DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe Briefing Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe September | October 2016 #SEESecurityTrends Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe #SEESecurityTrends A FES DIALOGUE SOUTHEAST EUROPE PROJECT 2016–2018 Peace and stability initiatives represent a decades-long cornerstone of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s work in southeastern Europe. Recent events have only reaffirmed the centrality of Southeast European stability with- in the broader continental security paradigm. Both democratization and socio-economic justice are intrinsic aspects of a larger progressive peace policy in the region, but so too are consistent threat assessments and ef- forts to prevent conflict before it erupts. Dialogue SOE aims to broaden the discourse on peace and stability in southeastern Europe and to counter the securitization of prevalent narratives by providing regular analy- sis that involves a comprehensive understanding of human security, including structural sources of conflict. The briefings cover fourteen countries in southeastern Europe: the seven post-Yugoslav countries and Alba- nia, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Romania, and Moldova. This is a joint project between the thirteen Frie- drich-Ebert-Stiftung offices in Southeast Europe and the Social Overview Service (SOS). Regional Developments tary procedure on October 14. Parliament will therefore have to vote on it again, but In this period almost all of Southeastern Europe this time a minimum of 71 votes are required was witnessing numerous significant events and for the law to be adopted. The Speaker of developments, such as snap elections in Croa- the Albanian Assembly, Ilir Meta, intervened tia and general and local elections in Montene- in the debate by stating that in view of di- gro. At the same time, Macedonia started pre- verging interpretations of the same Europe- paring for new elections while the talks about an Union Directive on waste import, the best the reunification of Cyprus and also negotia- solution would be to request a thorough and tions about the resolution of the Greek debt detailed expertise on this piece of legislation crisis continued. However, one event that above from the EU itself. Newspapers report that all others has the potential to have an impact the ruling majority might review the law and on the security situation in the region was the introduce some new amendments to it. Rep- referendum that was held in Bosnia and Her- resentatives of the Alliance Against Import zegovina’s Serb-dominated entity of Republika of Garbage, a civil society group objecting Srpska on September 25. This event had an im- the import of waste, said that they would pact across much of the former Yugoslavia, trig- rally again to protest against the import of gering talks of war unheard of since the late waste on October 30. 1990s. Although ostensibly the referendum was organized on the issue of Republika Srpska Day • Johannes Hahn, European Commissioner for and whether it should be celebrated on January European Neighborhood Policy & Enlarge- 9, it had far greater significance. By organizing ment Negotiations, helped generate a dip- the referendum, the authorities of Republika lomatic spat involving Albania, Greece and Srpska defied both Bosnia and Herzegovina’s the European Union when on September Constitutional Court and the Office of the High 28 he said that one bilateral issue the two Representative, the ad hoc international insti- countries needed to resolve was the status of tution established to oversee the implementa- Cham Albanians. Hahn was referring to an tion of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Already Albanian community who had lived in west- in August, Bosniak officials went on record say- ern Epirus in north-western Greece until 1944 ing that the referendum could be a prelude for when they were expelled for alleged collabo- another plebiscite – for the secession of Repub- ration with Nazi Germany during the Second lika Srpska from the rest of the country. Such World War. In the wake of Hahn’s comment, statements triggered a series of bellicose reac- Greece sent a protest note to the European tions from politicians and media in Bosnia and Union accusing the Commissioner of raising Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia in August and a non-issue and siding with Albania. Greek September. Foreign Minister Nikolaos Kotzias stated for the Greek daily Tribune, on October 16, that issues between the two countries should be Albania resolved before Albania could open acces- sion talks with the European Union. Many Key developments: MPs in Tirana interpreted this statement as a sign that Greece may block the opening of • On September 23, the Albanian Parliament accession talks between Albania and the Eu- passed a law allowing the import of waste. ropean Union. The law has been criticized by environmen- talists and opposition parties, which have • On October 25 the Albanian Constitutional called for a referendum on the issue. The Court decided to suspend one of the core waste is intended for recycling, but environ- laws on judicial reform – the Law on Reas- mentalists fear that the law, for which only sessment of Judges and Prosecutors, known 63 out of 140 MPs voted, would turn Albania as the ’vetting’ law. The Court accepted a re- into a dumping ground for Europe’s waste. quest from the main opposition Democratic Demonstrators took to the streets to protest Party to stall progress. The suspended law against the law on October 1. In the wake of aims to vet 800 judges and prosecutors on these protests, the Albanian President, Bujar their professional ability, moral integrity and Nishani, sent