An Uncertain Italy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Uncertain Italy Geographical Overview | EU’s Mediterranean Countries Panorama An Uncertain Italy Marc Lazar has submitted his resignation in the wake of this dis- Professor of History and Political Sociology at aster. In fact, the PD’s defeat is yet another example Sciences Po, Paris of the deep crisis of the entire continental European President, School of Government, Libera Università left. For its part, Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, with Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli (LUISS), 14% of the votes, has obtained its lowest election Rome results since it was founded in 1994. Il Cavaliere, at 81 years of age, no longer mobilizes anyone but his most diehard followers and no longer aggregates an The results of the 4 March 2018 Italian elections are arc of broader forces behind him ranging from the paradoxical. On the one hand, they clearly show extreme right to the centre. He has thus been great- Geographical Overview Mediterranean | EU’s Countries three winners and three losers. On the other hand, ly weakened by the results of this election. The ex- they have made Italy enter a stage of extreme politi- haustion of his party, which exists nearly exclusively cal uncertainty. for and by him, attests to a more generalized phe- The losers are, first and foremost, the two main po- nomenon, that of the difficulties of the European 192 litical parties that had been attempting to impose right, as can be seen, for instance, in France, Ger- their hegemony for years on their respective ends of many, Austria and Spain. In Italy, as elsewhere, the the political spectrum. At centre-left, the Democratic governing parties are penalized. And finally, the third Party (Partito Democratico, PD), with 18.7% of the election loser is the small radical left coalition party, votes for the Chamber of Deputies, suffered a crush- Free and Equal, which aspired to weaken the PD ing defeat. It has almost disappeared in the south and obtain some 6% of the votes, but only garnered and has lost ground in its bastions in central Italy, slightly over 3% in the end. which have always been a left-wing stronghold. In The big winner is the Five Star Movement (Movi- power during the last administration, it has been mento 5 Stelle, M5S) (32.6% of votes for the Cham- sanctioned for its policies, a sanction that the Ital- ber of Deputies), an unclassifiable party within the ians have systematically applied since 1994, ‘remov- panorama of European populism. It proposes a pro- ing the incumbents.’ Indeed, three Prime Ministers gramme that is at once classic left and post-modern who were members of the PD succeeded one an- left (citizens’ basic income, for instance) but also other: Enrico Letta, Matteo Renzi and Paolo Genti- ecological and at the same time, rather right-wing in loni. During this administration, many reforms were matters of security and immigration. During this carried out. But they have divided the left, especially campaign, the M5S carried out significant changes 2018 those regarding the labour market and school, and from 2013, when it became the leading Italian party have not won over the Italians, who have the sensa- with 25.6% of the votes. This time, it is headed by a tion, often grounded, that their situation has deterio- young leader, Luigi Di Maio, aged 31, who, in con- rated despite a real return to growth. The Democrat- trast to Beppe Grillo, comes off as the leader of a ic Party is also paying for the excessive personalization credible party, even insofar as his manner of ex- and media coverage of its leader, Matteo Renzi, who pressing himself and his ‘bodily hexis’1. It has mod- Mediterranean Yearbook 1 Bodily hexis is a concept ultimately developed by the French sociologist Pierre Bordieu, which could be summed up more or less as referring Med. Med. IE to a person’s subconscious use of their body, i.e. body language, posture, bearing, accent when speaking, etc. – Translator’s Note. erated its criticism of the European Union, the euro ropean Union and various migratory shocks. They and what it formerly called “the immigration busi- are in search of an identity, aspiring to re-establish a ness.” And finally, it has accepted the principle of state of “living together”, while being tempted by a Panorama possible alliances with other parties. The M5S, with withdrawal into individualism or the family, with opin- a general presence throughout the territory, has ion polls demonstrating their strong mistrust of for- above all conquered the peninsula’s south, which is eigners, but also of strangers in general. in dire social straits. Its electorate is characterized by an overrepresentation of young people, the work- ing class and people with lower levels of education. The electoral progression of the The League (Lega) is the second big winner (17.3%, as compared to 4% five years ago). Its leader has League, Brothers of Italy and the turned the North League (Lega Nord), a regionalist Five