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Great : the final four Duncan Brack and York Membery The search for the greatest Liberal Gladstone, Keynes, Lloyd George or Mill? David Dutton Liberal civil war Denbigh, Oldham and the 1935 election John Curtice Elections 2007 Analysis of the May 2007 elections Tomas Bech Madsen and in History of Det Radikale Venstre Paul Mulvey Individualist thought and radicalism J. C. Wedgwood’s battle against collectivism Liberal Democrat History Group Joint British Liberal Political Studies Group Conference, 19–21 January 2007

The BLPSG held its second grateful. It was once again the use of judicial review. He spent particularly welcome; look out conference between 19–21 largest gathering of historians, much of his talk explaining exactly for further details in future issues January 2007, at Birmingham political scientists and politicians, how and why this was done. of the Journal of Liberal History. In University Conference Centre. from across the UK and Europe, the mean time, the Group will be Elsewhere in the conference the Once again the conference was in who study the Liberal organising panels at conferences situation regarding the party’s a former stately home and offered in the UK for the academic year. of the Political Studies Association leadership, just one year on from the delegates a comfortable and The conference also helped and its Elections, Parties and Charles Kennedy’s departure, was rather grand setting. Dr Alistair enable the most in-depth study Opinion Polls sub-group amongst one of the many papers Clarke (who has now gone to of the Liberal Democrats to occur presented. Other conference Anyone interested in the work of Queen’s University, Belfast) and at an academic level in the UK. topics included Liberal Democrat the BLPSG should contact: Dr Colin Copus (Birmingham) Nevertheless the figure was tax policies; the state of the party were the local organisers, while down on the first year of those Dr Russell Deacon in 2007; campaigning, gender Dr Russell Deacon (University of attending. Convenor, British Liberal Political and candidate selection; the Wales Institute, Cardiff) acted once Studies Group The Saturday evening dinner was European Liberals; the Liberal more as the overall facilitator for addressed by John Hemming, Democrats in the forthcoming Centre for Humanities, Cardiff the running of the conference. MP for Birmingham Yardley, who Scottish and Welsh elections; and School of Education, University of Delegates came from eleven spoke on the topic of ‘How to deal Prime Ministers, leaders and other Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed, universities, including one from with issues of constitutional law important Liberal figures. Cardiff CF23 6XD France; there were nineteen in and the privileges of parliament’. The next BLPSG conference is Email: [email protected] total. It was sponsored mainly be Many readers will know that planned for the winter of 2008–09. the Political Studies Association, Hemming is a controversial Tel: 02920 417102 Political history papers will be for whom the group are most politician who specialises in the

The Dictionary of Liberal Thought ‘If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants’. Locke, Bentham, Mill, Hobhouse, Keynes, Rawls … Liberalism has been built on more than three centuries’ work of political thinkers and writers, and the aspirations of countless human beings who have fought for , democracy, the and open and tolerant societies.

In the first-ever such publication, the History Group’s Dictionary of Liberal Thought provides an accessible guide to the key thinkers, groups and concepts associated with liberalism –not only British but also European and American. The essential reference book for every thinking Liberal.

Copies are available from the Westminster Bookshop, at its stand at Liberal Democrat conference, or at 8 Artillery Row, London SW1; www.westminsterbookshop.co.uk; price: £35.

Copies are also available from the History Group stand at Lib Dem conference: special price £28 for Journal subscribers.

2 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 Journal of Liberal History Issue 56: Autumn 2007 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 The search for the greatest Liberal 4 Editor: Duncan Brack The final stage of the History Group’s ‘Great Liberals’ contest. Profiles of the Assistant Editor: Lysianne Egan final four contestants byDuncan Brack and York Membery. Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Deputy Reviews Editor: Tom Kiehl Liberal civil war: Denbigh, Oldham and the 1935 8 election Patrons David Dutton examines two constituencies where Liberals and Liberal Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Nationals fought each other in 1935. Professor John Vincent Elections 2007 17 Editorial Board John Curtice analyses the outcomes of the local, Scottish and Welsh elections Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr of May 2007. What do they mean for the Liberal Democrats? David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Holmes; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Radicalism and Liberalism in Denmark 20 Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr The history of the Danish social , Det Radikale Venstre; by Tomas John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Iain Sharpe Bech Madsen. Editorial/Correspondence Individualist thought and radicalism 26 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Josiah C. Wedgwood’s battle against the collectivists, 1906 – 1914; by Paul publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Mulvey. Contributions should be sent to:

Duncan Brack (Editor) Letters to the Editor 33 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ Injustice to Asquith (John R. Howe); Watkin, Yarmouth and Exeter (Michael email: [email protected] Steed) All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Religion, human and politics in 1906 and 34 Advertisements 2006 Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Alan Beith MP’s keynote speech to the Cambridge 1906 seminar. Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please contact the Editor. Report: Think Liberal – the Dictionary of Liberal 37 Thought Subscriptions/Membership With David Howarth MP and Michael Meadowcroft; report by Duncan Brack. An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform Reviews 38 us otherwise. The institutional rate is £30.00. Non-UK Foot and Highet (eds.), Isaac Foot, reviewed by Robert Ingham; Brack and subscribers should add £5.00. Randall (eds.), Dictionary of Liberal Thought, reviewed by Eugenio Biagini; Online subscriptions cost £40.00 (individuals) or Brack (ed.), President Gore … and other things that never happened, reviewed by £50.00 (institutions). As well as printed copies, online Robert Ingham; Hichens, Prime Ministers’ Wives – and One Husband, reviewed subscribers will be able to access online copies of by J. Graham Jones; Grayson, Political Quarterly special issue on the Liberal current and all past Journals. Democrats, reviewed by Jeremy Hargreaves. Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) should be sent to:

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Liberal Democrat History Group The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal and other occasional Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o publications. 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8DL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. September 2007 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 3 , , , – who is the greatest Liberal of all time? The Liberal the search for the Democrat History Group’s poll for the greatest British Liberal in history is now entering its final stage. In July, Journal readers voted between fifteen potential candidates Greatest Liberal (plus an eclectic collection of write-ins). The result is given in summary below; the final four to emerge he case for each of the The first-stage ballot were Gladstone, Lloyd top four will be pre- Just under a hundred Journal George, Keynes and sented at the History readers voted in the first-stage Group’s fringe meet- ballot, over a fifth of our circu- Mill, with Asquith as ing at the autumn lation – not bad considering we TLiberal Democrat conference didn’t provide reply-paid enve- a fairly close runner- in Brighton (see back page for lopes. The count extended to up. In the next three details). Leading politicians and fourteen stages. The summary historians will make the case for result is given in the table; STV pages you will find each one of the four. aficionados can be sent a copy of concise biographies Enclosed with this Journal is the full count by emailing jour- a ballot paper, which if posted, [email protected]. of the four contenders must reach us no later than Tues- Journal readers were highly in the final stage, put day 18 September (it can also inventive in coming up with be emailed – see the paper for write-in candidates, including together by Duncan details). If you are attending Lib- some highly obscure characters Brack and York eral Democrat conference, you (mostly Whigs), and some we can hand in your paper to the were going to rule out for being Membery. Journal History Group stand in the exhi- alive, or for not being even readers, together with bition, by the end of Wednesday remotely Liberal; but perhaps 19 September, or at the fringe less smart when it came to vot- all Liberal Democrats meeting that evening. ing for them – the vast majority attending the party’s The exercise has generated were listed as lower preferences a surprising amount of interest than number 1, so of course autumn conference, from the media (surprising to were all eliminated, with zero now have to make us, anyway), with BBC Radio first preferences, when we (Today, Westminster Hour), The started knocking candidates off the final decision – Guardian, The Sunday Times and the bottom. the New Statesman all mentioning Below are summary biog- which of the four is the it. Look out for more coverage in raphies for the final four greatest? the run-up to the final result! candidates.

4 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 the search for the Greatest Liberal

W. E. Gladstone (1809–98) the Liberal Party, and nine years means were inadequate, such as William Ewart Gladstone was later became its leader. Under in education. the political giant of Victorian his four premierships, the Irish In the time left over from politics. He defined the Liberal Church was disestablished, the office, Gladstone collected Party of the second half of the secret ballot introduced, the china, wrote on Homer and par- nineteenth century: the party of purchase of army commissions ticipated in the religious contro- peace, retrenchment, reform and abolished, state primary educa- versies of his time. He was a man – above all – trust in the people. tion established and the franchise of immense physical and mental A minister by the age of reformed and extended. He pur- energy, chopping down trees twenty-five, he left office for sued a foreign policy guided by and reading books (20,000 of the last time at eighty-five. He the ‘love of freedom’ and action them, according to Roy Jenkins) served as Prime Minister on no through a ‘concert of nations’. for relaxation. He moulded and less than four occasions, three For Gladstone, politics was, embodied Victorian Liberalism. of them after his ‘retirement’ in above all else, about great moral He was not only a great Liberal; 1875. He was the leading ora- issues rather than selfish interests. he was a great human being. tor of his age, not only in Par- Hence his conversion to Irish liament but outside, regularly Home Rule – which, despite addressing audiences of 20,000 two attempts, he never achieved, John Maynard Keynes (1883– or more. splitting his party in the proc- 1946) Originally a Tory, he was ess. His preoccupation with As well as Liberal politicians, converted to the cause of free moral issues also explains his Liberal thinkers have helped to trade under Sir . opposition to radical ‘construc- shape government in twentieth- As Chancellor of the Excheq- tionist’ legislation, which could century Britain. Greatest among uer in the 1850s and 1860s, he too easily destroy incentives for them was Keynes, the most abolished tariffs, simplified self-help and voluntaryism. Yet influential and important eco- taxation, ended paper duties he was always a government nomic thinker of the century, to facilitate the growth of the activist willing to expand the whose ideas came to underpin press and established the Post role of the state, as a regulator Western governments’ post-war Office Savings Bank. With other (for example, in railway regu- economic strategy. , in 1859 he joined with lation, or Irish land reform), or Primarily a Cambridge Whigs and Radicals to create as a provider where voluntary academic, John Maynard

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 5 the search for the greatest liberal

Far left: Keynes was also an active Gladstone, Liberal. He was a pioneer of the Keynes Liberal Summer School move- Left: Lloyd ment, a member of the Liberal George, Mill Industrial Inquiry, which pro- duced Britain’s Industrial Future, the famous ‘Yellow Book’ (1928), and part-author of the 1929 Liberal manifesto and of the accompanying Can Lloyd George Do It?, which explained the Liberal Party’s plans to cure unemployment. Like all great Liberals, Key- nes was essentially an optimist. Through his brilliant insights he showed how economics could be used to help create and maintain the conditions in which human beings could live civilised, crea- tive and passionate lives.

David Lloyd George (1863– 1945) David Lloyd George is one of the greatest and at the same time one of the most controversial politi- cians in the history of the Liberal Party. He played a central role in the great reformist administra- tions of 1905–16. As party leader (1926–31), he introduced Key- nesian economics to the Lib- eral programme and to British politics. But his period as Prime Minister, from 1916–22, split the party into rival factions, presag- ing its catastrophic decline. Lloyd George grew up in North Wales in humble circum- Keynes worked for the govern- His most famous work, The stances, and qualified as a solici- ment in both wars. During the General Theory of Employment, tor before winning election as First World War he advised Interest and Money (1936), effec- MP for Caernarfon Boroughs in Lloyd George on war finance tively invented macroeconom- 1890. He rapidly earned a reputa- and the Versailles peace settle- ics. He showed that the price tion as a radical, and was promi- ment, resigning over its punitive system could not be relied nent in the opposition to the terms. In the Second, he was the upon to achieve an equilibrium Boer War. He entered the cabi- leading economic adviser to the that made full use of human net first as President of the Board Treasury (1940–46), and headed resources, and argued that gov- of Trade and then as Chancellor the British delegation to the ernments should manage the of the Exchequer. He established Bretton Woods talks in 1944, economy to eliminate unem- himself as a dynamic, radical which laid the foundations for ployment, especially by running force in the government, intro- the post-war international finan- budget deficits. The book reads ducing the major Liberal social cial and trading system. like a summary of all economics reforms, including old age pen- His economic works include written subsequently, though, sions, National Insurance and his Tract on Monetary Reform like the Bible and the works of the ‘People’s Budget’ of 1909. (1923) and On Money (1930), still Karl Marx, its very richness has He served as Minister of regarded as his major works by led to thousands of articles and Munitions and then Secre- many monetary economists. books disputing its meaning. tary of State for War in the first

6 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 the search for the greatest liberal

­wartime coalition. In December 1916, after mounting concern Great Liberals: first-stage result over Asquith’s ineffectual lead- Candidate First preference votes Eliminated / elected at stage ership, he found himself facing H. H. Asquith 4 Runner-up irresistible pressure to take office William Beveridge 3 6 as Prime Minister. He proved an Violet Bonham-Carter 2 4 exceptionally able war leader, Henry Campbell-Bannerman 5 11 but the split of 1916 gravely 3 9 wounded the Liberal Party and eventually led to its eclipse by Millicent Garrett Fawcett 2 5 Labour. Charles James Fox 2 4 Succeeding Asquith as leader W. E. Gladstone 37 1 in July 1926, Lloyd George used Jo Grimond 4 12 his famous Fund (accumulated Roy Jenkins 4 10 from the sale of honours) to John Maynard Keynes 6 14 finance a series of policy com- mittees. These produced, most David Lloyd George 6 13 famously, the ‘Yellow Book’, 3 7 Britain’s Industrial Future, which John Stuart Mill 9 8 proposed a radical programme Lord John Russell 1 3 of state intervention in the econ- Write-ins omy to reduce unemployment. 1 3 Under his inspirational leader- ship, the party enjoyed a new- Winston Churchill 1 3 found energy and vitality – but Stephen College 1 3 was by then too firmly estab- T. H. Green 1 3 lished in third place to be able to L. T. Hobhouse 1 3 break through the barriers of the Viscount Palmerston 1 3 electoral system. Herbert Samuel 0 2 One of the most dynamic and brilliant politicians ever to lead 1 3 the Liberal Party and become Quota = 19.61 premier, Lloyd George remains a figure of controversy; but his their own business better than to 1868, where he argued for achievements, first in imple- government did. However, he proportional representation menting the New Liberal pro- acknowledged a clear role for the and the extension of suffrage gramme of social reform, and state, for example in regulating to women householders – a then in ensuring that the Lib- natural monopolies. stance he developed in The Sub- eral Party remained committed He is best known for his jection of Women (1869), which to , are real and masterpiece, On (1859), remains the only feminist clas- lasting. which emphatically vindicated sic written by a man. He main- individual moral autonomy, tained that social reform, rather and celebrated the importance than repression, was the cure John Stuart Mill (1806–73) of originality and dissent. for civil unrest in Ireland, and Philosopher, economist, jour- Although generations of Liber- argued for the impeachment nalist, political writer, social als have used his arguments to of the brutal Governor Eyre of reformer, and, briefly, Liberal oppose state authoritarianism, Jamaica. Mill’s defence of civil MP, John Stuart Mill is one of in fact Mill devoted most of the rights and racial equality helped the most famous figures in the work to arguing against middle- to lose him his seat in 1868. pantheon of Liberal theorists, class conformism, which stulti- Mill’s intellectual achieve- and the greatest of the Victorian fied opposition and a critical cast ments were unmatched in Vic- Liberal thinkers. of mind. torian England. His defence of Eldest son of the Scottish util- In Considerations on Rep- individual liberty can still set the itarian philosopher James Mill, resentative Government (1861) terms of debate today, for exam- John Stuart’s works have had far Mill expounded his doctrine ple over . This more lasting interest. In Princi- of democracy, emphasising the helps to explain why On Liberty ples of Political Economy (1848) he importance of local govern- is the symbol of office of the voiced his unease concerning the ment. Putting his beliefs into President of the Liberal Demo- excessive power and influence practice, he served as Liberal crats – and, what is more, the of the state; people ­understood MP for Westminster from 1865 symbol of liberalism itself.

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 7 Liberal Civil War Denbigh, Oldham and the 1935 Election

Following the 1931 ne of the most the Liberal Nationals had been striking features left undisturbed in their seats. general election, the of the Liberal– The experience of a by-elec- Liberal Party soon Liberal National tion in East Fife in February 1933 disintegrated into spl it was the provided a salutary warning. Oreluctance of the mainstream After a period of uncertainty, three rival factions: party to challenge the Simonite the Liberal National candidate, heretics in those constituen- James Henderson Stewart, was the mainstream party cies where the sitting MP, the opposed by an independent free- under Herbert Samuel; local party organisation, or trade Liberal, David Keir. The both, had defected to the rebel latter was not authorised by Lib- the Liberal Nationals cause. There were superficial eral headquarters, but enjoyed led by John Simon; justifications for this approach. the backing of several prominent It allowed Liberals to maintain Liberals. But Keir came a disap- and a small family the pretence that the breach of pointing fourth out of five can- group surrounding 1931, like many before it, was didates and the clash between no more than a passing quarrel Liberal and Liberal National David Lloyd George. and that the Liberal Nation- inevitably put back hopes of Though the last named als would one day repent and eventual reunion. As late as 1937 return to the fold. ‘With one Archibald Sinclair, by then leader ultimately rejoined the or two exceptions’, declared of the Liberal Party, warned the Liberal Magazine as late as of the consequences of clashes party, the majority of 1934, ‘the Liberal Nationals are in the constituencies in terms Liberal Nationals never bound in the course of time to of initiating full-scale warfare reunite with the normal Liberal between the two factions: did. David Dutton Party’.1 In addition, it was clear tells the story of two that clashes between the two We at Headquarters cannot – groups would inevitably split at any rate yet – countenance constituencies where the Liberal vote to the probable attacks upon seats held by Liberals and Liberal electoral advantage of Labour Liberal National members of or Conservative opponents. Parliament. They have not yet Nationals fought each Furthermore, if Liberals chal- done it to us openly, and we other at the polls in lenged Liberal Nationals and should have to consider very then failed to defeat them, the carefully before we took the 1935. impact would be worse than if initiative against them.2

8 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 Liberal Civil War Denbigh, Oldham and the 1935 Election

But the policy of peaceful co- – November 1931] and the own party, including Lloyd existence with the Liberal small section which now forms George’s attempts to negotiate a Nationals also had its downside, the Opposition Liberal Group pact to keep the government in as Sinclair himself had been subsequently split off from the office. ‘Find Liberal party going quick to recognise. Writing as Party.’4 down the abyss’, he noted in early as November 1932, he had On balance, however, it was May 1930.6 It was clear to him drawn attention to the Liber- the arguments against confron- that the party was disintegrat- als’ need to stress their claim tation which prevailed. As a ing and equally clear on which to be the Liberal Party rather result, formal clashes between side of the divide Morris-Jones than merely one representa- Liberals and Liberal Nationals would place himself: tion of the Liberal creed. ‘If you remained very rare. This makes will forgive me for saying so the two inter-Liberal contests Our party has inherent diffi- … we don’t want to be called which did take place at the 1935 culties. A portion of it is pro- Samuelite Liberals as opposed general election of particu- Labour and a portion (much to Simonite Liberals, we want lar interest and significance. In smaller) anti-Labour. Party to emphasise the fact that we the North Wales constituency organisation is going to pieces: are the Liberal Party.’3 By leav- of Denbighshire West (usually federations are closing for lack ing Liberal Nationals in place referred to simply as Denbigh) of funds, and no-one knows and unchallenged in constitu- Dr Henry Morris-Jones, first how much there is in the LlG encies where there was a sig- elected as a Liberal MP in 1929, fund and what use is being nificant Liberal tradition, the was a natural recruit to the ranks made of it or to what purpose it mainstream party could only of the Liberal Nationals. He is being kept.7 encourage the perception that was appalled by the perform- the breakaway group was the ance of the Labour government Though not attracted by John authentic voice of the Liberal of 1929–31 and especially by its Simon in terms of character, creed. This was an image which management of the economy. ‘I Morris-Jones did concede that the Liberal Nationals them- have seen what a Labour major- the leader of what became the selves were understandably keen ity would be like’, he recorded: Liberal National faction had to foster. ‘It must be noted’, ‘They are crude and insufferable ‘seen the rocks ahead some suggested their house journal, and bring into the atmosphere of time ago’.8 Not surprisingly, he ‘that the Liberal Nationals had debate in this old House some of was among those who joined not split off from the rest of the the manners of our town coun- Simon in a memorial to the Liberal Party. The Party as a cils in big industrial areas.’5 Prime Minister, Ramsay Mac- whole formed part of the First But he was equally disap- Donald, after the formation of National Government [August pointed by the conduct of his the National Government in