the law back into parliamen- level of independence from organized crime, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung corruption and political officials. The Demo- pendent Social-Democrats (SNSD), Milorad cratic Party considers the initiative, which is Dodik, initiated the referendum, which was backed by EU and US representatives, to be supported by all parties based in Republika a ’witch hunt’. Before making the final rul- Srpska. However, opposition leaders were ing, the Court decided to request an amicus critical towards the timing of the referen- curiae opinion from the Council of Europe’s dum – one week before local elections – ac- Venice Commission on whether the legisla- cusing Dodik of using it to boost support for tion was compatible with the Albanian con- the SNSD. Bosniak and Western officials fear stitution or not. This process is expected to that the referendum was a trial run for a take some months. Experts believe that this plebiscite on the secession of Republika Srp- move could jeopardise the country’s chances ska from the rest of the country. Moreover, of opening EU accession talks this year al- some analysts believe that the weakness of though Albania had been expecting to get the response from the European Union and a positive recommendation from the Euro- the United States may encourage Dodik in pean Union on November 9 for opening ac- this endeavour. Turnout was officially 55.78 cession talks. per cent of registered voters in Republika Srpska, of whom 99.81 per cent supported keeping January 9 as Republika Srpska Day. Next month’s prospects: Dodik presented the referendum outcome as a triumph, but many SNSD officials saw Albania is expecting to hear from the Europe- it as a near-defeat, as they had expected a an Commission on November 9 on whether it greater turnout. Some analysts alleged that will recommend to the Council of the European the turnout had actually been below 50 per Union the opening of the accession talks with cent. These claims could not be verified, since Albania. The country expects a positive recom- there was no independent monitoring. BiH’s mendation after its Parliament adopted the con- state prosecution has launched an official stitutional changes related to judicial reform in investigation into the referendum and has July, which are viewed as prerequisite for the already questioned some RS officials who opening of the accession talks. participated in its organisation, but it is un- clear whether or what kind of effect this in- vestigation will have since Dodik has already Bosnia and Herzegovina announced he would not come to Sarajevo for eventual questioning. The political agenda in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in recent months has been dominated by • Bosnia and Herzegovina’s 2016 local elec- the holding of a referendum in Republika Srp- tions took place on October 2 amid height- ska (RS) on September 25; and of local elections ened tensions caused by the referendum in throughout the country a week later on Octo- Republika Srpska and the use of inflamma- ber 2. Both the referendum, which was held in tory language during the election campaign defiance of the state Constitutional Court and from various sides. Many analysts considered the Office of the High Representative, and the the October 2 polls more important than pre- local elections contributed to an increase in ten- vious local elections, since they represented sions both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the a crucial test of political support before the wider region. 2018 general elections. Moreover, the elec- tions were marred by controversial incidents and allegations of fraud. The worst incident Key developments took place in the southeastern town of Sto- lac, where arguments degenerated into a • The Republika Srpska authorities held a ref- fistfight between a Bosniak candidate for erendum on September 25 on continuing mayor and a Croat election official. After the celebration of Republika Srpska Day on masked men entered polling stations to re- January 9 in spite the rulings of the Consti- move election material, voting was suspend- tutional Court and the disapproval of the ed throughout the town and special police Office of the High Representative (OHR). RS deployed. Bosnia’s Central Election Com- President and leader of the Alliance of Inde- mission is still deciding what steps it should 4 Political Trends & Dynamics in Southeast Europe take.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Road to Europe: Politics of Montenegro Between 2006 and 2016
    INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS QUARTERLY , Vol.7. No.3. (Fall 2016/1 Ősz ) ROAD TO EUROPE: POLITICS OF MONTENEGRO BETWEEN 2006 AND 2016 ∗ A review by András Braun Abstract : After a more than one year long political crisis, parliamentary elections were held in Montenegro on 16 October 2016. Although the country was led by an interim government, the party of Prime Minister Milo Đukanović prepared to maintain its power after the elections as expected. In the past few years, Montenegro experienced many crises. Protests began on the one hand, against the government and against NATO membership on the other. Also the formation of the Marković Government showed that the political division remained strong in the Western Balkan state. Keywords : Montenegro, Elections, European Union, NATO, Milo Đukanović, Duško Marković, DPS, NGO’s. OUTLINE OF ARTICLE The independent Montenegro within the Western Balkans Region Relations between the European Union and Montenegro Montenegro and the NATO The reign of DPS The political crisis: pressure on the Government After the elections: the third retire of Milo Đukanović The Marković Government Conclusions * Introduction The governing DPS remains the strongest party in Montenegro, as the divided opposition was unable to break the more than two decades reign of the party. Since Milo Đukanović came to power in 1991, he was able to create a balance and plans with full of ambition. He also managed the independence process of the country. After a close result, the objective of the independent Montenegro was to achieve the EU and NATO membership. Beside these ambitious goals, the prime minister has been criticized by many political and civil society actors especially in the past few years.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Montenegro: 2016 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions
    Elections in Montenegro 2016 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org October 12, 2016 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework and electoral system in Montenegro? ........................................................... 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How is voter registration conducted and how many registered voters are there? ..................................... 1 Is out-of-country voting allowed? ................................................................................................................. 2 Who are the main parties involved? ............................................................................................................. 2 What are the party/candidate registration requirements? .......................................................................... 2 What are the key issues in the campaign? ................................................................................................... 3 What is media access like during elections? ................................................................................................. 3 How is equal gender participation
    [Show full text]
  • Russia, Anti-Westernism and Europe's Political Parties
    EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu FELLOW TRAVELLERS: RUSSIA, ANTI-WESTERNISM, AND EUROPE’S POLITICAL PARTIES Gustav Gressel Russia is increasingly getting to know some of Europe’s political parties. And it is not just that Russia is coming SUMMARY to Europe – some European political parties are coming • There is a large amount of ideological overlap to them. In October 2016, members of the Italian political between some European political parties and party Lega Nord travelled to Crimea, making up the largest the Russian government. Significantly, these component of the visiting Italian delegation. One of the include parties considered to be ‘mainstream’ party’s leading members, Claudio D’Amico, had acted – it is not just ‘fringe’ parties that share as an ‘international observer’ at the peninsula’s status elements of the Kremlin’s world-view. referendum two years previously.1 • European political parties range from those Earlier that same year, in February 2016, Horst Seehofer, that are ‘hardcore’ in their ‘anti-Westernism’ head of Germany’s Christian Social Union (CSU), to those that are fully pro-Western. The former Angela Merkel’s key coalition partner, made an official are much more open to cooperation with Russia visit to Moscow. Although insignificant from a German and are generally aligned with its priorities. perspective, the Russian media celebrated Seehofer as the alternative to Merkel and as the German leader who would • Strong election showings from anti-Western re-establish German-Russian friendship.2 At that time, parties can change the character of entire Seehofer had just recently threatened legal action over the national political systems.
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Montenegro – Parliamentary Elections, 16 October 2016
    INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Montenegro – Parliamentary Elections, 16 October 2016 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 16 October parliamentary elections were held in a competitive environment and fundamental freedoms were generally respected. The campaign was characterized by a lack of distinct policy alternatives, with the exception of geo-political orientation, and permeated by personalized attacks. While pluralistic, the media did not exercise editorial independence. Election administration met all legal deadlines, however, despite increased operational and human resources, the professional capacity of election administration remains inadequate. Election day proceeded in a calm and orderly manner, with few cases of procedural irregularities. The elections were conducted under a revised legal framework. The majority of amendments addressed prior recommendations. Some remain unaddressed, including the ones concerning the right to run independently, the residency requirement for the right to vote and stand as a candidate. In addition, the legal framework continues to lack comprehensiveness and some inconsistencies led to occasional misinterpretations. The election administration, led by the State Election Commission (SEC), worked largely in a transparent manner and met all legal deadlines. However, despite increased operational and human resources, the SEC still lacks a professional capacity and a strong collective leadership, which at times led to technical mistakes and political tensions. A new formula for the composition of lower level commissions allowed for a broad representation of political parties. The representation of women in the electoral administration is low, with 3 women out of 11 SEC permanent members and 37 of 115 permanent members of the Municipal Election Commissions (MECs). The new centralized and permanent electoral register is maintained by the Ministry of Interior based on information extracted from three civil registries.