Star Movement follow a specific party hostile to Rome and the south, into a party in- logic, but likewise attest to the depth spired by the French Front National, deliberately sit- of Italian discontent uated at the extreme right, with its virulent criticism of immigrants, insecurity and the European Union. The League, well established in the north, has made inroads in the centre and gained some ground in the Although an analysis of the election results is sim- south. At its side, the post-Fascist party, Brothers of ple, future scenarios are unclear because no one Italy (Fratelli d’Italia), with over 4% of the votes, dou- party or coalition is in a position to exercise power bled its results from 2013. The centre-right coalition alone, since they do not have the majority of seats in Geographical Overview Mediterranean | EU’s Countries of these two parties plus Forza Italia and a miniscule the Chamber of Deputies or the Senate. The parlia- grouping of centre parties has thus shifted strongly mentary democracy and the President of the Re- further right. public, Sergio Mattarella, are thus being hard test- ed. Already the presidents of the two parliamentary 193 chambers were elected on 24 March after an agree- The big winner is the Five Star ment between the Five Star Movement and the League, which imposed the decision on Forza Italia, Movement (M5S), an unclassifiable thus demonstrating its dynamism: in the Senate, party within the panorama of Maria Elisabetta Alberti Casellati, one of Silvio Ber- European populism lusconi’s people, and in the Chamber of Deputies, Roberto Fico, embodying the leftist tendency of the Five Star Movement and a priori faithful to its found- ing principles. For the Administration, all the combi- The electoral progression of the League, Brothers of nations possible will be explored by Sergio Matta- Italy and the Five Star Movement follow a specific rella: a centre-right, centre-left alliance, an M5S-PD logic, but likewise attest to the depth of Italian dis- coalition, an M5S-centre-right union, an M5S- content. This has various explanations. Social, first League coalition or a ‘minority’ administration led by of all, since unemployment remains high, inequalities a figure who, for a limited time, would have a narrow of all sorts have increased and poverty has spread parliamentary majority, with the possibility of quickly 2018 greatly. Political, in the second place, since Italy has returning to a vote in case of failure. The formation been experiencing a profound political crisis for dec- of the executive is rendered all the more complicat- ades indicated in all surveys: The Italians’ dissatis- ed by the fact that the parties’ interests and pro- faction with their political leaders and more gener- grammes are incompatible, if not completely op- ally, the ensemble of the ruling class, the parties, posed. The Five Star Movement, for instance, parliament and the administration, is extremely high. promised citizens’ basic income during its cam- And finally, cultural, in the sense that Italians are ask- paign and must now meet the expectations of a Mediterranean Yearbook ing themselves who they are, now more than ever; southern electorate that demands social protection Med. Med. what unites them in the face of globalization, the Eu- and aid from the government, which is not at all IE what the electorate of the League –more liberal and And again, beginning in 2007-2008, with the finan- mistrustful of the bureaucratic and administrative cial and economic crisis that severely affected the Panorama machine– expects. peninsula and entailed austerity, rigor, recession, The Italians are thus waiting, as are the Europeans. unemployment, increased inequality and the growth Especially since these elections have marked a fur- of poverty. Finally, in 2013 and over the course of ther stage in the major trend that began a quarter of the following years, over 660,000 migrants arrived a century ago of disenchantment, discouragement, under dramatic conditions on the coasts of Italy and or even scepticism regarding the EU registered in the Italians, with good reason, felt abandoned by all opinion polls, whether Italian or European-wide. the other EU Member States in their attempts to Of all the eurozone, it is Italy that registers the low- manage the situation. Mainly the League and the est level of adherence to the single currency. How Brothers of Italy, but also, to a lesser extent, Forza should we interpret such a change in attitude among Italia and the Five Star Movement, deliberately used Italians vis-à-vis Europe? the migrant question as a political resource, inten- tionally amalgamating three realities: that of immi- grants established on the peninsula and regularized The Italians are thus waiting, as are (over 5 million now, four times their number in 2001, which has overwhelmed Italy, unaccustomed to the Europeans.
Recommended publications
  • The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
    All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf.
