Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
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Student Movements: 1968, 1981 and 1997 the Impact Of
Student Movements: 1968, 1981 and 1997 The impact of students in mobilizing society to chant for the Republic of Kosovo Atdhe Hetemi Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of East European Languages and Cultures Supervisor Prof. dr. Rozita Dimova Department of East European Languages and Cultures Dean Prof. dr. Gita Deneckere Rector Prof. dr. Rik Van de Walle October 2019 i English Summary This dissertation examines the motives and central visions of three student demonstrations, each taking place within different historical and political contexts and each organized by a different generation of Kosovo Albanian students. The years 1968, 1981 and 1997 witnessed a proliferation of student mobilizations as collective responses demanding more national rights for Albanians in Kosovo. I argue that the students' main vision in all three movements was the political independence of Kosovo. Given the complexity of the students' goal, my analysis focuses on the influence and reactions of domestic and foreign powers vis-à-vis the University of Prishtina (hereafter UP), the students and their movements. Fueled by their desire for freedom from Serbian hegemony, the students played a central role in "preserving" and passing from one generation to the next the vision of "Republic" status for Kosovo. Kosova Republikë or the Republic of Kosovo (hereafter RK) status was a demand of all three student demonstrations, but the students' impact on state creation has generally been underestimated by politicians and public figures. Thus, the primary purpose of this study is to unearth the various and hitherto unknown or hidden roles of higher education – then the UP – and its students in shaping Kosovo's recent history. -
Presentación De Powerpoint
hikaateneo ZERBITZUAK ORDUTEGIAK - HORARIOS Ordutegia zeuk jarri! Taberna zerbitzua eta ekintza sozial eta kultural irekiak: Jarduera espazioak: asteartetik ostiralera, 17:00etatik datak kontsulta daitezke. 23:00etara Aretoen alokairua, aparailuekin batera: Larunbat, igande eta astelehenak aukera asko dituzu prezio egokietan. erreserbatuta daude ekintza pribatuak egiteko. Catering-a (20-120 pertsona): gozatzeko eskaintza gastronomiko zabala dugu. Servicio de bar y actividades sociales Txokoak: Bazkide egin zaitez. y culturales abiertas: 2015ko de Martes a viernes de 17:00 a 23:00h. 2015ko SERVICIOS hikaateneo Sábado, domingo y lunes reservado para encargos y actividades privadas. MAIATZAMAIATZA ¡¡El horario lo pones tú!! ___________ Espacios para actividades: Goizez, kudeaketa administratiboa Consulta disponibilidad de fechas. Mañanas, gestión administrativa: txokos, encargos, eventos, reservas, etc. Alquiler de salas con uso de equipos: 11:00etatik 14:30etara distintas posibilidades con precios adecuados. [email protected] Catering (20-120 personas): Oferta gastronómica variada que Ostegun arratsaldeetan, kudeaketa kulturala podrás degustar en privado. Tardes de los jueves, gestión cultural: Txokos: hazte socio/socio 18:00etatik 20:00etara [email protected] OSTEGUNERO / Todos los jueves POTE+PINTXO Erakusketa Solidarioa: Pintxoa dohainik potearekin! “PRESENTE BRUTO ILUSTRADO” Ekhi txanpona Muelle Ibeni 1 - Atxuri Hika Ekhi txanpon The Fly Factory sozialarekin bat BILBO 94 4794149 Maiatzaren 5tik 29ra ETORRI ETA ZABALDU!! www.hikaateneo.org +INFO: www.hikaateneo.org # TOPAKETAK # MUSIKA # HITZALDIAK 8, ostirala – 20:00 7, osteguna – 20:30 5, asteartea – 19:30 “Exhibición de Danza “OIER ASLA” kontzertua “Introducción oriental y flamenco” Teoría QUEER" 14, osteguna – 20:30 Grupo de reflexión y debate 8, ostirala – 20:00 “JAIME YACAMAN” Antolaketa: + III. XEREZADE JAIA (gela txikian) Mundo Ivaginario “SOLANA” kontzertuak 10, igandea – 17:00, 7€ I. -
Presentation by Chunta Aragonesista (CHA) on the Situation of the Aragonese Minority Languages (Aragonese and Catalan)
Presentation by Chunta Aragonesista (CHA) on the situation of the Aragonese minority languages (Aragonese and Catalan) European Parliament Intergroup on Traditional Minorities, National Communities and Languages Strasbourg, 24 May 2012 Aragon is one of the historical nations on which the current Spanish State was set up. Since its origins back in the 9 th century in the central Pyrenees, two languages were born and grew up on its soil: Aragonese and Catalan (the latter originated simultaneously in Catalonia as well as in some areas that have always belonged to Aragon). Both languages expanded Southwards from the mountains down to the Ebro basin, Iberian mountains and Mediterranean shores in medieval times, and became literary languages by their use in the court of the Kings of Aragon, who