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Economic Situation
    Published on Eurydice (https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice) Political situation Montenegro is a parliamentary democracy in which power is divided into executive (the Government), legislative (the Parliament) and judicial. Montenegro officially declared its independence in 2006, and the first parliamentary elections in the independent Montenegro were held in the same year. So far, four parliamentary elections have been held. The Constitution of Montenegro [1] which is in the effect was adopted on 22 October 2007. At the last parliamentary elections which were held in 2016, the following parties/political coalitions won seats in the Parliament: Democratic Party of Socialists (in coalition with Liberal Party - 41% / 36 seats), Democratic Front (20% / 18 seats), the Key Coalition (11% / 9 seats), Democratic Montenegro (10% / 8 seats), Social Democratic Party (5% / 4 seats), Social Democrats (3% / 2 seats), Bosniak Party (3% / 2 seats), the coalition “Albanians resolutely” (1.30% / 1 seat) and the Croatian Civic Initiative (0.5% / 1 seat). The Prime Minister of Montenegro is a member of Democratic Party of Socialists, and the Government comprises ministers who are members of: Democratic Party of Socialists, Social Democrats, Bosniak Party, Croatian Civil Initiative and Democratic Union of Albanians. At presidential elections held in April 2018, the candidate of Democratic Party of Socialists won the majority of votes. The President of Montenegro is elected for a period of 5 years. Economic situation Gross Domestic Product of Montenegro in 2005 amounted in total 1 815 million EUR. Gross Domestic Product per capita in 2005 was 2 912 EUR. Estimated growth of Gross Domestic Product at constant prices in 2005 was 4.2%.
    [Show full text]
  • Montenegro 2016 Report
    EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 9.11.2016 SWD(2016) 360 final COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT Montenegro 2016 Report Accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions 2016 Communication on EU Enlargement Policy {COM(2016) 715 final} EN EN Table of Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 4 1.1. Context .................................................................................................................. 4 1.2. Summary of the Report ......................................................................................... 4 2. POLITICAL CRITERIA .............................................................................................. 6 2.1. Democracy ............................................................................................................ 6 2.2. Public administration reform ................................................................................ 9 2.3. Rule of law .......................................................................................................... 12 2.4. Human rights and the protection of minorities ................................................... 18 2.5. Regional issues and international obligations ..................................................... 21 3. ECONOMIC CRITERIA ..........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2018b from December 7, 2018 Manifesto Project Dataset - List of Political Parties Version 2018b 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the name of the party or alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 2 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No. Elections
    [Show full text]
  • Parties in Montenegro's Institutionalised Party
    Springing up like mushrooms after the rain: „New“ parties in Montenegro’s institutionalised party system NEMANJA STANKOV Politics in Central Europe (ISSN: 1801-3422) Vol. 15, No. 1 DOI: 10.2478/pce-2019-0007 Abstract: Recent years have seen the formation of new parties across Europe that chal‑ lenge established patterns of party competition and coalition ‑building during elections. While a similar trend of party creation has occurred in Montenegro, these new parties have failed to „deinstitutionalise“ the party system. This article tracks the development process for new parties. At the same time, it looks at factors and settings that have enabled (or impeded) the institutionalisation of these parties and their relative success in parliamentary elections. Two peculiar findings arise from my analysis. First, it appears that the fragmentation of the traditional party system has only happened among op‑ position parties (with the notable exception of a split among social democrats). This raises questions about the reasons for this process and its effect on party competition. It also leads to a second finding: though more than five effective political parties have been created since 2012, they have failed to change established party competition. To a limited degree, these parties have shifted the focus of public debate from identity politics to the economy, but the party system remains highly ientrenched. In other words, coalition ‑building is as predictable as ever. Keywords: Montenegro, new parties, fragmentation, party system institutionali- sation POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE 15 (2019) 1 163 Introduction Montenegro, the smallest of the former Yugoslav republics, regained its in‑ dependence and established a sovereign state following an independence ref‑ erendum in May 2006.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Identity and Statehood in Post-Yugoslav Montenegro
    Nationalism, Identity and Statehood in Post-Yugoslav Montenegro Nationalism, Identity and Statehood in Post-Yugoslav Montenegro Kenneth Morrison Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc LONDON • OXFORD • NEW YORK • NEW DELHI • SYDNEY Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2018 © Kenneth Morrison, 2018 Kenneth Morrison has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-3518-1 ePDF: 978-1-4742-3519-8 eBook: 978-1-4742-3520-4 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Cover image: DIMITAR DILKOFF/AFP/Getty Images Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com. Here you will find extracts, author interviews, details of forthcoming events and the option to sign up for our newsletters.