    [Show full text]
  • Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
    Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Piersanti Mattarella
    Piersanti Mattarella Piersanti Mattarella nacque a Castellammare del Golfo il 24 maggio 1935. Secondogenito di Bernardo Mattarella, uomo politico della Democrazia Cristiana e fratello di Sergio, 12° Presidente della Repubblica Italiana. Piersanti si trasferì a Roma con la famiglia nel 1948. Studiò al San Leone Magno, retto dai Fratelli maristi, e militò nell’Azione cattolica mostrandosi battagliero sostenitore della dottrina sociale della Chiesa che si andava affermando. Si laureò a pieni voti in Giurisprudenza alla Sapienza con una tesi in economia politica, sui problemi dell’integrazione economica europea. Tornò in Sicilia nel 1958 per sposarsi. Divenne assistente ordinario di diritto privato all'Università di Palermo. Ebbe due figli: Bernardo e Maria. Entrò nella Dc tra il 1962 e il 1963 e nel novembre del 1964 si candidò nella relativa lista alle elezioni comunali di Palermo ottenendo più di undicimila preferenze, divenendo consigliere comunale nel pieno dello scandalo del “Sacco di Palermo”. Erano, infatti, gli anni della crisi della Dc in Sicilia, c’era una spaccatura, si stavano affermando Lima e Ciancimino e si preparava il tempo in cui una colata di cemento avrebbe spazzato via le ville liberty di Palermo. Nel 1967 entrò nell’Assemblea Regionale. In politica adottò uno stile tutto suo: parlò di trasparenza, proponendo di ridurre gli incarichi (taglio degli assessorati da dodici ad otto e delle commissioni legislative da sette a cinque e per l'ufficio di presidenza la nomina di soli due vice, un segretario ed un questore) e battendosi per la rotazione delle persone nei centri di potere con dei limiti temporali, in modo da evitare il radicarsi di consorterie pericolose.
    [Show full text]
  • Italy and Possible Implications for Eurozone Stability
    ITALY IMPLICATIONS Italy and possible implications for eurozone stability After Italy’s unsuccessful push for reform at the EU Summit last month, many of its European partners may be tempted to write-off the country’s concerns. However, this somewhat complacent stance may be dangerous in that it underestimates the recent shift in Italian political dynamics that culminated in the formation of an unexpected coalition government and the extent to which this may impact financial markets and potentially EU stability. Erik Jones Abstract: Italy’s recent election surprised many are not natural political allies. While there are observers who expected a hung parliament areas of policy overlap, the diverse nature of and who were subsequently caught off guard the M5S’s political movement, its relatively by the success of the right-wing Lega and the more expensive policy agenda, and Lega’s populist Five Star Movement (M5S). This growing strength all suggest maintaining a outcome can be attributed to an increasingly united front may prove difficult. Nevertheless, volatile Italian electorate and a shift in political this unexpected political partnership ought dynamics brought about by the economic and not to be written-off by European partners. financial crisis. As the protracted coalition Finding ways to interact with Italy’s new negotiations demonstrated, the Lega and M5S government poses a considerable challenge 81 to EU leaders and, subsequently, the outlook Conte’s success with this complex agenda for EU macroeconomic governance reforms was not obvious. Moreover, there is nothing and financial markets’ stability. However, surprising in this lack of accomplishment. such efforts will be necessary to stabilize the Few heads of state or government achieve all eurozone and contain anti-EU sentiment.
    [Show full text]
  • Matteo Renzi Must Work with Italian Trade Unions Rather Than Against Them If He Is Serious About Reforming Italy's Labour Mark
    2017­6­1 Matteo Renzi must work with Italian trade unions rather than against them if he is serious about reforming Italy’s labour market | New European Trad… Matteo Renzi must work with Italian trade unions rather than against them if he is serious about reforming Italy’s labour market Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi has made reforming the Italian labour market a priority for his government. Chiara Benassi and Niccolo Durazzi assess the argument that Italy’s trade unions are an obstacle to reforms on the basis that they support only their core membership, rather than a broader agenda which includes ‘atypical’ workers such as agency staff. They argue that unions have taken on a much broader stance than they are typically credited with and that if Renzi is serious about reforming the country’s labour market it would be beneficial to work with unions rather than against them. It is safe to say that in Italy the main centre­left party – including all the previous versions of the most recently branded Democratic Party (PD) – and its historical ally among the unions, the Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGIL), have never been more distant. The climax was reached on the weekend of 25­26 October. On that weekend, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi held his annual ‘Leopolda’ event in Florence (named after the former train station where it takes place) which brought together government representatives, members of the PD, members of civil society, entrepreneurs and employers to present and discuss, among others, the reforms which are supposed to revitalise the stagnating Italian labour market.
    [Show full text]
  • What Will France's Role in Europe Be Over the Next Five Years?