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 9 liberal civil war

candidate for the next Vaughan Jones suggested, had general election. now come to the parting of Thomas Waterhouse, sen- the ways – ‘we cannot ride two ior vice-president of the North horses; we must get in or get Wales Liberal Federation, out’. By a vote of seventy-one to emerged as Morris-Jones’s sever- fifty-eight and to the cheers of est critic. The important thing, the Liberal National section of he stressed, was for the Liberal the meeting, Morris-Jones sur- Party to put its house in order at vived the hostile motion.12 the earliest possible moment. But But the narrowness of the ‘how can this be done when we MP’s victory ensured that his have men like Dr Morris-Jones, troubles would continue. The who is holding office in a Tory very fact that Morris-Jones administration, acting as a good enjoyed the continuing, and Tory should, and coming down increasingly unqualified, back- to his constituents at Denbigh ing of the local Conservative and telling them that he was Association only confirmed the “as good a Liberal as ever”?’10 misgivings of his Liberal critics. A well-attended meeting of the According to the annual report Colwyn Bay Liberal Association of the Central Council of the in early November 1933 passed West Denbighshire Conserva- August 1931, pledging support Henry Morris- a unanimous vote of no confi- tives, ‘another year’s experi- for any steps judged necessary to Jones, Liberal dence in the sitting member and, ence has further emphasised his deal with the economic crisis – a National MP for in pointed terms, called upon loyalty and devoted efforts in clear indication of his willing- Denbigh the county association to select support of the National Gov- ness to contemplate tariffs. By a Liberal candidate at the earliest ernment and we would assure the time of the general election opportunity.11 This, of course, Dr Morris-Jones of our utmost in November, Morris-Jones had is precisely what Morris-Jones satisfaction and co-operation’.13 become a fully-fledged member claimed to be. At the Liberals’ annual meeting of the Liberal National group. An ‘eagerly anticipated’ in December 1934 the tone was But the member for Den- meeting of the divisional asso- very different. Morris-Jones did bigh was only partially success- ciation was held later in the his best to rebut the charge that ful in carrying the local Liberal month. Morris-Jones declined he was supporting what was, in party with him. A number of to attend, but a letter from him practice, a Conservative admin- local activists, particularly in was read out to the meeting. The istration. With some justice he the Colwyn Bay area, refused MP reminded the delegates that pointed out that many right- to be reconciled to the MP’s more than half the members of wing Tories were critical of the change of allegiance. The the parliamentary Liberal Party, government for not enacting annual meeting of the Denbigh elected in 1931, were still sup- Conservative measures. ‘The Liberal Association in October porting the National Govern- fact was’, he suggested, ‘that the 1931 saw Morris-Jones ‘severely ment and had behind them the Conservative Party was going questioned … and also criti- support of their local associa- through the process of transi- cised’ before he secured a vote tions. ‘I trust the Denbigh Divi- tion which was inevitable to of confidence by forty-six votes sion Liberals will take the same every party facing the complex to twenty-two and was adopted view.’ By a vote of sixty-seven problems of the world.’ as the Liberal candidate for the to fifty-nine Morris-Jones was But criticism came from Tho- forthcoming election.9 The re-elected president of the asso- mas Roberts, chairman of the departure of the Samuelite ciation, but he then faced a vote Colwyn Bay Association, who ministers from the National of no confidence moved by Dr described the MP’s defence of Government in September 1932 Vaughan Jones of Colwyn Bay. the government as tantamount served to highlight the Den- According to Vaughan Jones, to ‘whitewashing Judas Iscar- bigh MP’s anomalous position the MP had become a whole- iot’. It was such a government and, when he accepted office hearted supporter of what was as this, he added, that had lost as a junior whip, the Denbigh effectively a Conservative gov- the American colonies. ‘If we Liberal Association passed a ernment and of all the measures judge Dr Morris-Jones by the resolution expressing disap- it had brought . He had company he keeps, he is not a proval. The following April a even spoken on Conservative good Liberal. I have no per- further resolution was passed platforms and had supported sonal objection to the Doctor’, urging the divisional executive a Conservative candidate in a stressed Roberts, ‘and I would committee to secure a Liberal recent by-election. Liberals, like to see him break clean away

10 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 liberal civil war from them. I am sure there is my friend was adopted as the At all events, Morris-Jones’s the making of a good Liberal in Liberal candidate by sixty-six supporters now decided to adopt him yet.’14 against forty-two.17 him as the Liberal National can- The approach of another gen- didate for the forthcoming elec- eral election brought Denbigh’s The second name before the tion and it was significant that internecine Liberal dispute to a meeting was that of J. C. Dav- the sitting member retained head. Nationally, the position ies, Director of Education for the backing of the key officers remained that Liberals would Denbighshire and a former of the West Denbighshire Lib- not challenge sitting Liberal MP for the division (1922–23), eral Association. Meanwhile National MPs in their constitu- who insisted that he had only his opponents rejoiced that they encies. Indeed, in most instances put himself forward because had finally secured the opportu- the local Liberal organisation of pressure from local Liberals. nity to return an authentic Lib- was in no position to do so. But ‘I was found by those whom I eral for a seat that had been ‘one much depended on the initiative sought not. I never asked a soul of the greatest strongholds of of the local Liberal party. Mor- to support me. As a matter of Liberalism’. 20 The MP ‘could not ris-Jones had behind him the full fact it was the constituency that have been ignorant of the strong and unanimous backing of the courted me, and not I the con- feeling that has existed for some West Denbighshire Conserva- stituency.’ Proposing Davies’s time among a great number of tive Association, but his position nomination, W. G. Dodd from his Liberal supporters against his in relation to the corresponding Llangollen said that Morris- support of the so-called National Liberal Association remained as Jones’s conduct had caused divi- Government. It is useless for him problematic as it had been since sion in the constituency and saying that no other government 1931.15 The reporter of the Den- ‘today is the day of reckoning’. was possible.’21 bigh Free Press chose his words Seconding the nomination, A. In what became a lively cam- with care: J. Costain from Colwyn Bay paign, both Morris-Jones and emphasised his belief that ‘there Davies sought to lay claim to the As a rule the [annual] meet- should be a Liberal Member mantle of true Liberalism. Tak- ing [of the West Denbighshire for the Division at the present ing his case to his critics’ strong- Liberal Association] is a formal time’. But there was no question hold, Morris-Jones addressed affair, confined mainly to the of Morris-Jones standing aside a crowded meeting in Colwyn appointment of officers for gracefully. As his own proposer Bay. Here, supported by Oswald the ensuing year, but we are pointed out, there was ‘a pos- Jones, chairman of the Divi- given to understand it is not sibility that if Dr Morris-Jones sional Liberal Association, he at all unlikely that advantage was not adopted, he would explained his position on what will be taken of the opportu- come out as a National Liberal remained the central point of nity of selecting and adopting candidate’, to which the MP division between the two Liberal a candidate to represent the responded, ‘that is what I will factions. He was, he stressed, as Association. Dr J. H. Morris- do’. In practice, of course, this much a free trader as anyone at Jones, the Liberal National is what Morris-Jones already the meeting and he wanted to member, entered Parliament was. Only the majority backing see all tariff barriers removed. as the nominee of the Asso- of the local Liberal Association But the realities of the world sit- ciation and, having given a up to this point had enabled In what uation could not be ignored. ‘It good account of himself dur- him to claim that he was a Lib- is quite clear that a small coun- ing his stewardship, would no eral tout court. When the vote became a try like ourselves could not be doubt have the solid backing was declared, Morris-Jones allowed to become the dump- of the great majority of his remained defiant. ‘This is the lively cam- ing ground of the world. It was a constituents.16 result here. I shall fight the seat situation which could not be tol- … I shall carry my appeal to the paign, both erated. The tariffs that the Gov- The crucial meeting was duly electors of the West Denbigh ernment imposed have given held on 24 October 1935. As Division’, he declared to con- Morris-Jones new life to many industries.’22 Morris-Jones later recalled: flicting cries of ‘Hear, hear!’ and and Davies Nor was this mere sophistry ‘as a Tory’.18 The vote, insisted on Morris-Jones’s part. None I faced a crowd of excited dele- Morris-Jones, had been deter- sought to other than David Lloyd George gates. In the entrance hall I met mined by a caucus from Col- had decided that new circum- a friend who it had been whis- wyn Bay, and there is certainly lay claim to stances demanded new remedies. pered to me, on my way in, evidence that many of the MP’s the man- Speaking at Bangor on his sev- was likely to be adopted in my supporters had stayed away in enty-second birthday, the still- place. He assured me that he unfounded confidence that he tle of true vigorous former Prime Minister was not in the field … After a would again be adopted as the made an important contribution boisterous two hours’ meeting Liberal candidate.19 Liberalism. to the ongoing debate between

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 11 liberal civil war

free trade and protection. His he suggested, was clear. It was a ‘New Deal’ proposals included a case of Liberalism versus Tory- call for ‘the implementation of a ism masquerading as Liberalism. policy of Protection, the use of But Davies did something to tariffs “ruthlessly and to the full” undermine his own case by fol- to effect the reduction, and ulti- lowing the line of Lloyd George mately the elimination, of tar- – whose endorsement he enjoyed iffs in the USA.’23 If this was the – on the question of tariffs. ‘I opinion of Welsh Liberalism’s am and always have been a free most famous son, it would take a trader, but I quite recognise that brave man indeed to declare that under present circumstances free the same sentiment expressed by trade is not practical politics.’26 Morris-Jones did not constitute The last days of the contest were true Liberalism. Furthermore, ‘very bitter’ and local observers there were still in 1935 many sensed a remarkable late swing to whole-hearted Liberal vot- Davies.27 But when the result was ers who believed that Britain’s announced Morris-Jones had situation, domestic and foreign, held on. Polling 17,372 votes, he required united action by all the had a majority in excess of 5,000 parties. As one newspaper corre- over Davies.28 The latter had not spondent put it: been helped by the intervention of a Labour candidate who prob- There is a substantial moderate ably deprived him of a consider- Liberal view which considers able number of anti-government that much of the Government’s votes. Across the country as a legislation has been progres- whole the National Government sive and fair to the country as enjoyed another overwhelming a whole and that it has sought victory. The Times drew atten- peace and given firm support to tion to Morris-Jones’s triumph the League [of Nations]. This and hailed him as ‘the only Gov- Liberal opinion considers that ernment Liberal who fought a a solid body of Liberals within Liberal’. 29 the administration can exert more influence for causes that ~ are dear to Liberalism than a small handful of Liberals in This, however, was not strictly opposition who do not appear true. The very different two- to know their own mind.24 member constituency of Old- ham, to the east of Manchester, The former MP, Lord Clwyd, had returned two Conservative who as Sir Herbert Roberts had MPs in 1931, with the Liberals represented the constituency for standing down at the last minute upwards of a quarter of a cen- as a gesture of solidarity with the tury in the Liberal interest, was recently-formed National Gov- of the same mind. While regret- ernment, which at that point ting the Liberal split within the enjoyed the support of both the division, Clwyd assured Mor- Simonite and Samuelite factions. ris-Jones that, under existing But this predominantly work- international conditions, he was ing-class constituency, in which in favour of a National Gov- textile manufacture and in par- ernment and his desire was to ticular cotton-spinning was the strengthen the influence of Lib- leading industry, had been sol- eralism in the interests of peace. idly Liberal in the early years of ‘I am, therefore, a supporter of the century before that working- your candidature.’25 class allegiance began to transfer For all that, it was a central to Labour.30 Indeed, one Liberal Liberal leaders: point of Davies’s campaign to MP had still been elected for Herbert Samuel, assert that he was the only Lib- Oldham in each of the general John Simon, eral candidate – without prefix elections of 1918, 1922, 1923 and Archibald Sinclair or suffix – in the field. The issue, 1924. Moreover, the experience

12 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 liberal civil war of 1929, when both seats had voters’ confusion by throw- The blind National machine was up and been taken by Labour, indicated ing his weight behind the Lib- running in Oldham, working that, in normal times, this was eral Nationals. He argued that commitment in close co-operation with local not natural Conservative terri- the great creed of Liberalism, Conservatives. The agent, Rob- tory. Thus, despite the fact that despite its historic achievement of the main- ert Leitch, gathered together in 1931, each of the successful in removing restrictions on indi- stream party an enthusiastic band of work- Tories polled over 20,000 more vidual freedom, had largely stag- ers, many of whom had helped votes than their nearest Labour nated since the end of the First to free trade, Dodd in his earlier incarnation opponent, there was considera- World War. Its reputation now as a Liberal. A co-ordinating ble doubt, as the election of 1935 was for ineffectiveness, the result he sug- committee was set up with the approached, as to whether both of its over-concentration on the Conservatives to organise the seats could be held by the Con- removal of abuses at the expense gested, ‘does campaign and plans were drawn servatives. By July such think- of positive policies of construc- not denote up to invite senior government ing persuaded the executive of tion and progress. By contrast, ministers to visit the constitu- the local Conservative Party to the Liberal Nationals: honesty; on ency. Only in mid-October did adopt just one candidate for the the Samuelite Liberals decide forthcoming contest and, for the have had the courage to break the contrary, to contest the seat, though no second seat, to throw its weight away from the Liberal prepos- it prevents candidate was yet chosen. The behind a Liberal National, ‘both session of negation and to re- Standard was dismissive of their being supporters of the National establish what is the first of all integrity of prospects: Government’.31 Liberal principles, namely that The question now was every problem should be con- thought’. It is generally recognised that whether the Liberal National sidered on its merits. They have the Samuelite Liberals, who- candidate would be the sole refused to confound ends with ever their candidate, can have standard-bearer of the Liberal means and have shown them- little if any chance of success. creed by the time the country selves capable of distinguish- They are weak numerically and went to the polls. The debate ing expedients from principles. there is little enthusiasm for was fully engaged by the town’s This has been particularly their cause. The majority of the press, with the Conservative- manifest in the arena of the Liberals in the constituency will inclined Oldham Standard cham- antique controversy between undoubtedly give their support pioning the cause of the Liberal Protection and Free Trade. to Mr Dodd, recognising the Nationals, while the Oldham need in these critical days for a Chronicle urged local Liberals to The blind commitment of the National Government.34 resist the seductive embrace of mainstream party to free trade, the Simonite heresy. With no he suggested, ‘does not denote By contrast, the Chronicle insisted sign that the Liberals themselves honesty; on the contrary, it pre- that the Liberals’ decision was were going to enter the con- vents integrity of thought’. The ‘most important’ and would test, and with Liberal Nationals future function of true Lib- mean a ‘real blow’ for the Liberal actively seeking support among eralism would be to reconcile Nationals who had hoped that the ward Liberal parties, the conscious organisation with ‘the rightful heirs of the Old- Chronicle was only too conscious individual liberty; its ultimate ham radical tradition would this of the danger which existed. end, securing for every man time allow the contest to go by ‘Our object’, it stressed, and woman the power to derive default’.35 By the end of Octo- enjoyment from the multifari- ber W. Gretton Ward had been is to urge all Liberals to stand ous and enthralling possibilities chosen as the Liberal candidate firm, to look beyond the next of modern life. Only the Liberal for the election, now only a fort- election, and to ensure that Nationals, insisted Beechman, night away. But the fact that the there shall remain Liberals and were capable of doing this.33 party had only put forward one a Liberal Party in Oldham that The credibility of the Liberal candidate for the two-member have not sunk by absorption National challenge and, in par- constituency raised interesting into the Conservative Party ticular, of its claim to represent questions about how Liberal and become indissolubly a the authentic voice of Liberalism supporters would distribute their part of the array of the ‘Haves’ in Oldham, was boosted by the second votes. against the ‘Have Nots’.32 party’s selection of J. S. Dodd as Liberal and Liberal National their candidate. Dodd had con- candidates presented the elec- N. A. Beechman, who had been tested the seat, unsuccessfully, torate’s choice in strikingly dif- the prospective Liberal candi- for the mainstream Liberal Party ferent ways. Dodd argued that it date for Oldham in 1931 before in the general election of 1929. would be ‘supreme folly’ to split withdrawing in favour of the As soon as the election was called the anti-socialist vote as, he sug- Conservatives, added to the for 14 November, the Liberal gested, had happened when he

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 13 liberal civil war had contested the seat in 1929. Government in any meaningful The Chroni- They can oppose the National The real struggle was between sense, but a Conservative gov- Government and its candi- ‘socialist’ and ‘anti-socialist’ ernment and, if re-elected, the cle warned dates, which is a protest worth forces and ‘the sooner this is rec- least Liberal element within its that Dodd, a great deal. Better still, they ognised also by those [Liberal ranks would control its policies can vote for that sound Lib- voters] who supported him six and direction even more than in though call- eralism so urgently needed in years ago, the better it will be for the previous parliament.39 Like Parliament.43 the country’.36 At the same time Davies in Denbigh, Gretton ing himself a he was keen to emphasise his Ward strove to present himself But however successful the Lib- Liberal credentials and refused as the only real Liberal in the Liberal, was eral candidate might be, Dodd to accept any blame for splitting campaign and revealed that he entangling had the considerable advantage the forces of Liberalism in Old- had received ‘one or two rather in a two-member constituency of ham. ‘We have not changed our tempting offers if only I would himself with being the likely recipient of Lib- opinions in the slightest degree’, join a certain other party’.40 But, eral electors’ second votes. Con- he insisted. ‘I am still just the while Gretton Ward continued the Conserv- servatives and Liberal Nationals same Liberal I was in 1929 when to stress his commitment to free were being encouraged to vote 20,000 people voted for me. I trade – the issue which above atives and, for the Conservative candidate, had not changed my opinions all others had driven a wedge if elected, H. W. Kerr, and for Dodd. And by 1931 and I have not changed between the two wings of Lib- with only one candidate from them by 1935.’ The first plank of eralism – his claim to be the sole would be the Samuelite Liberals, Dodd Liberal politics, he claimed, was representative of the true creed could reasonably expect that at personal liberty. As this was the was not helped by the main- compelled to least some, and perhaps even a absolute and direct antithesis of stream party’s growing recon- majority of, Liberals would cast , a Liberal must in the ciliation with Lloyd George at a back meas- their second votes in his favour. first instance be an anti-socialist. time when the Welshman him- ures which In the event of a close contest, And the only guaranteed way to self was calling for the imposi- such support might be sufficient thwart the socialists was to go tion of tariffs.41 Speaking at the no true Lib- to deny the Oldham Labour over to the National Govern- King’s Cinema on 6 November, Party representation at West- ment camp. ‘There is’, Dodd Alfred Duff Cooper, Financial eral could minster. Sensing this opportu- declared, Secretary to the Treasury in the nity, Dodd reminded Liberals of National Government, did his honestly their historic role in extending a majority of Oldham Liberals best to shake the conviction of support. the franchise. It would be quite who believe in the policy which Gretton Ward’s Liberal support- wrong, he argued, for Liber- we have adopted. They believe ers. It was, he argued, a confes- als to vote only for the Liberal and have believed during the sion of failure that nationally candidate: past year or two that, if the the ‘rump’ of the Liberal Party official Oldham Liberal Asso- had had to coalesce with Lloyd Do you think … the people of ciation would not co-operate, George, despite the latter’s call Oldham are going to be so mis- then it was up to them to work for the ‘ruthless application’ led in a moment of crisis in the out some basis of co-operation of tariffs. ‘These Liberal pur- nation’s affairs as to waste the themselves and, at any rate, to ists’, said Duff Cooper, ‘who one great right for which the come down on one side of the would not have tariffs from Liberal Party has fought and fence … and for that reason the the National Government are struggled generation by gener- Oldham Liberal National Asso- accepting tariffs and anything ation during the last century? I ciation was formed.37 else if poured down their throats am going to say to you, whether with the gold from Mr Lloyd you be Liberals or Conserva- Gretton Ward and his support- George’s moneybags.’42 Sensing tives, whatever you do you ers entirely rejected such argu- that Dodd was having the better must use those two votes to ments. The Chronicle warned of the argument, and aware that which you are entitled.44 that Dodd, though calling him- there was no possibility of the self a Liberal, was entangling election resulting in a Liberal The declaration of the result himself with the Conservatives government, the Chronicle tried saw both Oldham seats held by and, if elected, would be com- to convince Oldham Liberals the National Government. The pelled to back measures which that upon them rested a special Conservative H. W. Kerr topped no true Liberal could honestly responsibility: the poll with over 36,000 votes. support. At the heart of the Dodd, for the Liberal Nation- Conservative-Liberal National To Liberals who seek neither als, was second, 2,000 votes deception, it claimed, lay the occasion nor excuse for leav- behind, narrowly holding off nature of the government ing their party this election the challenge of the Rev. G. itself.38 It was not a National brings a fine opportunity. Lang, the first of the two Labour