also were sovereigns of Valencia, Catalonia and Majorca. In the 15 th century a dynastic shift gave the Crown of Aragon to a Castilian prince. The new reigning family only expressed itself in Castilian language. That fact plus the mutual influences of Castilian and Aragonese through their common borders, as well as the lack of a strong linguistic awareness in Aragon facilitated a change in the cultural trends of society. From then on the literary and administrative language had to be Castilian and the old Aragonese and Catalan languages got relegated in Aragon mostly to rural areas or the illiterate. That process of ‘glottophagy’ or language extinction sped up through the 17 th and 18 th centuries, especially after the conquest of the country by the King Philip of Bourbon during the Spanish War of Succession and its annexation to Castile. -
Ekonomska- I Ekohistorija 145 ARTAN R
Ekonomska- i Ekohistorija 145 ARTAN R. HOXHA - EXPLOITING AND CONSERVING EXPLOITING AND CONSERVING: FORESTS, NATION, AND STRATEGIES OF DEVELOPMENT IN 20TH CENTURY ALBANIA1 ISKORIŠTAVANJE I OČUVANJE: ŠUME, NACIJA I STRATEGIJE RAZVOJA U ALBANIJI U 20. STOLJEĆU Artan R. HOXHA Received / Primljeno: 12. 10. 2018. University of Pittsburgh Accepted / Prihvaćeno: 17. 12. 2018. 3702 Posvar Hall Original scientific paper / Izvorni znanstveni rad History Department UDK / UDC: 630*6(496.5)“20” Pittsburgh, PA 15260 630*9(496.5)“20” USA [email protected] Summary Since the 19th-century, forests have been considered both a source for the economic development and a patrimony to be defended. This dualism between the economic gains and ecological imperatives have remained largely unbridged. The Albanian experience is not an exception to this trajectory. Although the different political and intellectual elites have considered forests a national patrimony, they have failed to defend and expand the forest-cover which have been shrinking. The territory of today’s Albania, due to its geographical position, climatic influences, and topography has a very rich flora, including forests. Like everywhere else, human activity has historically played a critical role in the condition and distribution of forest cover in Albania. Until the establishment of the Albanian national state, both the rural population and the elite exploited the forests without paying attention to their regeneration. The Ottoman Empire started to implement policies for the central management of the forests, but in the Albanian provinces, their effects were limited. The Ottoman bureaucracy did not stop the rural communities and landlords to log the forests for fuel, export their timber, burn them for opening new pastures or rooting out the bandits hiding in them. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
Dossier on Greens in Spain 2Nov2011
To the Council Delegates Copenhagen, 11-13 May 2012 Dear Delegates, We inform you by this separate letter that the EGP Committee proceeds with the proposal to the Copenhagen Council to withdraw the membership of the ‘Confederación de los Verdes de Espana’. We have sent you a separate mailing on the issue to avoid all confusion or running the risk that the issue will not be picked up from the mails with general information to the EGP Delegates. We know this is a delicate and sensitive issue and that is why we want you to be fully aware of all the facts. You have received in November 2011 and in February 2012 a full dossier (annex) stating the European Green Party repeatedly received information that the Confederación has not been functioning properly. Procedure at the Council We have scheduled a closed session in the Copenhagen programme, on Saturday from 9h00 to 10h00, for Delegates only, to discuss and give you the opportunity for questions and answers. Naturally we will give the representatives of the Confederación the floor as well to enable them to express their view on the matter. We bring the membership issue to the vote on Sunday morning at the beginning of the voting session, where we will proceed as in a normal voting session and give the floor to one speaker pro and one speaker contra before proceeding towards the vote. More information The Committee received, among others, complaints on the Confederación regarding the following points: no respect for their statutes and internal democratic rules, lack of clarity as regards the leadership, lack of transparency and doubts regarding the existence of the legal seat of the party. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
E42 Mark Blyth & David Kertzer Mixdown