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Economic Situation
    Published on Eurydice (https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice) Political situation Montenegro is a parliamentary democracy in which power is divided into executive (the Government), legislative (the Parliament) and judicial. Montenegro officially declared its independence in 2006, and the first parliamentary elections in the independent Montenegro were held in the same year. So far, four parliamentary elections have been held. The Constitution of Montenegro [1] which is in the effect was adopted on 22 October 2007. At the last parliamentary elections which were held in 2016, the following parties/political coalitions won seats in the Parliament: Democratic Party of Socialists (in coalition with Liberal Party - 41% / 36 seats), Democratic Front (20% / 18 seats), the Key Coalition (11% / 9 seats), Democratic Montenegro (10% / 8 seats), Social Democratic Party (5% / 4 seats), Social Democrats (3% / 2 seats), Bosniak Party (3% / 2 seats), the coalition “Albanians resolutely” (1.30% / 1 seat) and the Croatian Civic Initiative (0.5% / 1 seat). The Prime Minister of Montenegro is a member of Democratic Party of Socialists, and the Government comprises ministers who are members of: Democratic Party of Socialists, Social Democrats, Bosniak Party, Croatian Civil Initiative and Democratic Union of Albanians. At presidential elections held in April 2018, the candidate of Democratic Party of Socialists won the majority of votes. The President of Montenegro is elected for a period of 5 years. Economic situation Gross Domestic Product of Montenegro in 2005 amounted in total 1 815 million EUR. Gross Domestic Product per capita in 2005 was 2 912 EUR. Estimated growth of Gross Domestic Product at constant prices in 2005 was 4.2%.
    [Show full text]
  • (COI) Report Montenegro
    European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Montenegro Country Focus November 2016 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Montenegro Country Focus November 2016 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN: 978-92-9494-281-4 doi: 10.2847/142158 BZ-06-16-242-EN-C PDF ISBN: 978-92-9494-280-7 doi: 10.2847/55344 BZ-06-16-242-EN-N © European Asylum Support Office 2016 Neither EASO nor any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained herein. EASO COI REPORT MONTENEGRO COUNTRY FOCUS - 3 Acknowledgments EASO would like to acknowledge the COI Unit of the Hungarian Office of Immigration and Nationality as the author of this report. The following departments reviewed this report: Germany, Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF); Slovak Republic, Ministry of the Interior of the Slovak Republic, Migration Office, Department of Documentation and Foreign Cooperation. 4— EASO COI REPORT MONTENEGRO: COUNTRY FOCUS Contents Acknowledgments ................................................................................................................................... 3 Contents .................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Challenging Political Dominance in Montenegro
    Challenging Political Dominance in Montenegro Master Thesis For the award of the academic degree of Master of Arts (MA) at the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz Submitted by Alberto SARTORI at the Centre for Southeast European Studies Supervisor: Ass. Prof. Dr. Hrvoje PAIĆ Graz, 2019 Abstract Much research on Montenegro’s political system focuses on the outstanding longevity in office of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), often granting limited attention to opposition parties’ role within such competitive authoritarian regime. This thesis aims at filling the gap with a case study addressing how political party opposition strategies impacted on DPS dominance in post- independence Montenegro. It starts by reviewing how DPS skewed competition to establish and maintain dominance from the first multiparty elections within the electoral, parliamentary, and executive arenas of party competition. It then looks into how non-governing political parties expressed their opposition after independence, through the analysis of their strategic behaviour in comparison with successful opposition strategies from other competitive authoritarian regimes (i.e. activist recruitment, creation of a ‘regime cleavage’, coalition building, and reliance on local level office). It finds opposition parties in Montenegro are engaged in competing against each other rather than pooling resources and efforts against the dominant, behaving as alternation in office solely depended upon external actors or DPS internal divisions. Rather than fragmentation, ceaseless intra-opposition competition represents the crucial problem when it comes to political party opposition strategies in post-independence Montenegro: it undermined their credibility in the eyes of the electorate and other actors, as well as evidenced limited ability to learn from past mistakes.
    [Show full text]