14 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 liberal civil war candidates. Gretton Ward with have committed themselves It has a large room upstairs that just 8,534 votes was bottom of irretrievably to the Tories. It can be used for lectures and the poll and lost his deposit.45 was their inevitable destiny … meetings, and it is the inten- The vast majority of those who Before the next General Elec- tion of the Committee to had voted for the Conserva- tion Mr Hore-Belisha and his commence in the near future a tives had also backed the Liberal lot will have been completely series of educational talks upon Nationals. But the result’s most swallowed, including title, by political subjects. The Club interesting feature lay in the the Tories. They will have no has provided a special room distribution of Liberal second separate organisation.48 for the Women’s Section, and votes. It was some indication of they are looking forward to a the confusion which now lay The timing of this prediction large increase in membership at the heart of British Liberal- was somewhat awry, but the as a result of the opening of the ism that these were well spread forecast was essentially fulfilled. Club.50 between all the other candidates. In the post-war world the Liberal Some 3,000 followed the advice Nationals found it increasingly Despite what the Liberals them- of Liberal Party headquarters difficult to sustain an independ- selves claimed, the Liberal and Lloyd George’s Council ent identity and, especially after Nationals did offer an alterna- of Action and backed a Labour the Woolton–Teviot Agreement tive vision of the Liberal creed candidate; others used only one of 1947, were progressively swal- which, coupled with the pros- of their votes. But enough (1,138) lowed up by their Conservative pect of exercising influence went to Dodd to ensure the lat- allies, before finally vanishing within government, succeeded ter’s election. The Chronicle was without trace in the mid-1960s. in attracting a sizeable number predictably disappointed: The ‘Liberal interpretation’ of former Liberal voters. The of the Liberal–Liberal National electoral returns in Oldham It is certain that the Liberal At the time, division therefore has the great- reveal with precision that 1,138 vote has decided the result in est of assets on its side; it is the Liberal voters gave their second Oldham and that although Mr. and ever history of the victors. The Lib- votes to the Liberal National Lang got the larger proportion since, those eral Nationals disappeared; candidate. But what can only be of the second votes cast by Lib- mainstream Liberalism did not. guessed is the number of erst- erals, those among them who whose Indeed, after reaching its elec- while Liberals who accepted the gave their second vote to Mr toral nadir in the early 1950s, full logic of the Liberal National Dodd gave him the seat.46 loyalty lies the Liberal Party began a slow case and divided their two votes recovery which eventually saw between Dodd and his Conserv- with the it restored as a major player on ative partner, Kerr. In Denbigh, ~ the political stage. But this out- Morris-Jones estimated that he mainstream come looked improbable in the had captured in excess of 7,000 Thus, in both the contests party have years leading up to the Second Liberal votes.51 The impact of between Liberals and Liberal World War. Then, mainstream these defections was decisive in Nationals the latter emerged sought to Liberalism seemed to have what was, Morris-Jones con- victorious. Over the country entered an irreversible spiral of ceded, ‘really a Liberal seat’ and as a whole, the general election dismiss the decline. The Liberal Nation- one which ‘would – had it not of 1935 saw a further reduction als, by contrast, were com- been divided – be the last to fall in the size of the parliamentary significance paratively vibrant. Across the in the Liberal decline which has Liberal Party, down now to of the Liberal country dozens of local Liberal come and is coming more’.52 just twenty-one MPs. The Lib- parties all but disappeared and In Oldham the Chroni- eral Nationals had thirty-three Nationals their institutional organisation cle correspondent ‘Passer-by’ members elected, a slight reduc- became moribund. But new bemoaned the Liberal Party’s tion from the figure for 1931.47 and, in par- Liberal National groups were failure to confront the Liberal At the time, and ever since, forming in many areas, boosted Nationals in more of their con- those whose loyalty lies with the ticular, to by the mounting conviction stituencies, ‘in order that the mainstream party have sought deny their that the worsening interna- Liberals in the different divi- to dismiss the significance of the tional situation demanded the sions might be given an oppor- Liberal Nationals and, in par- right to use continuation of the National tunity to express their views ticular, to deny their right to use Government.49 In Oldham a on the pseudo-Liberals’. Had the name ‘Liberal’ to describe the name Liberal National Club opened such a course been taken, ‘Sir themselves. In Oldham, the in November 1937: John Simon and others of his Chronicle was in no doubt: ‘Liberal’ to group would not now be in describe The Club possesses excellent parliament’.53 But in determin- One thing is certain and it facilities for both Social func- ing their electoral strategy, the is that the Liberal Nationals themselves. tions and Propaganda purposes. Liberals’ dilemma was never

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 15 liberal civil war this straightforward, for an 5 Flintshire Record Office, Morris- 35 Oldham Chronicle, 19 Oct. 1935. open conflict between the two Jones MSS 10, diary 6 Feb. 1930. 36 Ibid., 25 Oct. 1935. factions might also have led to 6 Ibid., 11, diary 27 May 1930. 37 Speech at Oddfellows Hall 22 Oct. the loss of further Liberal seats, 7 Ibid., 10, diary 21 July 1930. 1935, reported Oldham Standard, 25 many of which were retained 8 Ibid., 10, diary Sept. 1931. Oct. 1935. in 1935 by extremely narrow 9 North Wales Times, 10 Oct. 1931. 38 For a Liberal critique of the per- majorities. As it was, Liberals 10 Denbighshire Free Press, 28 Oct. formance of the National Govern- in Oldham and Denbigh were 1933. ment, see R. Muir, The Record of left to take comfort from their 11 Ibid., 18 Nov. 1933. the National Government (Allen & gallant but futile challenge. 12 Ibid., 25 Nov. 1933. Unwin, London, 1936). In Denbigh supporters of J. C. 13 Ibid., 27 July 1935. 39 Oldham Chronicle, 26 Oct. 1935. Davies gathered at the Empire 14 Ibid., 22 Dec. 1934. 40 Ibid., 2 Nov. 1935. Ballroom, Colwyn Bay, to dis- 15 Ibid., 27 July 1935. 41 Oldham Standard, 8 Nov. 1935. cuss their party’s future. ‘To 16 Ibid., 19 Oct. 1935. 42 Speech by Duff Cooper at the have a true Liberal in the field 17 Sir H. Morris-Jones, Doctor in the King’s Cinema 6 Nov. 1935, again’, enthused one activist, Whips’ Room (Robert Hale, Lon- reported Oldham Standard, 8 Nov. ‘has been like a breeze from the don, 1955), p. 100. 1935. hills.’54 Perhaps so, but in both 18 Denbighshire Free Press, 26 Oct. 43 Oldham Chronicle, 2 Nov. 1935. Oldham and Denbigh Liberal- 1935; North Wales Times, 26 Oct. 44 Speech at King’s Cinema 6 Nov. ism was the long-term loser. 1935. 1935, reported Oldham Standard, 8 Denbigh had been Liberal for 19 Denbighshire Record Office, Nov. 1935. sixty years, but never was again Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/184, Edward 45 The full result was as follows: H. before the seat disappeared as a Hughes to Morris-Jones 30 Oct. W. Kerr (Con.) 36,738; J. S. Dodd result of boundary changes in 1935. (Lib.Nat.) 34,755; G. Lang (Lab.) the 1980s. In Oldham the Lib- 20 Denbighshire Free Press, 2 Nov. 34,316; M. B. Farr (Lab.) 29,647; eral tradition was less strong, 1935. W. G. Ward (Lib.) 8,534. but the two Oldham seats fell to 21 Ibid. 46 Oldham Chronicle, 16 Nov. 1935. Labour’s landslide in 1945, with 22 Liverpool Daily Post, 5 Nov. 1935. 47 It is difficult to make a strictly Kerr and Dodd in third and 23 North Wales Times, 26 Jan. 1935; accurate comparison because of the fourth places and two Liberal Manchester Guardian, 19 Jan. 1935; J. uncertain designation of some of candidates bringing up the rear. G. Jones, ‘Lloyd George, the “New those elected in 1931. By the time of the 1935 general Deal” and the Council of Action 48 Oldham Chronicle, 16 Nov. 1935. election the long-term decline for Peace and Reconstruction’, 49 During the later 1930s Liberal of the British Liberal Party was Transactions of the Honourable Society National Associations were set already well advanced. But the of Cymmrodorion, Vol. 5 (1999), p. up in, among other places, Lam- defection of the Liberal Nation- 94. See also, A. J. P. Taylor (ed.), beth, Pontypridd, Sheffield, South als posed a potentially mortal, Lloyd George: a Diary by Frances Shields, Gower, Swansea, South- if largely underestimated, chal- Stevenson (Hutchinson, London, ampton, Reading, Wishaw and lenge to its continued survival as 1971), p. 319. Motherwell, Bristol, Carmarthen, a major political party. 24 Liverpool Daily Post, 5 Nov. 1935, Dewsbury, Doncaster, Hackney, letter from ‘Rhyddfrydur Arall’. Chesterfield, Bournemouth, Pon- David Dutton is Professor Mod- 25 Clwyd to Morris-Jones, 2 Nov. tefract, Hanley, Leek, Preston and ern History at the University of 1935, cited in Denbighshire Free Bradford. Liverpool. His study of the Lib- Press, 9 Nov. 1935. 50 Liberal National Magazine, Vol. 3, eral National Party, Liberals in 26 Election address, published in Den- no. 2, Dec. 1937. Schism, will be published in 2008 bighshire Free Press, 9 Nov. 1935. 51 Denbighshire Record Office, by I. B. Tauris. 27 Wrexham Leader, 9 Nov. 1935. Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/184 ii, 28 The full result was as follows: J.H. Morris-Jones to E. Hughes 27 May 1 Liberal Magazine Vol. XLII, no. Morris-Jones 17,372; J.C. Davies 1936. 484, Jan. 1934. 12,329; J. R. Hughes 4,963. 52 Flintshire Record Office, Morris- 2 Churchill College, Cambridge, 29 The Times, 28 Nov. 1935. Jones MSS 16, diary Nov. 1935. Thurso MSS II, 73/1, Sinclair to 30 H. Pelling, Social Geography of Brit- 53 Oldham Chronicle, 30 Nov. 1935. General Secretary, Scottish Liberal ish Elections 1885–1910 (Macmillan, 54 Denbighshire Free Press, 21 Dec. Federation 4 Feb. 1937. London, 1967), pp. 253–54. 1935. 3 Record Office, 31 Oldham Chronicle, 13 July 1935. Samuel MSS A/84/7, Sinclair to 32 Ibid., 20 July 1935. Samuel 3 Nov. 1932. 33 ‘Liberalism Now and Tomorrow’, 4 Liberal National Magazine, Vol. 1, Oldham Standard, 2 Aug. 1935. no. 7, Feb. 1937. 34 Oldham Standard, 18 Oct. 1935.

16 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 The elections on 3 May this year were probably the most important annual round of spring elections in this Westminster Parliament. John Curtice analyses the outcome. Elections 2007 new Scottish Par- control of twenty-seven councils the party emerged with one less liament and Welsh in England and one in Scotland, seat in the Scottish Parliament A ssembly were as well as a share of power in and nine fewer seats in Scotland’s elected. Local elec- many other local authorities. local councils, and it lost control tions were held in Important as they may have of the one council it had previ- Anearly the whole of England out- been in their own right, these ously held. Only in Wales did the side London, with voting taking elections also provide some party emerge with as many seats place in no less than 312 councils important clues and pointers as it was defending – but although overall. Meanwhile, as well as its about the future of Westminster Labour fell well short of securing parliamentary election, Scotland politics. Their results give us a a majority, the Liberal Democrats had local elections for all of its guide to the Liberal Democrats’ remain on the opposition benches thirty-two local councils too – chances of securing at least a following the Labour – Plaid using, for the first time, the Sin- share of power at the next UK Cymru deal agreed in July. gle Transferable Vote system that general election, while the out- Of course, outcomes in terms the Liberal Democrats have long come of the post-election bar- of seats can be deceptive, espe- advocated. Professor John Cur- gaining in Scotland and Wales cially where the first-past-the- tice, of Strathclyde University, has important lessons should post system is in use, and in view analyses the results of the May similar negotiations take place of the complexities of the local 2007 elections. at Westminster. Meanwhile the election cycle in England. But a Real power was at stake in party’s performance under the look at votes cast confirms that these elections. In Scotland, the proportional systems used in the support for the Liberal Demo- devolved election marked the end elections in Scotland and Wales crats ebbed in these elections. of a period of eight years during provides some important point- Perhaps the most telling statis- which the Liberal Democrats had ers to its prospects should it ever tics come from England, where been in power as a junior coali- succeed in securing electoral the BBC collected the detailed tion partner, a role they might reform for the House of Com- voting results in over 800 wards have hoped to continue. In Wales, mons. It is on these clues and from fifty councils across the Labour entered the election as a pointers that this article focuses. country. In each case the results and if they The outcome of the elec- could be compared directly, had failed to restore their major- tions in terms of seats did not ward by ward, with the outcome ity, the Liberal Democrats might make easy reading for the Lib- of last year’s local elections. have had the opportunity to be eral Democrats. In England, the On average the party’s support part of a coalition government, party suffered a net loss of four in this BBC sample fell by 1.4 just as they had been between councils and nearly 250 council- points. In contrast both Labour 2000 and 2003. Meanwhile the lors – over 10 per cent of the seats and the Conservatives managed party was defending overall it was defending. In Scotland, to hold their own, with average

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 17 elections 2007 increases in support of 0.3 and a general election – on a par with 2004, the party’s vote was down 0.4 points respectively. its performance in local elec- by twice as much in wards where True, such a drop is far from tions in the 1997–2001 Parlia- 5 per cent or more of the popula- pronounced. However, it does ment. Moreover, that 26 per cent tion say they are Muslim than it confirm the message of the estimate is three points up on its was elsewhere. opinion polls that the party has actual vote three years ago – and Nevertheless, even if the taken at least one step back elec- the party can point to its success party currently seems on course torally after its first full year with in topping the poll in a number to suffer some losses at the next Sir Menzies Campbell in charge. of parliamentary constituencies, general election, it may still end Moreover, if we look back a little such as Derby North, Hull East up in a more powerful position further the decline is even more and Manchester Gorton, which in the next Parliament than it marked. Compared directly it currently does not hold. holds in this one. True, when with what happened in the same However, the Liberal Demo- extrapolated into a possible out- wards in the 2004 local elections, crats always do better in local come in terms of seats in the the party’s vote in the BBC sam- elections than they do in parlia- House of Commons, the local ple was on average 2.5 points mentary elections – even when and devolved elections together lower, while in those wards they are held on the same day. point to a narrow Conservative (which constitute around half When, as has been the case at overall majority of some ten seats the total) where the same ward the last three general elections, or so – just enough for David boundaries were also in force county council elections have Cameron to run the country in 2003, the fall since that date been held on the same day, the without any help from anyone was no less than three points. party’s local election perform- else. However, just as we have There can be little doubt that ance has been between five and to bear in mind that the Liberal in England, at least, the party is nine points better. Any estimate Democrats always perform better currently in a weaker position of what the party’s local election in local elections than they do in than it was at this stage in the last performance means in terms national contests, the opposite is Westminster Parliament. of a national share of the vote true for Labour in particular. In Given this record in Eng- has to be adjusted by that kind practice, if there had been a gen- land, it was perhaps remark- of amount in order to ascertain eral election in May this year, the able that the party did not lose how well the party might have outcome would almost undoubt- more ground than it did in either done in a general election held edly have been some kind of Scotland or Wales. Nevertheless, the same day. So however one ‘hung’ Parliament in which no the party did fall back. In Scot- looks at the results, the party party had an overall majority. land, the party’s share of the list currently seems on course to If that does happen, the Lib- vote under the two-vote Addi- fall back to the 19 per cent or so eral Democrats could well be tional Member System in use in of the vote that it won in 2001 courted by other parties in the the parliamentary election was Even if the rather than to maintain the 23 hope of securing Liberal Demo- half a point lower than what it per cent it secured in 2005. crat support for and perhaps par- achieved at the last election. party cur- Moreover, there are some signs ticipation in a new government. Preliminary estimates suggest that the party may now be los- In that event, the party will have that, in a majority of Scotland’s rently seems ing some of the ground it gained crucial decisions to take about councils, the party’s share of the in territory previously held by whom it will talk to and what STV first-preference vote was on course to Labour – one of its particular suc- its bottom lines for any possible less than its share of the vote four suffer some cesses in the 2005 election. In the deal will be – not least on elec- years ago. Meanwhile, in Wales, BBC sample, Liberal Democrat toral reform. Yet the fall-out the party’s share of the list vote losses at the support fell most heavily in wards from the elections in Scotland was also down a point on four where Labour was previously and Wales – both of which pro- years previously. next general strong (that is, had over 40 per duced ‘hung’ outcomes – raises Of course, in England at least, cent of the vote last time around). serious questions about how well the party can argue that some election, The Liberal Democrat vote fell prepared the party is for such losses were always likely. Most it may still on average compared with last negotiations. of the seats being contested this year by 2.7 points in such wards – This is most obviously true year were last fought over in end up in a twice the national average. Mean- in Wales, where indecision at a 2003 and 2004, both high-water while, there was confirmation crucial moment resulted in the marks for the Liberal Demo- more power- that the party has also lost some party throwing away the very crats. The party’s local election of the support it had previously real prospect of both ministerial performance was estimated by ful position secured amongst Muslim voters office and electoral reform. With the BBC still to be worth the in the next in particular, the signs of which the twenty-eight day deadline equivalent of winning 26 per were already evident in last year’s by which the National Assem- cent of the vote across Britain in Parliament. local elections. Compared with bly was required to elect a First

18 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 elections 2007

Minister looming, and having an outcome largely of its own Yet the fall- no less than five per cent more of already pulled out of talks with choosing. Alex Salmond’s SNP, the constituency vote than it did Labour, the party negotiated a who emerged from the election out from the of the list vote. In Wales the gap deal to form a ‘rainbow alliance’ with one seat more than Labour was three points. with both Plaid Cymru and the but eighteen short of a majority, elections in In both cases much of the dif- Conservatives, a deal that report- wanted to discuss the possibil- Scotland and ference is accounted for by what edly included electoral reform for ity of forming a coalition, but happens in those constituencies Welsh local elections. However, a the Liberal Democrats said no Wales – both the party wins or at least comes crucial meeting of the Welsh par- – on the grounds that the SNP close to winning; in these con- ty’s executive failed to endorse would not drop its demand for of which pro- stituencies the party’s constitu- the deal, allegedly because of a referendum on independence ency vote often far outstrips its discomfort at going into govern- in advance of any negotiations. duced ‘hung’ list vote. It seems that, far from ment with the Conservatives. At least this stance had the merit outcomes suffering from first past the post The rainbow was shattered. of being firm and decisive. But in Scotland and Wales, at least Two days later Rhodri Mor- it has probably come at the cost – raises the party’s fortunes are heavily gan was re-elected First Minister not only of scuppering the SNP’s reliant on the ability of individ- at the head of a minority Labour hopes for any kind of referen- serious ques- ual candidates in particular con- administration. Then, the day dum on independence, but also stituencies to win support on the after that, a Liberal Democrat of the Liberal Democrats’ hopes tions about basis of a personal vote, a trick conference overturned the exec- of progressing an increase in the how well that the party is unable to repeat utive’s failure to back the deal and powers of the Scottish Parlia- on any party list vote. the rainbow looked as though it ment within the UK. Arguably prepared Of course, under STV all might yet be put together again. in Scotland too, reluctance to do votes are for candidates rather But clearly aware that he faced a deal with a particular party has the party than parties. So if that reform the prospect of losing office, set back the Liberal Democrats’ were to be introduced for West- Rhodri Morgan used the sec- hopes for constitutional reform. is for such minster, the party could still ond chance he had been given to Meanwhile, what happened negotiations. hope to profit from the popu- try to save his skin – and even- in Scotland and Wales not only larity of individual candidates. tually struck a deal with Plaid raises questions about the par- Moreover, initial examination Cymru, which was in due course ty’s ability to use its bargaining of the pattern of transfers in the endorsed by conferences of both power in any future hung parlia- STV local elections in Scotland parties. The Liberal Democrats ment at Westminster in order to suggests that expectations that were kept out of power, and the secure electoral reform, but also the party would profit from Labour – Plaid ‘One Wales’ pro- raises doubts about how much transfers from other parties’ can- gramme makes no provision for the party is likely to profit from didates are indeed likely to be electoral reform. any such reform. For a long time, fulfilled. The party often won There are two crucial les- the party has claimed that voters a large chunk of transfers when sons for the party to learn from are reluctant to support it because the last candidate of another this experience. First, internal under first past the post they feel party was eliminated from the division and disagreement about a Liberal Democrat vote is a count, and especially so when coalition negotiations can fatally wasted vote. That claim has now it was a Conservative candidate undermine the party’s negotiat- to be consigned to the dustbin. who was eliminated. ing position. Second, the party One of the striking features On the other hand, as we have has to be clear whether it is will- of the party’s performance in the already noted, the party’s share of ing to strike a deal with the Con- first three Scottish and Welsh the first preference vote was often servatives at Westminster should elections has been that in each less than the vote it had achieved Mr Cameron’s party ever be case it has secured a higher share under first past the post in 2003. willing to come to some accom- of the vote in the first-past-the- Once again, the introduction of modation on electoral reform – as post constituency contests that proportional representation has they were in Wales. This may be form part of the Additional Mem- done little or nothing to encour- thought highly unlikely, but the ber System than it did on the list age voters to back the party. For trajectory taken by the Conserv- vote to which seats are allocated that to happen, the Liberal Dem- ative Party in Wales shows that a proportionately. Moreover the ocrats have to appear an attrac- leopard may eventually change gap between the two votes has tive option in the first place. And its spots. One wonders how ready been growing. In both countries at the moment, at least on that the Liberal Democrats are at UK in 2003 the party’s vote increased score, the party is not making level to confront these issues. in the constituency contests, but much progress at all. In Scotland, meanwhile, fell back on the list. The same the party also finds itself out of happened again this year. As a John Curtice is Professor of Politics, office – but in this case this was result, in Scotland the party won Strathclyde University.