Brown University Watson Institute | E42_Mark Blyth & David Kertzer_mixdown [MUSIC PLAYING] MARK BLYTH: Hello, and welcome to a special edition of Trending Globally. My name is Mark Blyth. Today, I'm interviewing David Kertzer. David is the former provost here at Brown University. But perhaps more importantly, he knows more about Italy than practically anybody else we can find. Given that the elections have just happened in Italy and produced yet another kind of populist shock, we thought is was a good idea to bring him in and have a chat. Good afternoon, David. DAVID KERTZER: Thanks for having me, Mark. MARK BLYTH: OK, so let's try and put this in context for people. Italy's kicked off. Now, we could talk about what's happening right now today, but to try and get some context on this, I want to take us back a little bit. This is not the first time the Italian political system-- indeed the whole Italian state-- has kind of blown up. I want to go back to 1994. That's the last time things really disintegrated. Start there, and then walk forward, so then we can talk more meaningfully about the election. So I'm going to invite you to just take us back to 1994. Tell us about what was going on-- the post-war political compact, and then [BLOWS RASPBERRY] the whole thing fell apart. DAVID KERTZER: Well, right after World War II, of course, it was a new political system-- the end of the monarchy. There is a republic. The Christian Democratic Party, very closely allied with the Catholic Church, basically dominated Italian politics for decades. -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in FRANCE 10Th and 17Th June 2012
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN FRANCE 10th and 17th June 2012 European Elections monitor Will the French give a parliamentary majority to François Hollande during the general elections on Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy 10th and 17th June? Five weeks after having elected the President of the Republic, 46 million French citizens are being Analysis called again on 10th and 17th June to renew the National Assembly, the lower chamber of Parlia- 1 month before ment. the poll The parliamentary election includes several new elements. Firstly, it is the first to take place after the electoral re-organisation of January 2010 that involves 285 constituencies. Moreover, French citizens living abroad will elect their MPs for the very first time: 11 constituencies have been espe- cially created for them. Since it was revised on 23rd July 2008, the French Constitution stipulates that there cannot be more than 577 MPs. Candidates must have registered between 14th and 18th May (between 7th and 11th May for the French living abroad). The latter will vote on 3rd June next in the first round, some territories abroad will be called to ballot on 9th and 16th June due to a time difference with the mainland. The official campaign will start on 21st May next. The French Political System sembly at present: - the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), the party of The Parliament is bicameral, comprising the National former President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy, posi- Assembly, the Lower Chamber, with 577 MPs elected tioned on the right of the political scale has 313 seats; by direct universal suffrage for 5 years and the Senate, – the Socialist Party (PS) the party of the new Head the Upper Chamber, 348 members of whom are ap- of State, François Hollande, positioned on the left has pointed for 6 six years by indirect universal suffrage. -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix August 2018 Abstract We study the political impact of commercial television in Italy exploiting the stag- gered introduction of Berlusconi's private TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals with early access to Mediaset all-entertainment content were more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. The effect persists for five elections and is driven by heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the elderly. Regarding possible mechanisms, we find that individ- uals exposed to entertainment TV as children were less cognitively sophisticated and civic-minded as adults, and ultimately more vulnerable to Berlusconi's populist rhetoric. Keywords: Entertainment TV, Voting, Cognitive Abilities, Civic Engagement JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Filipe Campante, Antonio Ciccone, Stefano DellaVigna, Ruben Enikolopov, Ray Fisman, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhu- ravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, Bank of Italy, Warwick, UPF, and participants at the AEA Meetings, the EUI Conference on Communications and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. We are very grateful to Ben Olken and Ruben Enikolopov for their help with the ITM software. We thank Nicola D'Amelio and Giuseppe Piraino for their assistance with data collection and Laura Litvine for her outstanding help with the digitization of the transmitters data.