of • Montenegro’s democratic government threatens Milosevic’s legitimacy as FRY representatives from government agencies, president and weakens his authoritarian political base. A respite in Kosovo think tanks, and nongovernmental organiza- tions (NGOs) who are expert on Balkan may provide him an opportunity to reverse Montenegro’s democratic consoli- matters. -
Authoritarian Submission and Party Preference in Montenegro
Unraveling the Black Mountain: Authoritarian Submission and Party Preference in Montenegro By Jovana Davidovic Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts CEU eTD Collection Supervisor: Professor Robert Sata Budapest, Hungary 2018 Abstract Why some post-communist countries regularly experience democratic overturn of power while others not? Concentrating on the psychological factors that could prevent democratic competitiveness in post-communist area, this thesis investigates the relationship between one particular dimension of authoritarian personality – authoritarian submission, and party preferences in Montenegro - the country that never changed the incumbent government since the breakdown of communism. I adopt a novel approach to tap into the multi-dimensional examination of authoritarianism, concentrating on three dimensions (authoritarian submission, conventionalism, authoritarian aggression) separately. I argue that authoritarian submission, as a psychological construct that stands for obedient relation to political authority and upbringing patterns, has a potential to explain domination of Democratic Party of Socialists – DPS. I test my assumptions using survey research. More precisely, I use two surveys – Montenegrin National Elections Study (2016) – MNES, and a self-designed student survey (2018). Notwithstanding the Montenegrin/Serb ethnic cleavage that remains significant, findings from both analyses confirm that submissive tendencies are relevant for voting this party, thus emphasizing the relevance of psychological factors for the democratic potential of post-communist countries. CEU eTD Collection i Financial Support This research was financially supported by Central European University Foundation of Budapest (CEUBPF). The author is fully responsible for the statements indicated in this thesis; they do not reflect the opinion of CEUBPF.