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 19 Radicalism and Liberalism in Denmark

In May 2005, Det irst, a word about the lower chamber of the Dan- the party’s name: ish Parliament from the 1870s, Radikale Venstre – the Det Radikale Venstre. but the King had both a loyal Danish Social Liberal Literally translated, upper chamber (partly filled Party – celebrated it means ‘The Radi- with members appointed by Fcal Left’. That, however, sends himself) and the constitutional its one-hundredth the wrong signal, as we’re not right to appoint Prime Minis- talking about some loony left ters and governments of his own birthday. Throughout Trotskyite fringe party, but preference, which he continued the twentieth century instead about a social liberal cen- to do right up until 1901, when tre party which for a good deal the first Venstre government was and beyond, the of its history has led, participated allowed. party has played a in or cooperated with Danish Within Venstre, divisions governments. This confusing began as early as the 1870s and central role in Danish name originates from the great they quickly developed into political history, a political struggle of the last three more or less firmly-structured decades of the nineteenth cen- party factions. The main con- story well known tury between the power-hold- troversies were whether to to Danish readers, ing Højre (which means ‘right’) cooperate with or to oppose (by based on the King, the nobility, peaceful means) the reaction- but probably not to a the military, conservative civil ary government, whether to be servants, and – in short – all the understanding or critical towards British audience. Hence reactionary forces of the society conservative institutions like the this article, which is of the time. state church and the military, Opposing Højre was Venstre and whether to see the gradually intended to provide a (meaning ‘left’), which was a advancing Social Democrats as comprehensive insight broad and loose alliance of the potential friends or foes. To the opposition, mainly based on public and to many liberals, the into one of the Liberal farmers and smallholders (in a main ground for disagreement Democrats’ European country which was predomi- within Venstre was the defence nantly agricultural), but which question, i.e. whether the eco- sister parties. By also appealed to many other, nomic and political price for a Tomas Bech Madsen. more urban-based, groups. This militarily fortified opposition reached a majority in was worth paying.

20 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 Radicalism and Liberalism in Denmark

The left wing of Venstre con- the leaders of the two parties Det Radikale 25 per cent of the vote. In the sisted mainly of a rather strange was very bad. Ideologically, Det Venstre leader first half of the twentieth cen- alliance of anti-conservative Radikale Venstre was more or less Margrethe tury, the Social Democrat share rural smallholders and urban equidistant between Venstre and Vestager of the vote grew substantially at professionals and intellectuals, the Social Democrats. each election). And so opportu- who were above all inspired by nity knocked for Det Radikale the French Radicals. These peo- Venstre, which formed a govern- ple favoured a radical approach The first, successful years of ment led by Carl Theodor Zahle towards a more thorough but Det Radikale Venstre and which included strong per- parliamentary-based break In the first years of its existence sonalities such as Finance Min- with the reactionary traditions. Det Radikale Venstre, holding an ister Brandes, Defence Minister Within Venstre, the radicals were average of around 15 per cent of Munch, Interior Minister Rode, bitterly opposed by a vehemently the vote, actually came to form and Foreign Minister Scavenius. anti-socialist and authoritarian a minority government twice. This government immediately right wing. Between these two The first one, in 1909–10, was embarked on a far-reaching was a large, more undecided short-lived and only came to reform programme, one of the group. power because of new internal main elements of which was In 1901 the King finally gave turmoil in Venstre. The second the new constitution passed in in to the people’s wish for a dem- Radical government, however, 1915, which included, among ocratically-elected government proved to be a long-lasting many other things, voting rights led by Venstre. In this govern- success. for women and the poor. This ment all three party factions par- The 1913 general election for constitution was irrefutably the ticipated, but tensions grew, and the Parliament’s lower chamber greatest progress for democracy in early 1905 this culminated in gave a majority for the Social in Denmark since the first semi- a bitter split resulting in the for- Democrats and Det Radikale democratic constitution in 1849. mation of two new parties. The Venstre, with the former as The government, of course, centre and right-wing factions the bigger party. At this time, was severely affected by the First together kept the old name and however, it was official Social World War. Denmark was for- formed the new Venstre (or Lib- Democrat policy not to enter tunate to escape direct involve- eral Party), while the left wing government before the party ment, not least because of the constituted Det Radikale Venstre had gained 50 per cent of the masterly diplomacy of the Radi- (or Social Liberal Party). In addi- vote (not as unrealistic a target cal Foreign Minister Scavenius, tion to the acrimony of the split, as it might seem today, when but the economy was seriously the personal chemistry between the party languishes at around affected. Until then subject to

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 21 radicalism and liberalism in denmark little regulation, the economy in which all inhabitants of Sch- The Social Democratic Prime Minister had to become much more rig- leswig could participate, forces Stauning and Radical Foreign idly controlled by the state in in the right-wing opposition Liberal Minister Munch. The Staun- order to prevent corruption and wished to annex substantial areas minority ing-Munch government turned over-pricing in securing food with a clear German majority. out to be the longest lasting in and other goods for the popula- The King supported the oppo- government the twentieth century, as it held tion. The efficient Interior Min- sition, and it all ended with the power for eleven years until the ister Rode played a significant dramatic ‘’ in 1920, managed German occupation of Denmark role in the successful implemen- when the King sacked the Radi- changed the status quo. tation of this state control. cal government led by Prime to run the During the 1930s the gov- The Social Liberal minor- Minister Zahle even though it country for ernment introduced many far- ity government managed to run still retained a majority in the reaching social reforms and the country for almost seven lower chamber of the Parlia- almost seven made many economic invest- years thanks to the high calibre ment. The Social Democrats ments to eradicate poverty, of its cabinet ministers and good called for a general strike in pro- years thanks reduce unemployment, and keep cooperation with the Social test, and many also called for the the country in safe democratic Democrats, who even joined the abdication of the King and the to the high hands in an internationally per- government with one ministe- establishment of a . calibre of its ilous era of Nazism, Fascism rial post from 1916. Det Radikale After some days of intense and Communism. These tactics Venstre achieved its best election negotiation, the crisis was cabinet min- worked, and the extremist par- result ever in April 1918, when solved with a promise from the ties of Denmark remained small the party gained no less than 20 King never again to go against isters and and uninfluential. It also helped per cent of the vote. a parliamentary majority, and an that the opposition parties Ven- The opposition consisted of agreement between the parties good coop- stre and the Conservatives stayed Venstre and the Conservative hold a quick general election. eration with on a wholly democratic course, party (the democratic heir of the This was won by Venstre and the unlike many other right-wing former power-holding Højre). Conservative party, and so Det the Social parties in Europe. There were some parliamentar- Radikale Venstre spent the years Foreign Minister Munch ian clashes between the centre- that followed in opposition. Democrats. continued the traditional sup- left government alliance and the port of Det Radikale Venstre for right-wing opposition during an international system based on the war, but on a civilised scale. A new role the rule of law, and he was there- Nobody wanted internal turmoil The May 1920 general election fore very active in the League of to descend into chaos or anarchy, was a disaster to the party, whose Nations. However, the failure as was the case in so many other share of the vote slumped from of the League and the grow- countries, especially from 1917. 20 to 12 per cent. From then ing threat from Nazi Germany But in 1919–20 circumstances on, the Social Democrats were meant that it was impossible for changed. clearly the bigger brother on the a small county like Denmark After the German capitula- centre-left. From this point on to adopt a conspicuous stance tion in November 1918 the pos- in Danish politics, Det Radikale against dictatorship. In inter- sibility emerged of reunification Venstre has had to cooperate with national power politics, many between Denmark and the Dan- one or more of the bigger parties Radical principles unfortunately ish-inhabited areas of Schleswig. in order to gain influence. The had to be dropped. Denmark had lost the Duchies of party has played its role cleverly, Denmark’s extremely cau- Schleswig and Holstein to Ger- however, under the possibili- tious (and frightened) dealings many in 1864, but with Imperial ties of the proportional election with Germany ended both in Germany’s defeat everything system. failure and success. In one sense changed. In Denmark this led In the first half of the 1920s, they were a failure, because to discussion about how far to relations between Det Radikale in the end Hitler decided to the south the new border should Venstre and Venstre improved, occupy Denmark, along with be drawn. Should it be decided but Venstre took a sharp turn to , on 9 April 1940. Yet in by a free, secret referendum or the right from 1926, with the another sense they were a suc- according to historical-ideolog- result that Social Liberals and cess, because the first couple of ical sentiment? Social Democrats were thrown years of German occupation While the parties behind the into each other’s arms again. were quite peaceful, there were government strongly supported After the 1929 election a major- no waves of arrests or terror, the the international rule of law and ity coalition government was Danish Nazi Party was kept out the ‘nationality principle’, i.e. the formed by Social Democrats and of power, and the Germans did belief that the political border Det Radikale Venstre, its lead- not annex the territories lost to should be set after a referendum ing personalities being Social Denmark in 1920.

22 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 radicalism and liberalism in denmark

A coalition government based period of economic growth, blocs, not just to be a poor rela- on all the democratic parties domestic reforms and enlarge- tion of the Social Democrats. functioned under increasing dif- ment of the . In other The government remained ficulties from July 1940 to August words, these were good years for in power until the election of 1943, when it finally resigned the country, but it was the Social September 1971, when it very over German wishes to intro- Democrats who reaped the narrowly lost its majority. Det duce legislation amounting to reward, with over 40 per cent of Radikale Venstre, however, kept war crimes, including anti-Jew- the vote. The Social Liberal share its share of almost 15 per cent of ish laws and the death penalty for of the vote continued to fall, and the vote, a remarkable result. saboteurs. From then until the after another disappointing elec- In the years that followed, liberation in May 1945 Denmark tion result in 1964, it left the gov- however, the party – surpris- was without a government. ernment in order to be in a freer ingly – quickly declined. In each position politically. of the elections of 1973, 1975, This peaceful break from and 1977 (in the unruly seven- Changing times the Social Democrats marked ties, elections kept coming every After 1945, Det Radikale Venstre the beginning of the reign of other year without really pro- experienced difficult times, when , one of the ducing any workable majorities), it was under strain for different more prominent liberal, anti-so- Det Radikale Venstre lost between reasons, mainly because it lacked cialist party members. He sought 3 and 4 per cent, and were even- a clear profile in a changed world, a closer cooperation with first tually left with an all-time low but also because some voters Venstre, then the Conservatives, of just 3.5 per cent of the vote believed that the party had been and appealed to the new urban and six members of the 179-seat too closely connected with – or at white-collar workers and func- Parliament. least not hostile enough to – the tionaries. Suddenly voters started New political topics came on German occupiers. to come back to Det Radikale to the agenda in the 1970s and Notably, though, it was Venstre. After an increase from 6 Det Radikale Venstre was one of the only to to 8 per cent of the vote in 1966, the most outspoken environ- oppose Denmark’s membership the great, historic breakthrough mentalist parties. The party also of NATO in 1949. The reason came in the general election of had a high profile on human for this was the party’s neutral- January 1968, where Det Radikale rights, civil , asylum, ist and anti-militarist tradition. Venstre received almost 15 per and immigration. All these new The party’s share of the vote cent of the vote, its highest share political topics are still core radi- decreased slowly to around 6 per since 1918. cal values today. cent due to the falling number Luckily things started to of agricultural smallholders, With the cen- improve at the end of the decade. a group which had tradition- Zenith and nadir Under the leadership of Niels ally favoured the Radicals. tre-right gov- With this election victory, Helveg Petersen, the Radical Fortunately, however, due to Hilmar Baunsgaard became the vote grew, not to the Baunsgaard the expert dual leadership of ernment, Det first Radical Prime Minister heights, but to an acceptable 5 to former ministers and political since Zahle in 1920, forming a 6 per cent of the vote – a level veterans Bertel Dahlgaard and Radikale Ven- majority government together which stayed more or less con- Jørgen Jørgensen, the Social with the Conservatives and Ven- stant for ten years. From 1979, Liberal Party retained politi- stre marked stre. This step to the right was Det Radikale Venstre cooperated cal influence. Ideologically, Det its ability popular with the new types of with the Social Democratic Radikale Venstre stuck to most of voters, not least urban function- minority government, but as its original beliefs as described to work aries. But in Det Radikale Venstre this government resigned in the at the beginning of this article, many party members remained summer of 1982, Det Radikale but times were changing under together sceptical towards the Baunsgaard Venstre’s Helveg Petersen chose the pressure from both the Cold ‘deviation’. In fact their scepti- to change sides to support a new War and the difficult post-war with both cism turned out to be ground- centre-right coalition govern- struggle for economic recovery. political less, given that the government ment (without the Social Liber- After some years of political generally followed a very mod- als) under the first Conservative equidistance between the Social blocs, not ern, undogmatic and progressive Prime Minister for eighty-one Democrats and Venstre and the Social Liberal line, which could years, Poul Schlüter. This turned Conservatives, Det Radikale Ven- just to be a not be said to be much to the out to be a wise choice. stre entered government once right of centre. more in 1957. Once again, the poor relation With the centre-right gov- Radicals’ main partner was the of the Social ernment, Det Radikale Ven- Focus on economic reform Social Democrats, and this alli- stre marked its ability to work The Schlüter-Helveg Petersen ance lasted for seven years, a Democrats. together with both political axis showed itself very effective

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 23 radicalism and liberalism in denmark in reshaping and reforming and Foreign Minister Helveg Danish People’s Party – have the crisis- and inflation-ridden Petersen played important roles all steered a course that tends Danish economy. It generally in the government. to appease the majority (around took a more right-of-centre line After some good years, prob- 65 per cent) of the voters who than Baunsgaard, but at the same lems between the Social Demo- dislike reforms that would ben- time Det Radikale Venstre leaned crats and the Radicals started efit the country but could mean to the left in foreign and defence to emerge. The main grounds change for themselves, and are policy, where many party mem- of disagreement were asylum very mistrustful of groups such bers still had a very pro-UN, and immigration, where Social as foreigners (especially Mus- but simultaneously fairly Euro- Democrats increasingly drifted lims) and suspicious of the old sceptic and neutralist outlook. away from an earlier humanitar- progressive cultural, educational Eventually this contradiction – ian-liberal line, and the attrac- and political elite. Among the working both for and against the tive, but costly, pre-pension people who dislike this populist government – could not last, and package, where Radicals were trend (the remaining 35 per cent) after the election of May 1988 a much more supportive of bold, Det Radikale Venstre has been new three-party government of but unpopular, reforms than tra- able to attract many new sup- Conservatives, Venstre and Det ditionalist Social Democrats. porters. To a certain extent this Radikale Venstre was created. The Social Democrats had is a disadvantage because, as the This was the beginning of a a very good election result in Social Liberals have grown in more pro-EU and pro-NATO March 1998, and Det Radikale size, their political influence has line for the Radicals, but their Venstre a very bad one, revis- diminished, as the party lies in participation in government iting their 1977 nadir. At the fundamental opposition to the never became a success. Ven- end of that year, however, the majority on a large number of stre and, to a certain extent, the Social Democrats broke an elec- issues. Another area in which Det Conservatives, started drifting tion promise over the pre-pen- Radikale Venstre is opposed to the further to the right, and among sion package and immediately right-wing government is local Social Liberals the government slumped in the opinion polls government. During the big became more and more unpop- from 36 to around 20 per cent. local and regional council reform ular. After a very bad election In December 1998, Prime Min- of 2004–05, Det Radikale Ven- result in December 1990, Det ister ’s stre advocated decentralisation, Radikale Venstre left the govern- position was so precarious that while the government adopted a ment to be independent again, he had to take the highly unu- very centralist position. as in 1964. And Niels Helveg sual step of apologising to the After the general election in Petersen resigned as political For Det voters on national television. November 2001, a - leader to be replaced by Mari- wing government with a very anne Jelved. Radikale Ven- anti-Radical and anti-left- In the beginning of 1993 the stre things More votes, less influence wing outlook took over, under right-wing government was The Social Democrats never the leadership of Anders Fogh forced to resign over an asylum started to overcame this crisis and lost the Rasmussen, and since then Det scandal. Det Radikale Venstre subsequent general elections Radikale Venstre has played a decided to support the recently brighten in 2001 and 2005, but for Det marginal role. The government elected ‘new Labourite’ Social Radikale Venstre things started to was re-elected in February 2005, Democrat leader Poul Nyrup from 1999. In brighten from 1999. In fact, this and until the spring of 2007, Rasmussen as Prime Minister of fact, this was was the beginning of a golden Danish politics continued in the a new centre-left government, era, with both voters and mem- same pattern. in which the Social Liberals took the begin- bers streaming into the party. A However, in May 2007 two part together with two other couple of figures should illustrate leading Radicals and one lead- small centre parties. Unlike ning of a this. In 1999 the Danish Social ing Conservative left their the unhappy 1988–90 experi- Liberal Party had less than 6,000 parties to form a new moder- ence, the Nyrup-Jelved cabi- golden era, members and around 4 per cent ate liberal-conservative party: net became a success, especially with both in the opinion polls. By August New Alliance. This new party in the years from 1993 to 1998. 2007 the party had grown to enjoyed a good start in the opin- Many reform bills were passed, voters and around 8,500 members and ion polls and in enrolment of including ones concerning around 8 per cent in the opinion members, but over the summer tax and investment in lifelong members polls (having gained 9.2 per cent New Alliance quickly dropped education. In the first election in the 2005 general election). in the polls because of its lack of under the new government, streaming So what happened? In short, political substance. After the ini- Det Radikale Venstre made gains, into the the three biggest parties – Ven- tial confusion Det Radikale Ven- reaching its 1980s level again. stre, the Social Democrats, and stre regained its ground. In June Both Economy Minister Jelved party. the anti-immigrant and anti-EU 2007 former Minister Margrethe

24 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 radicalism and liberalism in denmark

Vestager was elected as the small party like Det Radikale By comparison, the Brit- British Liberals could have party’s new leader, and she Venstre has been able to play ish Liberal Democrats are in had under a fairer election has had a very good and pos- over the past hundred years. a completely different and system. itive start. The outcome of each Danish more difficult position, not- Finally, it should, of general election since 1906 withstanding a good share Tomas Bech Madsen is an course, be stated that the has been a hung parliament, of the popular vote. None- organisational consultant for the system of proportional rep- where at least two parties (if theless, I hope that this arti- Danish Social Liberal Party and resentation has been vital not more) have had to work cle has given an impression holds an MA in Contemporary to the great role a relatively together to obtain a majority. of how much influence the History.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Hubert Beaumont MP. After pursuing candidatures in his native The Liberal Party in the West Midlands from December 1916 to Northumberland southward, Beaumont finally fought and won the 1923 general election. Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Eastbourne in 1906 as a ‘Radical’ (not a Liberal). How many Liberals in the Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore election fought under this label and did they work as a group afterwards? the effects of the party split at local level. Also looking to uncover the Lord Beaumont of Whitley, House of Lords, London SW1A 0PW; beaumontt@ steps towards temporary reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil parliament.uk. Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; neil.fisher81@ntlworld. com. Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, autograph collections, Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a complete edition of Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an his letters. (For further details of the Cobden Letters Project, please see understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, Life of Wilfrid Roberts (1900–91). Roberts was Liberal MP for Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro TR1 3ND; Cumberland North (now Penrith and the Border) from 1935 until 1950 [email protected]. and came from a wealthy and prominent local Liberal family; his father had been an MP. Roberts was a passionate internationalist, and was Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focusing particularly on Liberal anti- a powerful advocate for refugee children in the Spanish civil war. His appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, Newtownabbey, parliamentary career is coterminous with the nadir of the Liberal Party. Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Roberts joined the Labour Party in 1956, becoming a local councillor Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew Gardner, 17 in Carlisle and the party’s candidate for the Hexham constituency in Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; [email protected]. the 1959 general election. I am currently in the process of collating information on the different strands of Roberts’ life and political The Liberal revival 1959–64. Focusing on both political and social career. Any assistance at all would be much appreciated. John Reardon; factors. Any personal views, relevant information or original material [email protected]. from Liberal voters, councillors or activists of the time would be very gratefully received. Holly Towell, 52a Cardigan Road, Headingley, Leeds LS6 Student radicalism at Warwick University. Particulary the files affair in 3BJ; [email protected]. 1970. Interested in talking to anybody who has information about Liberal Students at Warwick in the period 1965-70 and their role in campus The rise of the Liberals in Richmond (Surrey) 1964–2002. Interested politics. Ian Bradshaw, History Department, University of Warwick, CV4 7AL; in hearing from former councillors, activists, supporters, opponents, [email protected] with memories and insights concerning one of the most successful local organisations. What factors helped the Liberal Party rise from having Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Wales no councillors in 1964 to 49 out of 52 seats in 1986? Any literature or 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in Wales news cuttings from the period welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh Federal Party. Richmond TW9 4DL; 07771 785 795; [email protected]. Any memories and information concerning the post-1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published in book form by Welsh Liberal politics in Sussex, Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight 1900–14. Academic Press. Dr Russell Deacon, Centre for Humanities, University of The study of electoral progress and subsequent disappointment. Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, Cardiff CF23 6XD; rdeacon@uwic. Research includes comparisons of localised political trends, issues ac.uk. and preferred interests as aganst national trends. Any information, specifically on Liberal candidates in the area in the two general elections Aneurin Williams and and pacificism, 1900– of 1910, would be most welcome. Family papers especially appreciated. 22. A study of this radical and pacificist MP ( 1910; North West Ian Ivatt, 84 High Street, Steyning, West Sussex BN44 3JT; ianjivatt@ Durham/Consett 1914–22) who was actively involved in League of tinyonline.co.uk. Nations Movement, Armenian nationalism, international co-operation, pro-Boer etc. Any information relating to him and location of any Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris Fox, 173 papers/correspondence welcome. Barry Dackombe. 32 Ashburnham Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; [email protected]. Road, Ampthill, Beds, MK45 2RH; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 25 Individualist Thought and Radicalism Josiah C. Wedgwood’s Battle against the Collectivists, 1906 – 1914

The years 1906 to 1914 – the era of the last peacetime Liberal government of Britain – are widely viewed as the time when modern social democracy in the form of collectivist and redistributive government policies – often called ‘New Liberalism’ – set the pattern of British government which has been more or less adhered to since. They were certainly years which saw an extension of the state’s rights to control, and of its duties to assist, the individual via such expedients as national insurance contributions and old-age pensions. But there were exceptions. Paul Mulvey examines the beliefs and achievements of the Liberal MP Josiah Wedgood in his battle against the collectivists.