    September 8th, 2017 Note n°23 Eurocité, 12 Citémalesherbes, 75009 Paris [email protected] www.eurocite.eu What will France’s role in Europe be over the next five years? Spain’s expectations, by Dídac Gutiérrez-Peris For once, France’s 2017 presidential elections had a strong sense of déjà-vu in Spain. A reminder of the rifts, the changes and the divides which have marked the Spanish political life in the past 10 years, such as the rise of a more radical left beside a worn out socialist party, exhausted by the exercise of power. Many similarities are to be found in the rise of Mélenchon’s party and its relationship with the PS with Podemos’ ascent and the PSOE. Another example would be the appearance of a new centrist party which also plays the anti-system card. It’s no surprise to see that Ciudadanos claims to belong to the same political trend as Macron’s party and that the new French President views the Orange movement as a positive development for Spain. And finally, the conservative right which, despite the many crises it went through, remains present on the political scene. Les Républicains and Partido Popular are both seing their reputation damaged due to corruption scandals and yet both remain key political elements, with Partido Popular in power in Spain and Les Républicains as the main party of opposition in Parliament in France. There are two main differences between the two countries though. Even though France was the last one to go through such a transition, En Marche’s victory was a much more significant disruption of the bipartisan state of play than in Spain.
    [Show full text]
  • President Juncker on Official Visit to Italy, Friday 26 February Brussels, 26 February 2016
    European Commission - Announcement President Juncker on official visit to Italy, Friday 26 February Brussels, 26 February 2016 © European Union 2016 Marco Zeppetella President Juncker had a friendly meeting with Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, in which they agreed on important aspects of Europe's most urgent priorities. The meeting covered a number of issues, from the economy, jobs and growth to progress on the European response to the refugee crisis and, more generally, the current state of European affairs. After the meeting, President Juncker underlined Italy's historic contribution to European integration, and spoke of a "large convergence of views" between the Italian government and the European Commission, including on the further deepening of the Economic and Monetary Union. In the refugee crisis, Italy's efforts were "exemplary and could serve as a role model for other Member States," President Juncker added. On Europe's economic policy, the President said: "This Commission does not condone blind austerity". The Commission last year granted Italy flexibility under the EU's Stability and Growth Pact, helping the country to reboot investment and pursue its ambitious programme of reforms. In January 2015 it adopted a Communication on how it intends to apply this flexibility under the Stability and Growth Pact. "There is an absolute need to rediscover the path of sustainable growth," insisted President Juncker. "From the start I have pleaded for a virtuous triangle of investment, structural reforms and responsible fiscal policy," he said of the Commission's broader economic strategy. Italy is the second-highest beneficiary of the Investment Plan for Europe, whose first wave of projects in Italy will trigger new investment worth 4.8 billion euros and create more than 3,200 new jobs.
    [Show full text]
  • Chi È Enrico Letta a Perché Ce L'ho Tanto Con
    Chi è Enrico Letta a perché ce l’ho tanto con lui di Luigi Scialanca Enrico Letta: Non penso che Monti tornerà alla Bocconi e sarebbe negativo se lo facesse. In questo anno Monti e Bersani si sono intesi bene, sono certo che troveranno la soluzione migliore. Vorrei aggiungere che le primarie hanno dimostrato il grande ruolo che Renzi ha avuto nel regalare nuovi consensi al Pd: sarebbe un errore se non creassimo le condizioni per farlo uscire dalla città di Firenze, spero che al più presto sia in pista al fianco di Bersani nel guidare la nostra coalizione verso le elezioni. (La Repubblica, lunedì 10 dicembre 2012). Qualcuno per caso si sta domandando come mai io ce l’abbia così tanto col Letta Enrico? Bene. Comin- ciamo dal gennaio 2009, quando il Letta Enrico, agli ordini del Veltroni Walter, era ministro-ombra (o, per meglio dire, ombra di ministro) del Lavoro. E ragionava così: Vogliamo essere un partito tempora- neamente all’opposizione o una forza strutturalmente minoritaria? Nel secondo caso dobbiamo rendere soddisfatti di sé gli elettori progressisti, richiamarci alla piazza, agli scioperi generali, alla diversità mo- rale... e vivere contenti e perdenti. Altrimenti, cominciamo a lavorare per sedurre l’elettorato moderato. Due mesi dopo, nel marzo 2009, ecco il Letta Enrico duettare con l’Ichino Pietro contro i lavoratori e i pensionati: Chi paga la disoccupazione? Una parte del Pd non ha dubbi: i lavoratori. In due maniere: per Enrico Letta e l’economista Nicola Rossi, i fondi possono essere raccattati agendo sulle pensioni: au- mentando l’età pensionabile, a partire dalle donne, e tagliando la quota dello stipendio che transita nel- l’assegno previdenziale.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Full Article Language: En Indien Anders: Engelse Articletitle: 0