26 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 Individualist Thought and Radicalism Josiah C. Wedgwood’s Battle against the Collectivists, 1906 – 1914

e should cer- Henry George,1 and as a firm the Liberal Cobdenite tradition t a i n l y n o t defender of the rights of the of maintaining that the removal conclude that individual against the state. of all monopolies and privileges, E d w a r d i a n In 1910, Wedgwood and his of which land ownership was the Liberalism was wife and fellow campaigner, greatest, would allow the free whollyW in favour of ‘big-state’ Ethel, outlined their politi- market to effect its beneficent government or that, without the cal philosophy in a series of magic.5 For Labour thinkers on collectivising effect of the First articles for the magazine The the whole, on the other hand, World War, we should have seen Open Road.2 The articles were the market could only provide British politics tending towards their contribution to the debate justice and opportunity for all a Bismarckian social collectiv- between individualists and col- if it was tempered by collec- ism rather than, say, the more lectivists in which, inspired by tive organisations – the chief of individualist of the Utopian land-taxing ideas which would inevitably be the the American Democrats. There of Henry George, they argued state.6 While such collectivist was, in fact, a multi-faceted and for a return to a society of hardy sentiment ran counter to tra- hotly-fought debate within Lib- and self-reliant cultivators of the ditional Liberal philosophy,7 it eralism and the wider Edwardian soil, who would be independ- followed closely the ‘New Liber- left about the role of government ent of landlord, capitalist and alism’, inspired by the philosophy and the individual, government.3 Such bucolic fan- of T. H. Green, and advocated In this debate there was no tasising was common across the by J. A. Hobson, Leonard Hob- keener or more passionate par- Edwardian for house, Charles Masterman and ticipant than the newly-elected a variety of reasons, not least of others, which purported to Liberal MP for Newcastle-un- which, particularly for the left, solve this problem by portraying der-Lyme and scion of the Pot- was the belief that a return to the strong government as the means teries’ best known family, Josiah land would reduce unemploy- of enhancing the totality of per- Clement Wedgwood. Wedg- ment, and so relieve poverty, but sonal choice, and by assuming wood, although he later served that even if it did not do that, it that a more egalitarian society, briefly as a Labour Cabinet Min- would somehow improve the brought about by state redistri- ister, was always more of an agi- quality of the workers’ lives.4 bution of wealth – not just land – tator than an administrator. As a Where the Wedgwoods and would be a happier society. The fiery campaigner with a marked other progressive land reform Wedgwoods did not disagree talent for publicity, he soon advocates, such as Labour’s that a more egalitarian society became one of Parliament’s best Philip Snowden, differed was was desirable – they simply did known back-benchers, making in the role they envisaged for not believe that bigger govern- his name as a trenchant advocate the state in bringing about such Colonel Josiah ment would bring it about. of the land-taxing ideas of the social improvement. The Wedg- C. Wedgwood in In the economic sphere American political philosopher woods remained avowedly in 1919 Wedgwood advocated (loudly

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 27 individualist thought and radicalism

and frequently) Henry George’s The Wedgwood continued to emphasise – a sort come wisdom, and so society ideas, for in them he saw a way of family, 1908: of innate constitutionalism or would become ever more civi- reconciling the strong proprieto- Josiah jr, natural law which he felt was the lised, making government and rial rights of with Rosamund, Mrs proper basis of government. He formal laws ever less necessary.14 the need to redistribute wealth Wedgwood, never explained the origins of Unlike his future Cabinet col- to achieve social justice.8 George, Charles, Colonel this idea, or sought to justify it leagues, Ramsay MacDonald Wedgwood by denying that landlords had a by philosophical argument, but and Sidney Webb, who were also (Josiah snr), right to the land in the first place, Camilla, Julia, its roots clearly lay in the line influenced by Spencer’s views on 15 squared that particular circle, Helen of liberal thinking that had led social evolution, Wedgwood justifying the taking of rents for to ’s concept of believed that the way to move the general benefit of the com- social evolution and anti-statist towards such perfection was by munity. Wedgwood conceded individualism.11 Wedgwood constantly removing the ‘scaf- that the single tax could not summed his theory up with folding of law’, even though raise enough revenue to pay the two oft-repeated Latin mottoes. this involved risks. Essentially, expenses of a modern state, but Fiat justitia ruat cœlum (‘do jus- people would mature morally if considered that a virtue rather tice though the heavens should they were trusted to do so. Thus, than a vice in that it would fall’) should always, he argued, the ‘do justice’ doctrine would oblige the state, per se, to shrink.9 take precedence over salus populi eventually lead to anarchy, but Even if, however, he was wrong suprema lex (‘the safety of the not until the individual was fit- and the single tax did not make state is the supreme law’).12 In ted for it. On the other hand, he the workers better off, it was, he other words, there were indi- thought the ultimate result of thought, still worth implement- vidual rights which the state had the ‘safety of the state’ argument ing, for the increase in freedom no right to contravene, in peace- was the creation of a complete and justice it would bring was time at least.13 This was more bureaucratic tyranny.16 an even greater benefit that any than a matter of what we would By Wedgwood’s time, such consequential enhancement of now call human rights, for individualism was generally more material well-being.10 Wedgwood, following Spencer, identified with Tories than with More than anything else believed in the moral perfecti- Liberals.17 Certainly, the leading in Wedgwood’s long politi- bility of man, but only if he were individualist organisation of the cal career (he sat in the House left alone by the state in order to time, the Liberty and Property of Commons until 1942), it was exercise his individual responsi- Defence League (founded in part, this concept of justice that he bility. With responsibility would ironically, as a reaction against

28 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 individualist thought and radicalism

Henry George), had close Tory – from church, state, school- number of those at whom the connections and often acted for masters, even Labour MPs, who reforms were aimed, and from employers’ groups against trade taught them to ‘endure injustice whom he could therefore expect unions.18 Not all individualists, in patience’ rather than fight for a return in electoral or more however, were reactionary right- their rights.19 general political support. wingers. The single-taxers, for Wedgwood’s anti-statism The same could not be said example, were seen as anything gradually strengthened in the for the battles which Wedg- but reactionary and were attacked years before the war, to the wood fought against legisla- by the Tory press (and often by extent that by 1911 he con- tion which was aimed directly Liberals) as being dangerously demned all proposed social at groups that were generally radical, yet their philosophy was reforms that contained ele- unpopular with the wider com- individualist and anti-collectivist. ments of compulsion. In 1913, he munity. In such cases, the politi- Most of them disliked socialism asserted his complete agreement cal dividend for supporting an and they strongly supported the with his friend Hilaire Belloc’s unpopular cause came not from maintenance of existing social views, as outlined in The Servile constituents’ sympathy for the responsibilities – advocating, in State, that such legislation should cause itself – indeed, Wedgwood particular, that the state should be reviled for destroying liber- often received letters criticising not enforce provision for the care ty.20 He saw the National Insur- his stance on such issues – but and education of children, as they ance Bill of 1911, for instance, as rather from the respect he hoped believed that this undermined the an upper-class plot to exploit the to gain, and believed he got, for responsibilities of parents and so lower classes by keeping them being a man who was prepared weakened society. It was a form ‘properly groomed, stalled, and to make a stand on matters of of ‘moral hazard’ argument that looked after’.21 Such a view of principle. could be inferred directly from New Liberal legislation was Wedgwood’s position on the Spencer’s views on social evolu- not restricted to a few strong liberty of the individual was tion. Where the progressive indi- individualists or eccentric writ- firmly grounded in what he vidualists parted company with ers – it also found champions in took to be old English tradi- their right-wing counterparts the Labour Party, where George tion. In 1911, advising Churchill was that they did not oppose Lansbury, a close friend of the – then Home Secretary – not to social reform as such, believ- Wedgwoods, argued through introduce exceptional measures ing that reforms were needed to his newspaper, the Daily Her- against anarchists, he wrote, enhance existing rights. ald, that reforms such as national Wedgwood’s Nor were they opposed to insurance were moves by the You know as well as I do that trade unions. Indeed, far from state to enslave the workers at anti-statism human life does not matter a 22 attacking organised labour as a their own expense. Reynold’s gradually rap in comparison with the restriction on personal liberty, News, which was, according to death of ideas and the betrayal Wedgwood and his allies came Patrick Joyce, the voice of pop- strength- of English traditions … so let to be strong supporters of trade ulist radicalism, took a similar us have English rule and not unionism, and even syndical- stance with its distrust of the ened in Bourbon.26 ism, because of the opportu- state and promotion of voluntary nity it gave the working man to activity.23 And these newspapers the years When, in 1912, Fred Crowsley overcome the oppression of the were, as Pat Thane has demon- and others were charged with privileged classes and so increase strated, only reflecting a genuine before the incitement to mutiny for urg- overall individual freedom. level of working-class objection war, to the ing troops not to fire on strikers, Not wishing to be outflanked to state intervention on their Wedgwood, with George Lans- from the left (especially com- behalf.24 Basically, many people extent that bury, immediately championed ing from a constituency with a simply did not like having to pay the accused,27 attacking the prose- large mining element where, for benefits they might receive by 1911 he cutions as impractical and unjust, from 1910, the miners were no in the future, they did not like particularly as no action had been longer officially Liberal support- to lose earnings – as in the case condemned taken against Sir Edward Car- ers), he argued that, if anything, where older children were all pro- son and others who had incited the workers were not militant obliged to go to school rather violence in Ulster.28 The Wedg- enough, in part because, unlike than to work – and they resented posed social woods joined with a group of the middle classes, whose pub- being inspected and judged by mostly Labour MPs, although the lic-school education taught officials.25 Wedgwood, therefore, reforms that group also included the Liberal them to think for themselves was not only making an ideo- Philip Morrell, to found the Free (or so he claimed), the workers logical point when he argued for contained Speech Defence League to cam- were the victims of the ener- individual rather than collective elements of paign on the defendants’ behalf vating effects of too much care rights, but was also speaking via a series of public meetings, and supervision from on high up for a large, if undetermined, compulsion. the largest of which took place

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 29 individualist thought and radicalism at the Kingsway Opera House in Wedgwood usually fought with him.38 Out- two nights single-handedly April 1912, where a packed hall side Parliament, Wedgwood’s proposing dozens of amend- was addressed by Wedgwood, received let- individualist allies,39 Hilaire ments in an attempt to talk the Keir Hardie and George Bernard ters praising Belloc and the Chesterton Bill out.44 The third reading was Shaw.29 brothers, campaigned against eventually carried by 180 votes Wedgwood and Morrell were him for his the Bill, while the Liberal press to three. Wedgwood received criticised by their own con- was not quite as ready as Lib- letters praising him for his stand stituency parties for supporting stand and eral MPs were to accept without and the press were sympathetic, Crowsley,30 but at least that eccen- question the assumption that admiring him at least as much tric activist had some influential the press it was in the public interest to for his fortitude as for his prin- political friends, which was more were sym- resist racial degeneracy by con- ciples. According to the Daily than could be said for the other fining the mentally unfit. The Mail, he had set a new record for potential victims of state power pathetic, Nation warned of the totalitarian parliamentary obstruction.45 that Wedgwood defended, such implications of such legislation, His efforts were not entirely as the prostitutes who were to be admiring while Leonard Hobhouse, in the without reward – the govern- harassed by the police as the result Manchester Guardian, cautioned ment conceded that parents of a government bill of 1912 in him at least against using unproven science would have the right to refuse reaction to a ‘white slavery’ scare as much for as a basis of compulsion.40 to send their mentally-handi- in the press. Wedgwood, using The Bill could not have been capped children to residential what would become a formula for his fortitude better designed to arouse Wedg- schools under the Elementary him, attacked the proposed legis- wood’s opposition. It proposed Education (Defective & Epilep- lation as unnecessary, ineffective, as for his to restrict the liberty of a large tic Children) Bill, a companion counter-productive, illiberal and number of people on the basis of piece of legislation to the main biased in terms of sex and class.31 principles. a contentious scientific theory – Bill and, in the House of Lords, His tactic for fighting such a bill According though one that was being held Lord Salisbury proposed several was to propose multiple amend- up by its supporters as a defini- successful amendments which ments at every opportunity, with to the Daily tive statement of fact. The defi- provided additional safeguards the aim both of mitigating its nition of those affected was wide to individual liberty in the Men- worst aspects and of scuppering Mail, he and uncertain, ‘experts’ were to tal Deficiency Bill itself.46 As the whole thing. In this instance, decide who should be detained, Wedgwood had feared, how- he failed, as the government, who had set a and the whole thing seemed ever, the idea that socially unde- according to Wedgwood were new record to be particularly aimed at the sirable people could be treated fearful lest white slavers wreaked working classes and women. by long periods of compulsory havoc amongst female Christmas for parlia- Although Wedgwood’s motion, detention was applied to groups shoppers, forced it through.32 in July 1912, to have the Bill other than the feeble-minded. The White Slavers Bill, how- mentary postponed failed by 242 votes to In July 1914, he tried unsuccess- ever, was only a minor threat to nineteen,41 he won some conces- fully to persuade the House of liberty compared with the sinis- obstruction. sions from the Home Office. In Commons to drop the clause in ter paternalism of the 1912 Men- the face of such persistent oppo- the Criminal Justice Adminis- tal Deficiency Bill.33 Inspired in sition, with growing concerns tration Bill that gave magistrates part by eugenic concerns that an at the eugenic overtones of the the power to send young recidi- increase in the number of men- legislation and, even more so, at vists to borstal for two years of tal defectives was undermining the cost of the new bureaucracy training.47 On similar lines, the strength of the race,34 the Bill needed to implement it, the Bill he opposed the Inebriates Bill, proposed to incarcerate indefi- was dropped.42 It was reintro- which sought to establish special nitely an indeterminate – but duced in the next session, with institutions to treat drunkards. large – number of ill-defined references to eugenics removed Wedgwood particularly disliked ‘mentally defective’ people, and with more safeguards to the wide definition of ‘inebriate’, both for their own good, and protect individual liberty.43 The which would allow the incar- for the good of society, essen- changes narrowed the over- ceration of people for three years tially by preventing them from all number of people affected for offences that up until then breeding.35 Surprisingly per- from perhaps 150,000 to about would incur only a five-shilling haps, Wedgwood was the only 20,000 or 30,000. Wedgwood, fine. The government, this time, Liberal MP who opposed the however, was not satisfied, and appeared to have learnt a lesson, Bill from the start in the name with his band of fellow objec- and the Home Secretary agreed of liberty,36 along with a hand- tors now down to about a dozen, to meet Wedgwood to consider ful of individualist Conserva- he continued to try to obstruct his objections. As it transpired, tives, including Lord Robert the Bill at every opportunity. nothing further happened, as Cecil,37 although as the legisla- His last-ditch stand came on 28 Austria had declared war on Ser- tion progressed, a few Radicals and 29 July 1913, when he spent bia the previous day.48

30 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 individualist thought and radicalism

The Mental Deficiency Act took the view that the German and similar legislation illustrated threat to Britain was so severe an argument about the nature that pragmatism and executive of government in Britain that efficiency could override repre- went beyond, or perhaps across, sentation and individual rights. the traditional left–right nature However, the slaughter of the of political debate. The consti- Somme and Passchendaele, the tutional theorist, A. V. Dicey, first (liberal) Russian revolution, in 1914, saw the Act as high- and the advent of Wilsonian lighting the tension between idealism brought him back to a democracy and collectivism, less authoritarian and more tra- the former of which he defined ditionally Radical approach to as ‘government for the people matters of war and peace.51 by the people’, and the latter as As well as opposing the gov- ‘government for the people by ernment’s attacks on the liberty experts’.49 And both Wedgwood of the individual in Parliament, in the Commons and Salisbury Wedgwood also hoped to estab- in the Lords attacked the Bills for lish an organisation to defend limiting parliamentary power by individual liberty in general. delegating so much authority to The Personal Rights Associa- ‘experts’ – in this case doctors tion, which published The Indi- – and by leaving the determina- vidualist, had existed since 1871 tion of many of the actual rules to check ‘overmuch and over- to ministers via secondary leg- hasty legislation’.52 But while islation.50 This was also part of the PRA was philosophically a far older debate than the one close to Wedgwood’s heart,53 it about collectivism – with a few was small and, as Ethel Wedg- parliamentary traditionalists like wood noted, the membership Wedgwood and the Cecils rep- was made up of ‘elderly gentle- resenting Parliament on the one men of weirdest countenance side, and the ranks of ‘experts’, – mostly rather deaf”, or ‘ladies including health-care profes- [who] either wore short hair or sionals, the Eugenics Education were not quite English’.54 Wedg- Society and the , wood therefore decided to form representing the ‘King’s men’ a group with a rather higher on the other. This debate con- profile, and in December 1912, cerned the marginalisation of he invited some twenty or so Parliament in the running of likely sympathisers to a meeting government, ‘efficiency’ ver- at the Westminster Palace Hotel. sus ‘representation’. It was not They included Cecil Chesterton, a party political debate. The Hilaire Belloc, Leonard Hall, Fabian Webbs, the arch-impe- George Lansbury, Russell Smart rialist Lord Milner, and Liberal of the British Socialist Party, Imperialists such as Asquith and and the progressive clergyman, Haldane, could, for example, all Egerton Swann. They had little be included amongst those who in common politically, except favoured a greater rather than a opposition to the Home Office’s lesser degree of ‘expertise’ in the intrusions on personal liberty. governing of the country. It was Calling themselves the Freedom a debate that was to recur with Defence League, they came up unexampled ferocity during with a short programme, which the First World War and which explicitly connected the issues would, in the process, contrib- of personal freedom and repre- ute largely to the destruction of sentative government: the Liberal Party. Interestingly, Inspirers when that debate – which cen- 1. Defence of freedom of and allies of tred first on conscription and individual life, speech and Wedgwood: then on the formation of the propaganda; Henry George, Lloyd George coalition – did 2. Resistance to the encroach- Hilaire Belloc, G.K. Chesterton occur, Wedgwood initially ments of the bureaucracy;

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 31 individualist thought and radicalism

3. To work for popular control While he another example of the dilemma 1 See Paul Mulvey, ‘The Single-Tax- of the legislative, executive and that Wedgwood, as a progres- ers and the Future of Liberalism’, judiciary.55 could not sive individualist, always faced. Journal of Liberal Democrat History 35 subscribe to For while he could not subscribe (Summer 2002), pp. 11–14. They also issued a manifesto, to a laissez-faire approach that 2 Later published as Ethel and Josiah signed by the inaugural mem- a laissez-faire maintained what he considered Wedgwood, The Road to Freedom bers and, amongst others, G. K. to be an unjust status quo, he did (London: Daniel, 1913). Chesterton and H. G. Wells,56 approach not support the use of coercive 3 Ibid.. pp. 131–32. which expressed concern over state power to remove social 4 Frank Trentmann, ‘Wealth versus the recent, ‘great increase of that main- inequality, not least because he Welfare: The British Left between State interference with every tained what did not believe it would work. Free Trade and National Political department of life, involving For Wedgwood, the economics Economy before the First World more and more police control’. he consid- of Henry George resolved the War’, Historical Research, 70 (171), The League would fight the dilemma. They did not convinc- (1997), pp. 79–81. bureaucrats in meetings, press ered to be an ingly do so for many others. 5 See J. C. Wedgwood, Essays and and Parliament, perhaps even Adventures of a Labour MP (London, with organised passive resistance. unjust status George Allen & Unwin, 1924), p. It did not get very far, however, quo, he did Postscript 182. lasting only two months.57 The In the aftermath of the collapse 6 Trentmann, ‘Wealth versus Wel- political views of the members not support of the Liberal Party, and despite fare’, p. 83. were just too disparate – even at the threatened collectivism of 7 Kenneth D. Brown (ed.), Essays in the first meeting a row broke out the use of ‘clause Four’, which neither he Anti-Labour History: Responses to the between Belloc’s followers and nor the party’s leaders seem to Rise of Labour in Britain (London, the supporters of the BSP. coercive have taken very seriously, Wedg- Macmillan, 1974), p. 6. Wedgwood’s literary efforts state power wood joined the Labour Party in 8 Wedgwood, Essays, p. 182. to reach a wider public also 1919. He had close ties with many 9 Ibid., p. 185. had, at best, a mixed reception. to remove senior Labour men – most nota- 10 Ibid., p. 214. His speeches, articles and let- bly Philip Snowden and George 11 See Michael Taylor (ed.), Herbert ters were widely published in social ine- Lansbury – from the days of the Spencer and the Limits of the State: The the national and local press, but pre-war Progressive Alliance; Nineteenth Century Debate Between The Road to Freedom did not sell quality, not the Labour Party advocated a Individualism and Collectivism (Bris- well and was soon forgotten. least because tax on the value of land; and, not tol, Thoemmes Press, 1996), p. xx. This was in marked contrast to least, Wedgwood wanted to keep 12 Wedgwood’s translations, see Belloc’s The Servile State, which he did not his seat in a constituency where Essays, pp. 233–34. came out at about the same time, Labour strength was growing rap- 13 He made an exception if the state sold well and went to several believe it idly. Despite being a prominent was under a dire and immediate editions, although its hypothesis Labour front-bencher for several threat, hence he was an early sup- had much in common with that would work. years, and a member – as Chan- porter of military conscription dur- of the Wedgwoods and certainly cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ing the Great War. looked no less far-fetched. The – of the first Labour Cabinet, he 14 Hansard, 5th Series, vol.108, 972, 16 Road to Freedom’s mixed reviews was never spiritually at home in July 1918. and lack of sales, and the stillbirth the Labour Party and increas- 15 Noel W. Thompson, Political Econ- of the Freedom Defence League ingly pursued his own particular omy and the Labour Party: the econom- highlighted Wedgwood’s essen- interests, such as the founding of ics of democratic socialism, 1884–1995 tial problem in advancing the the History of Parliament project (London, UCL Press, 1996), pp. cause of ‘Georgeite individual- and campaigns on behalf of 55-56. ism’, for outside a narrow core of Zionism and, after 1933, Jewish 16 Wedgwood, Essays, p. 235. single-taxers, few land reformers refugees. He sat in the House of 17 See Taylor, Herbert Spencer p. x. looked beyond the economic or Commons until 1942, when he and Michael Taylor, Man Versus the ‘class-envy’ aspects of their doc- was ennobled by his friend from State: Herbert Spencer and Late Vic- trine, while few individualists Edwardian Liberal days, Winston torian Individualists, (Oxford: OUP, had more than a passing sympa- Churchill. He died the following 1992), p. ix. thy with the economics of Henry year, aged seventy-one. 18 Brown, Essays in Anti-Labour His- George – at least as Wedgwood tory, p. 13. interpreted them. The Individu- Dr. Paul Mulvey is an occassional 19 Daily Citizen, 30 September 1913. alist, for instance, reviewing lecturer in modern history at King’s 20 Hilaire Belloc, The Servile State The Road to Freedom, disliked its College London and the LSE, who (London, Constable & Co., 1912); advocacy of anarchy and thought never quite gets round to finishing Staffordshire Sentinel, report of an any meaningful return to the his biography of Josiah Clement interview with JCW in The Young land wholly impractical.58 It was Wedgwood. Man, 8 September 1913.

32 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 individualist thought and radicalism

21 Hansard, 5th series, vol.27, Edwardian Turn of Mind (Prin- Studies (Leiden, Brill, 2005), Ethel Wedgwood to Rosamund 1218–19, 5 July 1911. ceton, Princeton University pp. 189–214. Wedgwood, 26 October 1912. 22 Pat Thane, ‘The working class Press, 1968), p. 32. 52 Edward Bristow, ‘The Liberty 55 Ibid., 12 December 1912. and state “welfare” in Britain, 35 José Harris, Private Lives, Public and Property Defence League 56 Keele, JCW, letters and papers 1880–1914’, Historical Journal, Spirit: A Social History of Britain and Individualism’, Historical 1906–1914, Manifesto of the Free- vol .27 (4), (1984), pp. 877–900, 1870–1914 (Oxford, OUP, 1993), Journal, (1975), vol. 18 (4), p. dom Defence League, 1913. p. 897. p. 245; Jackson, p. 207. 772. 57 J. C. Wedgwood, Memoirs of a 23 Patrick Joyce, Visions of the 36 Michael Freeden, The New 53 The Individualist, July–August Fighting Life (London, Hutch- People: Industrial England and Liberalism: An Ideology of Social 1912, p. 41; Emy, Liberals, Radi- inson, 1940), p. 82. the Question of Class, 1848–1914 Reform (Oxford, OUP, 1978), p. cals and Social Politics, p. 284. 58 R.K.W., The Individualist, (Cambridge, CUP, 1991), p. 189. 54 Keele, JCW Letters 1910–12, March–April 1913, pp. 26–28. 68. 37 H. V. Emy, Liberals, Radicals and 24 Thane, ‘The working class and Social Politics, 1892–1914, (Cam- state “welfare” in Britain’, p. bridge, CUP, 1973), p. 275. 877. 38 Including fellow single-taxers 25 Ibid., p. 895. Leonard Outhwaite and Fran- 26 Churchill Papers, Char 12/9/5, cis Neilson, and the more tra- JCW to Winston Churchill, 5 ditionally Cobdenite Radical, January 1911. W. R. Pringle; see Thomson, 27 Wedgwood, Essays, p. 154. The Problem of Mental Deficiency, letters 28 The Times, 26 March 1912, p. p. 47. 12, col. E. 39 Jackson, The Borderland of Imbe- 29 Keele University, Wedgwood cility, p. 204. Injustice to Asquith Watkin, Yarmouth and Letters, 1910–12, Ethel Wedg- 40 Freeden, The New Liberalism, I write to point out the Exeter wood to Helen Wedgwood, 28 pp. 191–92. injustice of the potted biog- May I correct a couple of March 1912 and 5 April 1912; 41 Hansard, 5th Series, vol.41, 710 raphy of Mr Asquith (‘In psephological errors in John JCW to Helen Wedgwood, 5 and 714, 19 July 1912. search of the great Liber- Greaves’ account of the life April 1912. 42 Jayne Woodhouse, ‘Eugenics als’, Journal of Liberal History of Sir Edward Watkin ( Jour- 30 Mitchell Library, Glasgow, and the Feeble-Minded: The 55). You rightly observe nal of Liberal History 55, sum- Kinloch Papers 1/31, Wedg- Hansard of 1912–14’, History of that as Chancellor of the mer 2007)? wood Correspondence, JCW to Education, (1982), vol. 11 (2), p. Exchequer when old age He states that in ‘1859, J. L. Kinloch, 27 March 1912. 134. pensions began, in January Watkin refused nomination 31 Hansard, 5th series, vol.39, 43 Hansard, 5th series, vol.53, 1909, Mr Lloyd George got to represent his native seat, 601–05, 10 June 1912. 221–23, 28 May 1913; Thom- all the credit, both then and Salford, half hoping that 32 Hansard, 5th series, vol.39, 699– son, p. 47. subsequently. he would be asked to stand 733, 11 December 1912. 44 Hansard, 5th series, vol.56, It was, however, the again for Great Yarmouth, 33 For the background to the Bill, 65–256, 28 July 1913 and budget of 1908 which pro- but in the event he was not’. see Mark Jackson, The Bor- 421–98, 29 July 1913. vided the first funding for Actually he was, polling derland of Imbecility: Medicine, 45 Hanley Library, Wedgwood pensions, and that budget 568 votes in Yarmouth in Society and the Fabrication of the cuttings, vol. 1, Daily Mail, July was prepared by Mr Asquith 1859, 32 more than his Lib- Feeble Mind in Late Victorian and 1913. and presented to Parliament eral running mate, but 91 Edwardian England (Manchester, 46 Hansard, 5th series, vol.56, 1717, by him, even though he had behind the second victorious Manchester University Press, 6 August 1913 and 2580, 13 by that time become Prime Conservative. 2000), esp. ch. 7 and Matthew August 1913. Minster. Referring to Watkin’s Thomson, The Problem of Men- 47 Ibid., vol. 65, 139–40, 20 July Of course the problem failure to win the Exeter tal Deficiency: Eugenics, Democ- 1914. was that the 1908 budget by-election in 1873, Greaves racy and Social Policy in Britain, 48 Ibid., 1520–23, 29 July 1914. funded only three months claims that this had been c.1870–1959 (Oxford, 1998). 49 See A. V. Dicey, Law and Opin- of payments, from January ‘until 1868 a Conservative 34 The 1908 Report of the Royal ion in England, 2nd ed. (Lon- 1909, and Lloyd George had stronghold’. Not at all so: at Commission on Care and don, Macmillan, 1914), p. lxxii, to find the cost of a full year, general elections between Control of the Feeble-Minded quoted in Thomson, The Prob- hence the People’s Budget. 1835 and 1865, Exeter invari- found an apparently large lem of Mental Deficiency, p. 46. This was indeed an impres- ably returned one Conserva- increase in the number of men- 50 Ibid., p. 45. sive achievement, but it tive and one Liberal MP, tally defective people – up by 51 See Paul Mulvey, ‘From Lib- was Mr Asquith who really sometimes unopposed and 21.44 per cent in the ten years eralism to Labour: Josiah C. started the pensions! sometimes chosen by split- to 1901. As mental deficiency Wedgwood and English Lib- John R. Howe ticket voting. Only twice was thought by most to be eralism during the First World did both seats fall to one hereditary, the implication for War’, in Pierre Purseigle (ed.), party: Whig in 1832 and the health of society seemed Warfare and Belligerence: Per- Liberal in 1868. serious. See Samuel Hynes, The spectives in First World War Michael Steed

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 33 Rt Hon Alan Beith MP delivered the keynote address at the Cambridge seminar on ‘The 1906 General Election – from the old to the new politics?’ in October 2006. We are pleased to reproduce it in the Journal of Liberal History. Religion, human rights and politics in 1906 and 2006

n Fielding’s novel Tom The 1906 Liberal government place was alive with newly pur- Jones, parson Thwackum also drew significantly on my chased top hats.1 said, Berwick-upon-Tweed constitu- ency: many members of the 1906 Amongst this throng were Free When I mention religion government or of Asquith’s 1908 Church members estimated at II mean the Christian reli- government had links with my between 175 and 200. Many gion; and not only the Chris- constituency. Edward Grey was gathered at the Hotel Cecil on tian religion but the Protestant Foreign Secretary, Lord Tweed- 2 March to meet an assembly religion; and not only the Prot- mouth, former Berwick MP, was of 350 Free Church representa- estant religion but the Church Lord President. Walter Runci- tives. The loyal toast was drunk of England. man, whose country home was ‘mainly in Apollinaris’, and R. F. at Doxford, was President of the Horton, Minister of the famous On this occasion, I am being Board of Education. The foun- Lyndhurst Road Congregational similarly selective: looking at dation stone he laid still greets Church, Hampstead, urged 1906, I will be referring to the you as you enter the Methodist them to ‘carry into the House Free Church element in the Lib- Chapel in Seahouses. of Commons the nonconform- eral Party, whose landslide vic- It must have been exciting to ist conscience’. The Free Church tory we commemorate. There come as a Liberal MP to West- MPs appointed a committee were, of course, plenty of other minster in February 1906 – like whose leaders sat ominously religious views within the party, 1997 for Labour MPs or 2005, on with the overspill of Liberal MPs including Catholics, Jews and a smaller scale, for Liberal Dem- who occupied the lower benches the occasional atheist, as well ocrats. Colin Cross writes: on the opposition side of the as those for whom the estab- House. (Much of this detail has lished Church of either England Parliament met on February 20 been helpfully unearthed by D. or Scotland was their spiritual with some 300 new members W. Bebbington in his essay ‘Par- home, whether or not they often surging through the Westmin- liament and Dissent’, sponsored visited it. As a Free Churchman ster corridors, astonished that by Parliamentary History.) It was a (Methodist/UMFC), I can iden- they had no need to prove their potentially powerful group. But tify with this group. identity to the policemen. The two warnings are necessary.

34 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 religion, human rights and politics in 1906 and 2006

As Bebbington points out, the nonconformity in England has workhouse from the horizon of nonconformists did not form a a long record of support for every workman in the land. majority of Liberals in the Com- human rights arising from two mons – indeed, so great had been things. One was the Protestant There was plenty of noncon- the Liberal landslide that they perception of the individual and formist fervour behind all this. represented a smaller proportion his or her worth in the eyes of The main questioning of it, on than their predecessors had done God, which means that the indi- grounds of its extension of state in 1906, and only a small core vidual has a recognition above power, came not from noncon- held together for regular consul- that of the state. The second was formists but from old radicals.2 tations. And there were only two that nonconformists had experi- The 1906–16 government also practising nonconformists in the enced a shared struggle for their had some successes in human 1906 Cabinet, one of those being own rights to practice their reli- rights and democracy, includ- Lloyd George. gion, to break down the barriers ing the Parliament Act (which Secondly, there were – and of exclusion and discrimination, remained unfinished business) this is relevant to human rights and to escape the educational and the introduction of payment issues – some significant differ- and social dominance of the of MPs. Nonconformist rights ences among them. Wesleyans Church of England. were asserted in the disestablish- tended to a more authoritar- Quakers had stood firm in ment of the Welsh Church. In ian view than that of the other their refusal to fight (or in the international affairs the govern- Free Churches, and of the other early days, even to take off their ment had a stance of opposition Methodists who had broken hats); independents claimed their to oppression and achieved the with the Wesleyans, mainly over right to organise congregations; ending of Chinese slave labour issues of authority. Wesleyans and all nonconformists fought in South Africa. had been divided over Brad- against exclusion from universi- But there were failures, most laugh’s case. Robert Perks, one ties. They fought alongside Jews notably the failure to achieve of the most prominent Wesley- and Catholics to be admitted the enfranchisement of women, ans in the parliamentary party, to public office; now they were despite the support of two- was fairly right-wing, extremely fighting not to have their chil- thirds of Liberal MPs; and there difficult, and intermittent in dren sent to Church of England was a dismal failure in the poor his attention to nonconformist faith schools and to disestablish treatment of suffragettes. Non- interests and, indeed to parlia- the Church in Wales. They had conformists did not achieve mentary business. a culture of challenging author- the reduction in the Church Rev. Charles Sylvester Horne ity. This is very different from of England’s role in education said the ‘army of puritans turned the United States experience which had been a central issue out to be no triumphant host’. of Protestantism, a large part of in many constituencies in 1906. But nonconformists could draw which has been drawn to the For nonconformists, the tem- on a large section of the active right in politics. perance and licensing issue was public and had significant back- So what did this mean for the a paradox – they did not see it as ing in the denominational press 1906 government? We remember a ‘liberty’ issue as some do today and sections of the national that government and its 1910 suc- in lobbying for unrestricted pub press, as well as a ready platform cessor primarily for their social opening hours. They turned the in church conferences and ral- reforms. They had a framework issue round, and used the rheto- lies. And they had major causes of ideas around social justice ric of ‘enslavement’ of the work- of their own, especially educa- and individual in such ing man by the brewers and the tion, Welsh disestablishment and areas as workmen’s compensa- drink trade to seek restriction the temperance and licensing tion, unemployment insurance, or prohibition, but with little issue. They were, of course, also housing and town planning, old success. interested in social improvement age pensions, the beginnings of Protestant A lot has changed. Religion and in imperial and international workhouse reform, trade union in 2006 is a much less powerful issues. rights, the regulation of mine- noncon- force, and nonconformity cor- There is no certain synergy working conditions, and, above formity in respondingly less powerful. On between religion and concern all, the ‘People’s Budget’. In 1911 the other hand, many of the old for human rights. Many national Lloyd George said, England has issues of division have disap- churches have been authoritar- peared. The Church of England ian partners of the state. Many Four spectres haunt the poor: a long record is not the Tory Party at prayer; religious groups – Islamic as well old age, accident, sickness of support nonconformists send children to as Christian – regard the state as and unemployment. We are Church of England or Catholic a legitimate means of enforcing going to exorcise them. We are for human faith schools out of choice, and religious observance or prohi- going to drive hunger from the are much less supportive of dis- bitions. However, Protestant hearth. We mean to banish the rights. establishment. Churches work

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 35 religion, human rights and politics in 1906 and 2006 together in their campaigns That is why that moral authoritarianism even more important given the against world poverty. Islam is holds sway, and that is very dif- new authoritarian rhetoric in the new religious dimension in you need ferent from the US experience which the government’s think- UK politics; it, too, is divided. of recent decades. ing is framed. The cry of Labour The Liberal Party is not the gov- Liberalism Perhaps the most important Home Secretaries introducing ernment, although the Liberal as a political contribution of the Liberal Party repressive measures has been, ‘If Democrats are in their strongest and Liberal Democrats has been you’ve nothing to hide, you have position since the 1920s. force, and to assert the primacy of freedom nothing to fear’, which is palpa- Human rights are better safe- and to challenge the aggregation ble nonsense. Ministers claim guarded through the European that is why of power – to regard freedom as that, ‘The rights of the people Convention on Human Rights, more important than, and not are more important than the yet at the same time more threat- the infusion subsidiary to, the individual rights of terrorists’, a deliberate ened through terrorism legisla- of Protestant objectives which might more confusion which was the same tion. We have new dilemmas. easily have been accomplished argument that was used against Has there been a continu- nonconform- without it. British politics has Catholic emancipation two hun- ing Free Church and Christian seen too many of those for dred years earlier. contribution on human rights? ity in the whom freedom, due process and That is why you need Liber- The churches have been a major the decentralisation of power alism as a political force, and that source of pressure, and Christian party has are only acceptable so long as is why the infusion of Protestant MPs have been in the forefront helped to they deliver the decisions politi- nonconformity in the party has in fighting oppression. Churches cal leaders want. Liberalism is helped to mould its values. and church-based groups have mould its about accepting that others can campaigned on minority rights and will disagree with you; and, Alan Beith has been Liberal and – especially those of immigrants values. so long as they are not taking then Liberal Democrat MP for Ber- and asylum seekers, and in away the liberty of their fellow wick-upon-Tweed since 1973. opposition to racism. They have human beings, it is our busi- shown a concern for democracy ness to defend their right to do 1 Colin Cross, The Liberals in Power – the churches in Scotland were so. No other party exists to pro- 1906–14 (London: Barrie and Rock- closely involved in the devolu- mote and defend that principle, liffe, 1963). tion campaign and the Covenant so it is as well that we do, and 2 See H.V. Emy, Liberals, Radicals process. There is significant everything we propose must be and Social Politics 1892–1914 (CUP, interest in electoral reform in tested against it. That becomes 1973). the churches. Paradoxes remain on issues such as gambling, licensing laws and Sunday trading, where social concern cuts across per- Help needed! sonal freedom. In a sense, the The Liberal Democrat History Group was formed in 1988. Since then, we have nonconformists got what they organised meetings, starting at one per year and now usually holding four. did not bargain for. Their fight We have published the Journal of Liberal History quarterly since November for religious freedom was not 1993. We have published four books, the Dictionary of Liberal Biography a fight for a secularised state or (1998), Dictionary of Liberal Quotations (1999), Great Liberal Speeches (2001) and Dictionary of Liberal Thought (2007). And we have established the website for a nation without religion. It www.liberalhistory.org.uk as the web’s premier source for Liberal history. is profoundly discomforting to them, and to other groups like We have every intention of continuing and developing all these activities – black Christians, Muslims, Sikhs and more! But we need help – with a few exceptions, all the History Group’s activities are implemented by a very small group of individuals, most of whom and Hindus, to find themselves also have busy professional and political lives. used as an excuse for purging religion from our society under If you are interested in helping with any of the following activities: the pretext of diversity or of • Meetings: coming up with ideas for topics and speakers, and helping to integration. But perhaps the organise them. most important Free Church • The Journal of Liberal History: coming up with ideas for topics and authors, contribution has been to prevent and reviewing articles. • Publications: helping to produce future books for the History Group. the emergence of a US-style • The website: expanding, inputting and correcting our Liberal History ‘moral majority’ or right-wing Online pages. Christian challenge. Noncon- formity kept much of Protes- – or with helping to run the Group more broadly, we’d like to hear from you. tantism aligned with the cause of It is not always necessary to attend meetings; many of our activities can be freedom. It is only on the more carried out from your own computer. Please email Tony Little, Chair of the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o [email protected]. extreme fundamentalist fringes

36 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 interest, or of manoeuvre? Any report concept of democracy which sees politicians competing for votes in the same way as companies compete for customers, which Think Liberal: the Dictionary of Liberal Thought aims to provide to the voters simply what they want, ignores Fringe meeting, 2 March 2007, Harrogate, with David the role of discussion about what people ought to want in Howarth MP and Michael Meadowcroft: Chair: Steve the first place – the great debate Webb MP about what is good for society. The ‘politics of unreflecting Report by Duncan Brack desires’ weakens the connections between members of a political community, and disengages pol- bly chaired by the par- Liberals, who believe that ideas itics from thought. In any case, ty’s manifesto coordina- lead to action, rather than the no electoral system can deliver to Ator, Steve Webb MP, the other way round. everyone what they want; there History Group’s packed fringe David identified three types will always be someone on the meeting at the Liberal Democrat of political party: parties of losing side. What David pre- spring conference was designed social, or group, interest; par- ferred is a concept of democracy to launch our new publication, ties of values, or ideas; and par- as an idea of how people ought to the Dictionary of Liberal Thought ties of manoeuvre, whose main organise themselves, rather than (for review, see p. 40). object is to gain and hold power. simply summing up what they Both speakers focused their For most of British political want – allowing for deliberation talks on the extent to which history, these party types have and changing of minds, helping ideas influence politics, and been exemplified by the Labour, to create, rather than destroy, both believed that they were Liberal and Conservative par- political communities. crucial to the process. As John ties, respectively. In more recent Michael Meadowcroft, Lib- Maynard Keynes had put it: years, things have changed eral MP for Leeds West 1983–87, somewhat: Labour has tended and both an author and an entry The ideas of economists and to become more a party of in the Dictionary, aimed to ana- political philosophers, both manoeuvre and (authoritarian) lyse how the pure could become when they are right and when ideas, while the Conservative the applied: how could Liberal they are wrong, are more pow- Party under Thatcher became ideas be translated into mani- erful than is commonly under- very clearly a party of ideas, and festos, or into laws? There was stood … Practical men, who is now struggling to return to its a clear need for applied political believe themselves to be quite pre-Thatcher mode of manoeu- thinkers capable of carrying exempt from any intellectual vre. Have the Liberal Democrats What David out this difficult job. Michael influences, are usually the slave changed? The merger between quoted Richard Wainwright, of some defunct economist. the SDP and the Liberal Party preferred is declining an offer to replace Jer- had certainly created tensions emy Thorpe as leader, claiming David Howarth, MP for Cam- – the Liberals were a social lib- a concept of he was not a ‘first thinker’, but bridge and author of several eral party with an instinctive democracy a ‘second thinker’. It was his job entries in the Dictionary, illus- distrust of the state, in contrast to put together what had been trated his thesis by compar- to social democrats – but David as an idea of broken, he argued, but political ing Liberalism with Marxism felt that a bigger difference was leaders needed to be ‘first think- and . Marxists caused by the origins of most how people ers’, to decide for themselves believe that political ideas are SDP politicians in the Labour what had gone wrong. That the outcome and the servant Party, and their difficulty in try- ought to was a clear difference from Jo of class interests; they have no ing to cooperate with a party organise Grimond, for example, who independent existence. Con- that didn’t seem to care who its possessed a tremendous intel- servatives, on the other hand, interests were. There certainly is themselves, lectual confidence, perhaps even tend to distrust ideas, preferring a danger, David warned, that the arrogance. Michael recalled to set their beliefs in relation Liberal Democrats could become rather than many occasions on which Gri- to history, habit, interest and a party of interests – for example mond had demolished, highly emotion; thinking too much of rural areas, or as a mobiliser of simply sum- effectively, some ill-advised would tend to endanger what community grievances. ming up what proposal, only for Wainwright they value. Both are clearly very Why does this matter? What to come in with: ‘all right; so different from the approach of is wrong with the politics of they want. what do we do about it?’