    _full_alt_author_running_head (neem stramien B2 voor dit chapter en nul 0 in hierna): 0 _full_alt_articletitle_running_head (oude _articletitle_deel, vul hierna in): Introduction _full_article_language: en indien anders: engelse articletitle: 0 IntroductionIntroduction 1 Introduction Je suis Bardo On 18 March 2015, three gunmen disguised in military fatigues entered the Bardo precinct of Tunis. They hurried along the path that leads to the Bardo museum, stopped in front of the entrance and opened fire on a busload of tourists. They then broke into the museum, shooting staff and visitors on their trail, before climbing the marble stairs and taking a room full of hostages. The terror lasted for three hours before Tunisian special forces stormed the build- ing and ended the siege. In total, 19 people were killed and over fifty were wounded in the carnage. Responsibility for the attacks was claimed by the ter- rorist group ISIS, which had recently come to prominence for its bold and spectacle-obsessed style of terror in Syria and Iraq. The Bardo attack’s significance lay not only in the number of victims killed, but also in the centrality of the site to Tunisian public life. The Bardo complex began life as the residence of the Bey of Tunis. It was converted into a history museum under French rule in 1889. Following independence, the museum and an adjoining military complex remained, but part of the site was re-purposed to house the national parliament. The Bardo has attained additional signifi- cance since the revolution as the site of a new spirit of democracy. Inside the parliamentary buildings, members of special committees charged with draft- ing the country’s new constitution had sat for countless hours during 2012 and 2013 whilst televised debates from the adjoining parliamentary chambers were broadcast to audiences across Tunisia, who for the first time in their lives could witness genuine unmediated political debate.
    [Show full text]
  • CG36(2019)02Final 2 April 2019
    36th SESSION Report CG36(2019)02final 2 April 2019 Verification of new members’ credentials Bureau of the Congress Co-rapporteurs 1 : Michail ANGELOPOULOS, Greece (L, EPP/CCE) Johan VAN DEN HOUT, Netherlands (R, SOC) Resolution 439 (2019) ............................................................................................................................. 2 Summary The rapporteurs review the credentials of the new members in the light of the current criteria of the Congress Charter and Rules and Procedures. 1 L: Chamber of Local Authorities / R: Chamber of Regions EPP/CCE: European People’s Party Group in the Congress SOC: Socialist Group ILDG: Independent and Liberal Democrat Group ECR: European Conservatives and Reformists Group NR: Members not belonging to a political group of the Congress Tel ► +33 (0)3 8841 2110 Fax ► +33 (0)3 9021 5580 [email protected] CG36(2019)02final RESOLUTION 439 (2019)2 1. In compliance with the Congress’ Charter and Rules and Procedures, the countries listed hereafter have changed the composition of their delegation due to either the loss of mandate or the resignation of some members of the delegation of: Czech Republic, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Russian Federation, Serbia and Spain. 2. At present there are 4 representative seats and 16 substitute seats vacant out of a total of 648 seats. The countries concerned – Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, France, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom – are invited to complete their delegation. 3. The rapporteurs on the verification of credentials propose that the Congress approve the credentials of the members of the national delegations appended to this resolution and the new appointment procedure of Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • Sergio Mattarella
    __________ Marzo 2021 Indice cronologico dei comunicati stampa SEZIONE I – DIMISSIONI DI CORTESIA ......................................................................... 9 Presidenza Einaudi...........................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Gronchi ..........................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Segni ..............................................................................................................................9 Presidenza Saragat.........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Leone ...........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Pertini ..........................................................................................................................10 Presidenza Cossiga ........................................................................................................................11 Presidenza Ciampi .........................................................................................................................11 Presidenza Mattarella ....................................................................................................................11 SEZIONE II – DIMISSIONI EFFETTIVE ........................................................................
    [Show full text]