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 37 report

Another aspect of politi- Unless there lesson that President Bush, manifestos are simply snapshots cal thinking could perhaps be for example, seemed unable of moments in history which labelled by the theological term are those to grasp. Parties that were not almost immediately become ‘apologetics’, where you looked based on some sort of ideology obsolescent – unless they are at your faith in terms of oth- amongst were too ephemeral. Parties rooted in a political ideology. ers, and other faiths in terms of us who are based on tribal loyalties, or on So unless there are those your own; Michael believed that charismatic leaders, could be amongst us who are prepared to almost all he had written – for prepared to positively dangerous: ‘all leaders do the thinking and the writ- example, Liberalism and the Left, are bad, and the best leaders are ing, and to do something about or Liberalism and the Right – could do the think- worse’, because they all fall foul it thereafter, the party will be be so categorised. This exercise of their own self-importance. wafted about by every passing helped enable politicians to ing and the Parties based on regions were political breeze. We need the defend the ideas of their party writing, and also problematic, as were those anchor of political thought. in any political arena. What had on religions. But perhaps even often saddened Michael was the to do some- more importantly, parties based Duncan Brack is the Editor of the lack of confidence many Liber- on programmes do not work: Journal of Liberal History. als had displayed in their own thing about beliefs, when trying to discover ‘short-cuts to success’. it thereafter, Michael felt that there was the party will often a lack of intellectual rig- our about what Liberals do. He be wafted cited the general statement of opposition to discrimination about by in the preamble to the Liberal every pass- Democrat constitution, while reviews pointing out that clearly we ing political would discriminate against paedophiles; general statements breeze. We Political patriarch needed to be examined with care. Another example was the need the and Alison Highet (eds): Isaac Foot: A mutation of community politics from an ideological exercise into anchor of Westcountry Boy – Apostle of England (London: Politico’s a way of winning elections – and political Publishing, 2006) one of its offshoots, the recruit- ment to the party of people who thought. Reviewed by Robert Ingham liked particular local Liberal campaigns, but had no real attachment to liberalism; they f Isaac Foot is remembered councillor in Plymouth for over tended to drift away after a year at all today, it is as the patri- twenty years and Lord Mayor of or two. The problem was that Iarch of a political family. the city in 1945–46; and Presi- the party tended not to think Four sons made it to Parlia- dent of the Liberal Party in 1947. that its members actually needed ment: Dingle, as first a Liberal Michael Foot and his niece Ali- any real grounding in liberalism, and then a Labour MP and a son Highet have, in this volume, or that it needed to make any Solicitor General in the 1960s; set out to illuminate the life of a special effort to recruit the rela- Michael, as a left-wing fire- remarkable man, long eclipsed tively small number of people brand and Leader of the Labour by the successes of his children. who were instinctive liberals. Party; Hugh (known as Mac) Isaac Foot is not a conven- Michael agreed with much was made a peer after a dis- tional biography, however. of David Howarth’s argu- tinguished diplomatic career; Rather it is a collection of source ments. One conclusion he and John was a long-serving materials – reminiscences, let- had drawn from his work in Liberal peer. In addition, grand- ters, broadcasts, even a paper emerging democracies was that son Paul was a distinguished on Foot’s vast library – spliced elections were not the cause campaigning journalist. But together by the editors to tell the of democracy, but the result Isaac was a significant fig- story of Foot’s life. The result is of it, and unless a democratic ure in his own right. He was highly readable, although there structure already existed, elec- Liberal MP for Bodmin from is perhaps too much detail in one tions by themselves would not 1922–24 and 1929–35 and was or two areas and some frustrat- deliver democracy, and could briefly Minister of Mines in the ing gaps for those interested in often make things worse – a National Government of 1931; a Foot the Liberal politician.

38 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 reviews

Foot’s first election campaign defeat. He was narrowly beaten translator of the New Testament was a defeat at Totnes in January in a by-election at St Ives in 1937, into English, are amply covered. 1910 and his last came thirty-five occasioned by Walter Runci- Foot’s marriage was based first years later when he was unsuc- man’s elevation to the peer- and foremost on the religious cessful at Tavistock. Parts IV age. This contest provided an convictions he shared with his and V of the book deal with his opportunity to settle scores with wife, Eva. The highlight of political career. Although ini- Runciman, a former protégé of Isaac Foot is the correspondence tially attracted to Lloyd George, Foot’s, who had stayed loyal to between Isaac and his wife dur- he remained loyal to Asquith the government and had issued ing their courtship. They met after 1916 and bitterly opposed an address to the electors of Bod- on 4 at a church out- Lloyd George’s use of the ‘cou- min in 1935 urging them to vote ing in Cambridge and, for Isaac, pon’ to designate supporters for the government candidate. it was love at first sight. By the of the coalition in 1918. Foot Foot campaigned vigorously middle of the month he was opposed couponed candidates on against appeasement, bravely writing to propose marriage. three occasions, losing at Bod- speaking out against the Munich Eva, a remarkable woman who min in 1918 and to Lady Astor at settlement despite the popular deserves greater attention for Plymouth Sutton in 1919 before enthusiasm for Chamberlain’s her contribution to the devel- winning the Bodmin by-elec- foolish claim to have achieved opment of such a significant tion in 1922. The name of Lloyd ‘peace in our time’. During the family, was understandably George was ‘most accursed’ in Second World War he undertook cautious. The letters show how the Foot household at this time a strenuous speaking tour of the Isaac got his woman. They and the two men engaged in a United States, intended to tackle also do more than any biogra- hostile correspondence through isolationist elements head-on, pher could to demonstrate the the newspapers about the and afterwards served as Lord warmth and humour in his per- extent to which Lloyd George Mayor of Plymouth (on the sonality. Isaac Foot emerges as remained true to the principles invitation of the newly-elected an eminently likeable man. of his party. Foot was re-elected Labour council). He remained Foot was also devoted to the for Bodmin in the general elec- active as an elder statesman in the institution of Parliament and, tions of 1922 and 1923, lost in Liberal Party into the 1950s. as a result, to Oliver Cromwell 1924, regained the seat in 1929, The Liberal historian is left and the other parliamentarians retained it in 1931 and lost again wanting more about Foot’s elec- who had stood up to Charles in 1935. In another era, five tion campaigns, his period as a I. He founded the Cromwell election victories would have minister and his career in the guaranteed twenty years or more Liberal Party, particularly dur- service in the House of Com- ing the late 1940s and early 1950s mons rather than a mere eight. when the party was at risk of There is a detailed account of disappearing altogether. Two of his by-election victory in 1922, Foot’s sons left the Liberals for with some wonderful photo- Labour – what did their father graphs, and a well-structured think? Did Isaac support Clem- summary of his parliamentary ent Davies as Liberal Leader? contributions after he resigned What did he make of the party’s as a minister in 1932. He spoke increasing reliance on pacts and on legal aid, Malta, the opening arrangements with the Conserv- of places of entertainment on ative Party during this time? Sundays, gambling, road safety If the details of his politi- and electoral reform. He was a cal career are sketched only Liberal spokesman at the round- in outline, the bases of Foot’s table conferences on India’s Liberalism are deeply etched demand for self-government and throughout the book. Method- earned the sobriquet ‘the Mem- ism was at the centre of Foot’s ber for the Depressed Classes’ political career, indeed at the as a result of his interest in the centre of his life. He was a vig- ‘untouchables’. He was regarded orous and popular lay-preacher, as the leader of the pro-temper- and was installed as Vice-Pres- ance bloc in the Commons and ident of the Methodist Confer- the brewers crowed with delight ence in 1937. at his defeat in 1935. His religious beliefs and the However, Foot’s political special place in his life held career continued despite his by William Tyndale, the first

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 39 reviews

Association and was its first also collected literature by the Chairman, and played a leading likes of Hardy, Wordsworth role in marking the sites of the and Conrad. It is worth bearing main battlefields of the Civil in mind that, in addition to his War and in commemorating the political career, religious activ- three-hundredth anniversaries ity, and learned interests, Foot of various events associated with was, throughout his life, a Ply- Cromwell’s rise to power. mouth solicitor who commuted Isaac Foot will also appeal to from Cornwall each day – a those interested in the history journey which in his younger of Plymouth. There are some days involved a four-mile walk excellent accounts of Plymouth each way to the station. Foot not in the late nineteenth century only had an exceptionally broad and of the devastation wreaked range of interests, he excelled on the city during the Second across their whole range. World War. Foot played a key There are a few minor dis- role in reviving Plymouth dur- appointments with Isaac Foot: ing his period as Lord Mayor. the typesetting is flawed in that The other main theme of the there are unusual gaps within book is Foot’s obsession with words and the contents page books. He read for at least four is inaccurate. These are minor hours every day and amassed gripes about an important book an enormous library. In 1959 he on a significant man. Foot paid his grandchildren to count deserves a fuller biography, how- the books – they found almost ever, or perhaps someone will 60,000: after Foot’s death they attempt to write a long-overdue were sold to the University of political biography of the Foot California. Foot sought to buy family, giving due prominence every book by or about the peo- to Isaac as head of the clan. biographies are more than that: ple or causes in which he was they are quick guides to the interested. He had an impres- Robert Ingham is a historical writer overall significance of each of sive collection of early bibles, and Reviews Editor of the Journal their respective subjects and his and 3,000 Civil War tracts; he of Liberal History. or her key ideas. The latter are first introduced in bullet-point format, and then discussed in analytical and detailed sec- tions on the subject’s career and Think Liberal political thought. Each article is completed by a short bibliog- Duncan Brack and Ed Randall (eds): Dictionary of Liberal raphy of primary and second- Thought (London: Politico’s Publishing, 2007) ary sources (‘Key Works’ and ‘Further Reading’). The scope is Reviewed by Eugenio Biagini formidable and includes, besides all the major British figures, also a number of Continental he Di c t i o n a r y of Liberal principal thinkers, ideas and European and American think- Thought is an important organisations which shaped or ers, ranging from Condorcet Treference work which influenced three centuries of and Constant to von Humboldt, will be much appreciated (and liberal philosophy in Britain. As Mazzini, Tocqueville and frequently used) both by politi- a reference work this is brilliant Thoreau. The ‘Ideas’ discussed cians and scholars. The edi- and user-friendly. Although the range equally widely and com- tors have brought together an articles are in alphabetical order, prehensively from ‘Anarchism’ impressive team of historians, a series of indexes (to ‘Ideas’, and the ‘Austrian School’, to political scientists and political ‘Organisations’ and ‘Thinkers’) ‘Pacifism’, the ‘Social Market’ practitioners to complete – in provides readers with a unique and ‘’. As for the record time – a highly original table of contents – an intellec- ‘Organisations’, the Dictionary publication which will set new tual map which maximises the covers an amazing variety of standards in its genre. usability of this Dictionary. associations and leagues – a true The Dictionary consists of Each entry is clearly struc- reflection of the liberal presence over 170 entries covering the tured. Furthermore, the in British society – from the

40 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 reviews

Anti-Corn Law League in the This book is twenty-first century Liberal and But there is a very able article 1840s to the Institute of Eco- Liberal Democrat practice, and on ‘Nonconformity’ (by Keith nomic Affairs, the Rowntree not only a one of the differences between Robbins), which goes a long Trust and the Tawney Society Liberal and Thatcherite concep- way towards addressing the in the twentieth century. goldmine as tions of freedom, as Conrad Liberal approach in these mat- This book is not only a gold- a reference Russell stressed in his An Intel- ters. For, as Robbins points out, mine as a reference work, but ligent Person’s Guide to Liberalism ‘“Nonconformity”, in any era, also a pleasure to read. Many work, but (London: Gerald Duckworth presents itself in opposition to entries are authored by leading & Co Ltd, 1999, p. 66). Indeed, a prevailing “Establishment”’ specialists in the field – such as also a pleas- participatory citizenship was an (p. 304), whether religious, eco- Jon Parry on ‘Lord John Rus- important component of Lord nomic or political. This comes sell’ and John A. Thompson on ure to read. Russell’s strategy regarding ‘the together with the maxim that ‘Woodrow Wilson’ – and all use and dispersal of power’, as ‘whatever was morally wrong are stimulating and sometimes Duncan Brack shows in his Dic- [can]not be politically right’ controversial in a thought- tionary entry on the late Liberal (p.305) – a maxim certainly provoking and challenging Democrat peer: for, ultimately, difficult to interpret, and yet way. ‘Hobhouse’ and ‘Rawls’ there can be no security from essential to the integrity and the – spanning, between them, state oppression in the private coherence of British Liberalism twentieth-century Anglo- sphere without citizens’ active since Gladstone. American thought on justice involvement in, and control I can recommend this book and liberty – are discussed over, the running of the state. wholeheartedly to readers of by David Howarth, a scholar Unfortunately there is no this Journal. and a Liberal Democrat MP. entry on ‘Citizenship’. Neither He examines clearly both the is there one on ‘Religion’ – Dr Eugenio F. Biagini is Reviews established and classical priori- although the latter must be a Editor of the Journal of Liberal ties of liberalism, and some of major concern for the friends of History and a Fellow of Robinson its present-day concerns (such liberty in the present century. College, Cambridge. as sectarianism, highlighted by Rawls’ concept of ‘public reason’, which excludes ‘the use in politics of references to holy texts and religious reasons that Things that never happened not all participants in the debate would recognise as authorita- Duncan Brack (ed.), President Gore … and other things that tive. [Rawls] wanted political never happened (London: Politico’s Publishing, 2006) actors to confine themselves to reasons that could count as Reviewed by Robert Ingham reasons for all participants in the debate’, p. 339). The entry on ‘Freedom’ ounterfactual history at each of these key points both is penned by Ralf Dahren- – the study of ‘what ifs?’ of individual choices and of dorf (himself the subject of an C– is fun; but does it tell us broader socio-economic forces.’ elegant entry by Julie Smith), anything about the individual In seeking to explain why and is an incisive treatment of decisions and choices, and wider things turned out as they did, a highly complex subject in socio-economic factors, which historians consider the relative 3,600 words. However, it is shape our existence? Historians importance of different potential also a one-sided view which are divided on this question, causal factors. One aspect of this will leave many Liberal Demo- as Duncan Brack’s excellent process is to ponder the circum- crats perplexed. Dahrendorf introduction to this volume – stances in which different out- defines freedom as ‘absence of the successor to Prime Minister comes would have been likely, constraints’ (in the Hobbesian Portillo … and other things that and to think about the conse- tradition) and neglects the never happened (Politico’s, 2003) quences of such differences for ‘republican’ notion of liberty – makes clear. Unsurprisingly, the broader sweep of history. For as participatory citizenship Brack is himself convinced of example, if Frank Byers had held and civic obligation. The lat- the value of counterfactual his- his North Dorset seat in 1950 ter is not only central to British tory: ‘It can reinforce the analy- (and subsequently) might he liberal thought – from John sis of what actually happened by have been elected Liberal Leader Milton to J. S. Mill and the identifying the points at which in preference to Jo Grimond in New Liberals – but is also a vital things could have happened 1956? Would the Liberal Party dimension of twentieth and differently, and the relevance have revived under Byers, or

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 41 reviews revived in the same sort of way Commissioner and winning the 1924 and thereby revived his as it did under Grimond? And Charlemagne Prize for achiev- party, although it seems a little would this have made any dif- ing ‘legendary success … in implausible to suggest that the ference to British politics in the implementing the single market bulk of the cabinet of 1914 could 1960s and beyond? programme’. R. J. Briand, writ- have returned ten years on. These sorts of questions ing about the British political There are only a handful of should always be at the back of a scene in the 1990s, cleverly sug- nineteenth-century counter- historian’s mind but is it worth gests that the real events of the factuals, but these essays are bringing such debates to the decade featured in a brilliantly amongst the best in the volume. forefront? Careful consideration counter-intuitive essay in a Tony Little tackles perhaps the of routes not taken can quickly volume entitled Prime Minister greatest ‘what if?’ in British develop into whimsical flights Blair … and other things that never politics – the failure to secure of fancy – the ‘parlour games’ happened. Mark Garnett imag- Home Rule for Ireland in 1886. dismissed by E. H. Carr. Brack ines Michael Howard becoming His account of how things argues for the policing of coun- Tory leader in 1997, using crates could have gone differently is terfactual history to ensure that of ale from Rotherham to win entirely convincing and raises its results are analytically useful. William Hague’s support. fresh questions about who was His book provides an oppor- Several authors examine to blame for an outcome the tunity to assess whether this is alternatives to the realignment ramifications of which continue achievable. of British politics which mar- to be felt well over one hundred Firstly, however, President ginalised the Liberal Party in years later. Mark Pack and Matt Gore is a highly entertaining the early decades of the twen- Cole look at the alignment of read. All of the essays are inter- tieth century. David Boyle parties in the mid-nineteenth esting and there are some excel- questions the reasons why the century. Pack takes as his start- lent jokes intermingled with the Labour Party emerged commit- ing point the very narrow vote weightier points. In discussing ted to the bureaucratic social- in the Commons in favour of what might have happened had ism of the Webbs rather than, the 1832 Reform Bill and sug- the UK joined the Common for example, the co-operative gests that the Peelites would Market in 1957, Peter Riddell movement, which would have have been in the ascendant had imagines been more congenial to the the vote gone the other way, being dispatched to Brussels as a Liberals. His suggestion that a largely at the expense of the different outcome could have ultra-Tories. In this scenario, resulted from Beatrice Potter the Liberal Party might never marrying Joseph Chamberlain, have come into existence. Cole rather than Sidney Webb, seems suggests that the fortunes of preposterous at first but is plau- the Liberal Party would have sibly argued. Robert Waller’s been marred if Robert Peel had look at the 1903 pact between lived beyond 1850, leading to the Liberal and Labour Par- the earlier emergence of Labour ties is a succinct analysis of the – ‘seeking to preserve the eight- arguments for and against the eenth century, [Peel] had has- inevitability of Labour’s rise. tened on the twentieth’. The complex political situation Some of the chapters on for- of the early 1920s is well suited eign issues are also very strong. to counterfactual speculation Richard Grayson suggests that and Jaime Reynolds and David the premature death of the Hughes do not disappoint. Rey- moderate but popular German nolds, in arguing against the politician Gustav Stresemann inevitability of a Liberal decline, may have been a crucial moment makes some telling points about in the story of Hitler’s rise to the resilience of the established power. Helen Szamuely makes party system. His suggestion the case for Czechoslovakia that Ramsay MacDonald’s elec- initiating the Second World tion as Labour Leader in 1922 War by standing up to Hitler in was a key turning-point in the 1938, although her suggestion Liberal Party’s history deserves that this could have exposed further investigation. Hughes weaknesses in Hitler’s posi- uses fictitious diary entries and tion seems ambitious given memoirs to show how Asquith the events of 1939–40. Byron could have taken power in Criddle and John Gittings offer

42 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 reviews expert views on developments the different personalities and ­President professional careers independ- in French politics since the 1980s perceptions of the two party ent of their partners.) The forty and an attempt by Mao Zedong leaders. Although that spe- Gore spouses whose lives are sum- to make contact with President cific dispute could have been marised in these pages are of Roosevelt in 1945, respectively. avoided, the tensions between presents an necessity a very motley bunch. Two well-written chapters Owen and Steel which under- interesting Some remain well-known show the limitations of counter- mined the performance of the and relatively famous. Oth- factual history. Simon Buckby Alliance in the 1987 general range of ers have lapsed into obscurity. and Jon Mendelsohn argue how election were surely inevitable. Many of the earlier individuals, Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination In conclusion, President Gore essays and like Anne North, Joan Can- in 1995 might have prevented presents an interesting range of ning, Catherine Wellington, a peaceful settlement being essays and will appeal to any- will appeal to Georgina Salisbury and Han- reached between Israel and the one with an interest in political anyone with nah Rosebery, are now largely Palestinians but also recognise history. Few of the chapters forgotten figures. Other, more that peace would only have disappoint or, forgetting that an interest contemporary, ladies like Clem- been possible if Yasser Ara- counterfactual history is meant mie Churchill, Mary Wilson, fat had displayed a degree of to be a technique for analysing in political and Norma statesmanship otherwise absent what actually did happen, lapse Major, are widely remembered, throughout his long career. into pure fiction. Few, however, history. even admired, by many readers. Duncan Brack gives a blow-by- live up to the aims of the edi- Of all these married couples, blow account of how the dis- tor’s introduction and shed new only the Melbournes (formerly pute between the Liberal Party light on old questions. Caroline and William Lamb) and SDP over defence policy in formally separated, although 1986 should have been avoided, Robert Ingham is a historical writer Dorothy Macmillan repeatedly but also recognises that the row and Reviews Editor of the Journal pestered Harold to release her was to some extent driven by of Liberal History. from a loveless marriage, and for more than thirty years, as is well known, Lloyd George’s lifestyle was close to that of a bigamist – and an unfaithful one at that! From Catherine Walpole to There is a huge variation, however, in the amount of space Mark Hichens, Prime Ministers’ Wives – and One Husband given to each entry. By far the (London: Peter Owen, 2004) longest piece in the book is on (pp. Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones 159–86), herself the subject of a fine biography published in 1979, two years after her death, he appearance of this Thatcher) in the light of their by her sole surviving child Mary fascinating and unique own personalities and achieve- Soames, but there are also sub- Tvolume is to be warmly ments as well as the roles they stantial essays on Mary Anne welcomed. The characters have indirectly played in British Disraeli, , and personalities of the ‘better history. , Margaret halves’ of leading politicians The volume provides us with Lloyd George and Dorothy constitute an endlessly absorb- biographies of varying detail of Macmillan. Some consorts such ing theme. Indeed, this highly each Prime Minister’s consort as Anne Grenville, Julia Peel, readable tome is an admirable from Catherine Walpole, the Sarah Campbell-Bannerman companion volume to Roger ultimately unfaithful wife of and Annie Bonar-Law are given Ellis’s and Geoffrey Treasure’s Sir Robert Walpole (generally notably short shrift in about half Britain’s Prime Ministers (Shep- considered to have been the a page. It would be interesting heard-Walwyn, 2005) (reviewed first British Prime Minister) to know how the author decided in Journal of Liberal History 53 who predeceased her husband on the allocation of space and (Winter 2006–07)), with which by eight years, to Cherie Blair, detail: do these reflect the availa- it can profitably be read in con- wife of the just-departed Prime ble amount of published material junction. The author is a well- Minister, and notable for pursu- on each individual, or simply the known biographer and historian ing a professional career in her personal interest of the compiler and a retired history teacher. In own right as well as bringing up in each one? this timely study, Mark Hich- four children. (Previously only Readers of this journal ens examines these thirty-nine Audrey Callaghan and Denis would be most attracted by wives and one husband ( had also enjoyed the absorbing accounts of

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 43 reviews

informed, told his daughter more well-known individuals Carol when she was research- discussed in the text (although ing his biography that he had all of these are to be found savoured being married to ‘one gathered together between pp. of the greatest women the world 128–29 in the middle of the [had] ever produced’ (p. 226). article on Dame Margaret Lloyd The volume is clearly based George, rather than spaced out on meticulous research and through the book), and a full wide-ranging reading extend- bibliography of the biogra- ing over no less than ten years. phies and other volumes found It is impressively comprehen- most useful by the author in sive and up-to-date, judicious the course of his reading. The and penetrating. Mr Hichens longer pieces also have helpful also deals honestly and tact- footnote references. fully with such sensitive issues Readers who have enjoyed as the infidelities of Catherine this compelling, highly read- Walpole, the bizarre triangular able tome will also savour the long-term relationship between same author’s even more recent Lloyd George, Dame Marga- volume, Wives of the Kings of ret and ‘the eternal mistress’, England: From Hanover to Windsor, Frances Stevenson, and Dorothy again published by Peter Owen Macmillan’s role as mistress to Publishers in September 2006, Conservative politician Bob another fine study which displays Boothby, a colleague of her the same meticulous scholarship husband’s, extending over many and lucidity. We eagerly await years. the author’s future volumes. The volume includes an Catherine Gladstone – ‘the authoritative, scholarly intro- Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior aristocrat’s daughter, uncon- duction, numerous fine por- Archivist and Head of the Welsh ventional, disorganised, full traits and photographs – many Political Archive at the National of laughter and a touch of the previously unpublished – of the Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. saint’ (p. 75); Margot Asquith – ‘quick-witted, articulate and sometimes shocking … never long out of the public eye’ (p. 103); and Dame Margaret The Liberal Democrats today Lloyd George – ‘a little darling with all her wits about her’ in Richard S. Grayson (ed.), Political Quarterly: Special Issue the words of Margot Asquith on the Liberal Democrats, vol. 78, issue 1, 2007 (Blackwell (p. 132), although she did not always stick to this opinion! Publishing) Indeed the portrait of Dame Reviewed by Jeremy Hargreaves Margaret (in an article care- fully vetted by the late lamented Mr John Grigg, the author of a marvellous four-volume his volume is an excel- they themselves did or were biography of Lloyd George), a lent picture of the Liberal involved in. figure somewhat neglected by TDemocrats, and I recom- Several of the articles tackle historians, is a notably accom- mend it to anyone who wants head-on different aspects of plished essay, based on wide and to get a good view of the many the question of who the Liberal judicious reading and superbly different aspects of the party Democrats are, in terms of posi- well crafted. But there are also – even those who have been tioning and ideology. some very fine articles on non- active in it for a while. Its nine- Former Lib Dem Director of Liberal wives like Lucy Bald- teen chapters between them Policy and editor of this volume, win, Clemmie Churchill (who look at a wide range of features Richard Grayson, himself has actually voted Liberal until of the party – and the detach- an excellent article looking at the end of her long life) and ment of the academic authors of the party’s ideology. Measured Dorothy Macmillan. Of great some chapters is well leavened against Tony Crosland’s defini- fascination, too, is the account by the fact that several other tion of a social democratic party of Denis Thatcher who, we are authors are writing about things he concludes that in its attitude

44 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 reviews to freedom, and in the subsidiary consistency, noting their strik- Her run-through of the way importance of ensuring equality ing unity in voting in Parlia- that the last two general elec- as a means of achieving freedom, ment, especially in the House of tion manifestos were written and also in its attitude towards Lords where they are far more is enough to make you weep. taxation, the Liberal Democrats cohesive than the other two She outlines how the criteria have nothing to separate them parties. However, the excep- for policies to be included were from a social democratic party. tion is free votes in the House that they were either individu- But it is in its relation to the of Commons, where they note ally ‘important to the public’, state that the Lib Dems show that the Lib Dems often split or ‘distinctive’ – but not, evi- themselves to be ‘social liberals’ right down the middle (whereas dently, because they had any instead – ‘Put simply, Liberals Labour and Conservatives relationship with the general are suspicious of it, while there tend to suffer only quite small picture that the party wanted to is little evidence of social demo- splinters). It would have been present to voters at the election. crats fearing it at all.’ interesting to know whether it This was, it seems, an institu- Ed Randall (like Grayson, is always the same split, or com- tionalisation of the haphazard both a politics academic and a prises different groupings on approach to constructing the Lib Dem politician) looks at this different issues. party’s story. As I write, in prep- further. In a chapter ostensibly A second key theme running aration for the next manifesto, comparing the Yellow Book through the book is the ques- at least, we have got this right, of 1928 with the Orange Book tion of where power does – and and will identify our election of 2004, he quickly concludes should – lie within the party, policy priorities at least partly that an unimaginative and mostly seen from the perspec- on the basis of how well they backward-looking attempt to tive of making policy. represent the overall picture and ‘reclaim’ Claire Bentham, who narrative for the Liberal Demo- has little to compare with a worked in the party’s Policy crats that we want to project. groundbreaking and forward- Unit during my time on the Russell, Fieldhouse and looking programme for Britain’s Federal Policy Committee Cutts take a slightly more subtle new circumstances, written (FPC), after running through view than Bentham of where by a commission including the usual description of the power over policy lies, crediting Hobhouse and Keynes. But he policy-making process, makes an unnamed senior MP with goes on to analyse a definition the case strongly for much more the view that despite the fact of liberalism written by David direct power over policy-mak- that in the party’s constitution Laws in The Orange Book, com- ing to be handed over to MPs, MPs have no locus whatsoever prising economic, personal and leaving only a much-diminished in policy-making, in practice political, and most of all social, role for conference and FPC. the MPs have an extra-consti- liberalism – the latter much There is, at this stage in the par- tutional ‘de facto veto’ on new more encompassing, it seems to ty’s development, and with the policies. And of course the defe- me, than many might expect expertise now in our Parliamen- nestration of Charles Kennedy from Laws. Randall defends tary Party, certainly a case to be as leader by MPs, entirely out- Laws’ usefully broad defini- made for this. However, perhaps side the constitutional proce- tion of social liberalism, quot- understandably for a former dures of the party (though not ing pointing out Westminster staffer, Bentham in contradiction to them), seems that ‘the extent of my social or finds it very difficult to see any a very strong support for this political freedom consists in the useful role for party members A key theme argument. absence of obstacles not merely and conference other than However, despite that obvi- to my actual, but to my poten- simply rolling over and agree- running ous, and exceptional, case, I tial, choices’. Randall finishes ing to whatever policy the lead don’t wholly buy their point. I with a call for Liberal Demo- Westminster spokesperson and through the have myself long argued for a crats to reassess radically what staff have researched and come much closer working relation- liberalism means for the future up with. In her view, conference book is the ship between party commit- in changed circumstances, just debating a politically bold issue question of tees and MPs (does actually as the yellow-bookers did – in becomes simply an inability to forbidding MPs to stand for the our case now particularly a new grasp ‘political reality’ or an where power normal run of seats on the FPC, understanding of what liberal- over-attachment to ‘principle’, as we currently do, really help ism means for man’s relationship getting in the way of the seri- does – and to create an integrated process with his planet. ous business of winning votes. with wide buy-in?). We have Academics Andrew Russell, (I should say that I think she is should – lie taken some (again non-constitu- Ed Fieldhouse and David Cutts quite right that Liberal Demo- within the tional but not unconstitutional) offer an interesting take on the crat policy-making should be steps to address this and I think Liberal Democrats’ ideological faster and less detailed.) party. that there is now a constructive

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 45 reviews

Paddy Ashdown and Charles Chief Executive and campaign Kennedy, examines the role guru, Chris Rennard – or per- of the leader – clearly a major haps, more accurately, on the power centre in the party. Brack approach at whose centre Ren- clearly regards Ashdown as nard has sat for the last decade the driving figure of his party, and more. This campaigning and judges him a great success style – some of the key elements in the first two phases of his of which are an almost exclusive leadership – survival and devel- focus on the local credentials of opment – failing only in the a candidate, a relentless focus on third, his attempts to make the one or two key criticisms of the party a serious player in govern- main opponent, and an almost ment through ‘the project’ with complete absence of a ‘political New Labour (when, as Richard position’ on any key questions Holme told him at the time ‘you – is a coherent strategy, almost must not get carried away with an ideology, for how the party the film script you have written fights campaigns, selects candi- in your head’). This too would dates, and moves forward; and have been regarded as a success, one that indeed has been highly Brack says, if Blair had only successful. In the grand sweep finally delivered for Ashdown of the history of the party this on proportional representation. approach has been at least as Brack is much harsher about important as the policy choices Kennedy. In his first two years made by the Federal Policy as leader he gave the party what Committee, with which the he wanted, Brack argues, and campaigning side of the party and balanced relationship – but ‘when backed into a position has often had a less-than-inti- I would describe it as an active where he could no longer put mate relationship. and positive dialogue rather off a choice, generally dis- A third theme that several than an actual veto. I can cer- played good judgement’. But chapters examine is the Liberal tainly think of times where FPC ultimately, he argues, Kennedy Democrats’ relationship with has over-ruled a spokesman on had no agenda for the party. He other parties. Vernon Bogdanor a proposal they wanted to take stood for the leadership mainly sets this excellently in the long to conference. This kind of because he was simply following historical context since the Lib- relationship seems to me much the line of least resistance and erals last won a general election. closer to how things ought to doing what everyone expected As he shows, both the need for be than Bentham’s suggestion. him to do; and when he became a party to define itself in rela- Given the public and private leader he was not good at man- tion to other parties, and the energy and wrangling which aging the party. Ultimately, internal tensions and splits that any attempt at constitutional for Brack, ‘the problem with that causes, were no less acute change would provoke, systems Kennedy was not alcohol; it was when the Liberals themselves (not only in policy) in which that he was not capable of being were actually in government. Parliamentarians are notably an effective leader’. And I had not realised that the influential in decision-making, This is all important stuff, Liberals/Lib Dems were offered but not solely in control of it, but there are some crucial either a place in government, or and where party committees aspects of the question of where a Parliamentary pact with the engage actively with them, power lies in the party which government, in every decade seem to me to be preferable. are barely mentioned. Inter- since the party left government To some extent the differ- estingly, none of the chapters as a sole party, except the 1960s ences between Russell, Field- looking at the policy process and 1980s; and that every Lib- house and Cutts and Bentham and who controls it devote any eral/Lib Dem leader other than can be explained by the fact that attention at all to the Federal Grimond has had to respond to they obtained under the regimes Conference Committee and the such an offer. In fact Bogdanor of different leaders: Campbell process by which it decides what quotes Grimond’s view (from (currently) and Kennedy (as gets to the conference agenda his memoirs) that Liberals Bentham describes). Duncan – which is a prerequisite for needed to recognise that they Brack, who as Director of becoming policy. More impor- could not ‘by some miracle of Policy and later Chair of the tantly, it would have been fas- parthenogenesis spring from six Federal Conference Commit- cinating to see a chapter around MPs to a majority in the House tee, worked closely with both the role and power of the party’s of Commons. They would

46 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 reviews have to go through a period of will depend very largely on the groups within the party, an coalition’, yet ‘the prospect of positions of the other parties. appeal for the Lib Dems and coalition scared Liberals out of Their article is very good on the Labour to forge a progressive their wits … they became as value of having clarity of mes- consensus to make the twenty- restive as a horse asked to pass a sage – like others, reflecting on first century theirs (from Neil steamroller’. the failure in this regard of the Sherlock and Neal Lawson), The academic psepholo- 2005 general election campaign and Lib Dem recent experience gist John Curtice takes a more in particular – but it is in defin- in government in Wales and recent look at this, examining ing what a political message is Scotland, where, interestingly, how it is that the Lib Dems now that their article is most useful. the Lib Dems have managed seem able to take Parliamentary They quote Jo Grimond giving to buck the normal trend of seats from Labour, something a very good picture of what a junior coalition partners and they found almost impossible political message, or narrative, is not be squeezed in government in the half-century to the mid- (even if I don’t think he’s quite (Labour First Minister Henry 1990s. From a detailed analysis right) with his claim that there McLeish noting in his memoirs of voting patterns, he concludes are only three general election that ‘The Liberal Democrats that this is not because of any messages: ‘Time for Change’ have probably gained more change in the ideological rela- (for the main opposition party), from devolution than any other tionship between Labour and ‘Give Us More Time’ (for the party’.) the Lib Dems over that time, government), and ‘A Plague A few of the articles are fairly agreeing with Grayson that the on Both Your Houses’ (for the well-stocked with mistakes Lib Dems and Labour remain third party). They also usefully but only in one case does this ideologically close (Grayson quote Richard Holme (chair- really render the article seriously argues that any apparent shift in man of the 1997 general election misleading, which is academ- Lib Dem emphasis from ‘social campaign) explaining that ‘the ics Peter Dorey’s and Andrew democrat’ to ‘social liberal’ over policy points are exemplifica- Denham’s piece on the ‘Meeting the last ten years is the result of tions of our message’ – the the Challenge’ policy review a change of focus of criticism of central point that, as Claire of 2005–06. Having taken the the government from economic Bentham showed, was forgot- decision to limit discussion (government under-spending) ten in the preparation of the of its policy content to only a to rights (terror legislation and 2005 and, I would say to a lesser small portion of their article, ID cards), rather than a politi- extent, 2001 manifestos. they have focused mainly on the cal shift rightwards. (Russell, The most crucial figure in review’s process. They get the Fieldhouse and Cutts’ conclu- preparing the 2005 manifesto, absolute basics right and are cor- sion that the fact that most of Matthew Taylor MP, himself rect that identifying a narrative the original Orange Bookers are contributes an article – not was one of the exercise’s (admit- now in the party’s shadow cabi- about that, but about the devel- tedly confusingly multifari- net demonstrates a rightward opment of the party’s message ous) key aims. But the chapter shift is nonsense – their future and positioning in the crucial If everyone is riddled with mistakes – and prospects determined their early survival phase of 1988–90. where they got the idea that invitation to contribute to The There is quite a bit of the ‘how responsible its final report,Trust in People: Orange Book, not the other way I saved the Liberal Democrats’ Make Britain Free, Fair and Green round!) about this chapter, but Taylor for steering was simply a synthesis of the This new ability to take votes clearly was central to many of the party’s submissions made during the off Labour is also not, Curtice the key decisions at that time. consultation exercise, and did shows, because of any change As Taylor prepares to leave Par- strategy over not represent the final outcome in the ‘social base’ of Liberal liament at the next election this of the process, I do not know. Democrat supporters (other is clearly the thing that most of the next But this is a minor gripe: than specifically in the case of all he believes he contributed overall this is a great guide to Muslims) – it is simply disap- to the party as an MP – and it phase reads the Liberal Democrats, and pointment by Labour supporters certainly is very interesting to it over the I recommend it. If everyone at their party’s ‘performance’ read what he did achieve, just as responsible for steering the par- in government that has driven it will be one day to hear some- winter, then ty’s strategy over the next phase them to vote Lib Dem increas- thing similar from the lords reads it over the winter, then we ingly in 2001 and 2005, most of the last two general elec- we will be will be well guided in the years notably (but not only) over Iraq. tions, Chris Rennard and Tim to come. Party communications Razzall. well guided experts Kate Parminter and A range of other articles in the years Jeremy Hargreaves is Vice Chair of Olly Grender also conclude that cover aspects of the party such the Liberal Democrat Federal Policy the party’s future messaging as its council base and pressure to come. Committee.

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting the search for the greatest liberal William Ewart Gladstone, John Maynard Keynes, David Lloyd George or John Stuart Mill: who was the greatest British Liberal?

Journal readers voted in the summer to whittle down a long-list of fifteen to these final four (see pages 4–7). Now, in the final stage, leading politicians and historians make the case for each one, andJournal readers and conference participants will be able to vote for the final choice of the greatest Liberal.

Paddy Ashdown speaks for Gladstone; Tom McNally for Keynes; Kenneth Morgan for Lloyd George; and Richard Reeves for John Stuart Mill. Chair: Martin Kettle, The Guardian.

20.00, Wednesday 19 September 2007 Forest Room, Quality Hotel, Brighton

Liberal Democrat History Group at Liberal Democrat conference

Visit the History Group’s stand in the exhibition in the Brighton Conference Centre – stand 148, in the Hewison Hall (first floor, above the entrance – next to the catering!). There you can:

• Renew your Journal subscription – all subs are now due for renewal (unless you subscribe by standing order). • Cast your vote in our greatest Liberal contest (see above). • Buy a copy of our latest book, the Dictionary of Liberal Thought: £28 to Journal subscribers, £35 to everyone else. • Buy our new pamphlet, Liberal History: a con- cise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats. The complete history of the party in 24 pages – £2. • Pick up – free! – copies of the Dictionary of Lib- eral Biography and Dictionary of Liberal Quota- tions. Both books are now out of print, but we have managed to obtain the last few copies and will be distributing them free to Journal subscribers.