THE HISTORY OF THE ISMA11LIYYA TARIQA IN THE SUDAN: 1792-1914

by

Mahmoud Abdalla Ibrahim

Thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies, Department of History.

March 1980 ProQuest Number: 10731667

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ABSTRACT

This study hopes to shed some light on the history of a holy family and a Sufi tarzqa which developed in Kordofan. It traces the origin of the family of Sh, Isma’il al-Wall, follows its progress through the Tufco- Egyptian, the Mahdia and the Condominium periods, and sees its impact on the society of Kordofan in particular, and on Sudanese society in general. The progress of the tarZqa and its structure show that, although it ■borrowed from the Khatmiyya and the Qadiriyya, it developed into a distinct order. The main emphasis here is on the historical and structural development of the order. The sources may be divided into two main categories: oral and written. Although a number of people have been interviewed, we have depended primarily on the written sources. Most of these are manuscripts in the Sudan Government Archives, Khartoum. In addition to these we have made use of other archival materials dealing with other tarTqas and other relevant topics in the Sudan Government Archives, Khartoum and in the Sudan Archives of the University of Durham Library. The work has been divided into five chapters. The first deals with the environment in which Sh. Isma’il, his family and his tavi-qa grew, and explains their geographical, historical and religious background. The second chapter deals with the founder of the family and the tartqa, Sh. Isma'Il, his genealogy, his educational background, his ideas and his writings. The third chapter follows the progress of the Isma’Iliyya during the Mahdia, and deals with their relationship with that movement. It traces some elements of schism which led to the emergence of a branch of the family under the new name of al-Azhari. The fourth chapter deals with the Isma’iliyya after the establishment of the Condominium rule. During this period the Isma’iliyya, both tavtqa and family, were exposed to new political and economic changes and were brought in touch with new social forces and experiences. The chapter deals with the impact of these new conditions on the Isma’iliyya. The fifth chapter is devoted mainly to the distinctive organization and rituals of the tartqa* £

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT

ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT REFERENCES

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

CHAPTER I : KORDOFAN IN THE TIME OF SHAIKH ISMA'IL AL-WALl 6 The Geographical Factor IT The Historical Factor 2U The Religious Factor 31

CHAPTER II : THE FOUNDER OF THE TABIQA SHAIKH ISMA'IL AL-WALl 39

CHAPTER III : THE ISMA'ILIIIA AND THE MAHDIA 69 The Nature of the Mahdia 71 The Tribal Attachment 75 Spiritual Attachments and Loyalties 81 The Attitude of Some Important Individuals 85

CHAPTER IV : THE ISMA'ILIIYA AFTER THE RECONQUEST 100 The Government, Islam and the Isma'iliyya 10 6 The Government, Western Sudan and the Isma'iliyya 113 Social and Political Changes and the Isma'iliyya 120

CHAPTER V : ORGANIZATION AND PRACTICE OF THE ISMA'ILIIIA 13k The Developmental Phases 13^ The Structure of the Taviqa 1^7 Practices and Rituals 152

GLOSSARY OF ARABIC AND COLLOQUIAL SUDANESE TERMS 165

APPENDIX A 173

APPENDIX B 175

APPENDIX C 176

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 180 ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT REFERENCES

Adab The Journal of the Faculty of Arts, University of Khartoum AnuAntho American Anthropologist BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies BBS Bulletin of Sudanese Studies El Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1st and 2nd editions G°G. Reports Reports on the Finance, Administration and Conditions of the Sudan GMS Gibbs Memorial Series IRE Intelligence Reports, Egypt MEA Middle Eastern Affairs MW Muslim World NMC Numismatic Chronicle Sud° Govt °Arch° (Khart „) Sudan Government Archives, Khartoum Sud° Govt. Arch. (Durham) Sudan Archives, Oriental Section, University of Durham Library SUDINT Sudan Intelligence Files SIR Sudan Intelligence Reports SNR Sudan Notes and Records Tabaqat Muhammad al-Nur d. Dayf Allah, Kitab al-Tabaqat o fi Kusus al'-awliydt w a rl salihin wafl ulamd’ wa ShuTaraT, ed. Y.F. Hasan, Khartoum, 1971° W.G. Browne^Travels Travels -in Egypt, Syria and Africa, London, 1799° R. Hill, Biog.Dict: Biographical Dictionary of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Oxford, 1951° P.M. Holt i) The Mahdist State = The Mahdist State in the Sudan, 1881-98, ffi&rd 1970° >r 2*szd ii) Modern History - A Modern History of the Sudan, 2nd ed., London, 1963° H 0 MacMichael i) Tribes = The Tribes of Northern and Central Kordofan, Cambridge, 1912. ii) Arabs = A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, 2 volSo, Cambridge, 1922° RoSo O'Fahey and Kingdoms - Kingdoms of the Sudan, Jo Spaulding London, 197^+°

Pallme Travels ~ Travels in Kordofan, London, 18UU N . Shuqair Ta trikh - Tarikh al-Sudan al-qadvm wafl hadtth wa jugrafiyatuh, Cairo, 1903. 4

Y, MYkha'ril Memoirs = S.M. Nur, ,TA Critical Edition of the Memoirs of Yusuf Mikhail” 9 unpublished PhD thesis, London, 1963. YoF„ Hasan i) Muqaddima - Muqaddima ft ta rrtkh al-mamdlik al-Islamiyya ft al~Sudan at-Sharqt9 Khartoum, 1971. ii) Arabs - The Arabs and the Sudan, Khartoum, 1973o Syd* Sayyid3 eog0 Syd, al-Makki or Syd. Abu al-Fadl* 9 Sh, Shaykh, e0go Sho Isma'YIo 5

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am greatly indebted to a number of people who have kindly helped me in preparing this work and presenting it in this form. My gratitude

goes first to Professor P.M. Holt, who supervised this study and selflessly

gave it much of his time and attention,. His advice and support during the

dark moments when 1 struggled through confusion to develop a plan,, have been

a great help and source of encouragement to persevere„ His valuable

comments and criticism have enabled me to crystallize my ideas and expand

on certain points, which would otherwise have remained vague and uncertain,,

My thanks also go to the British Council and the University of

Khartoum for their generous grants, which enabled me and my family to live

comfortably during the three-and-a-half years while I was pursuing my

studies o

A number of people have supplied me with information and documents:

of these, I am especially grateful to Dr. M.I, Abu SaliM, the Director of

the Sudan Government Archives in Khartoum, who made it easy for/to have / access to all the manuscripts needed; Syd* TAbd al-Hafiz fAbdalla 4 • introduced me to many informants, including the present Khalifa of the

IsmaTiliyya taic€qa\ Mrs. Asrna* Ibrahim, Deputy Librarian, University of

Khartoum, and Miss JQ Forbes, Keeper of Oriental Books, University of Durham.

I am also very grateful to Miss Janet Marks who typed this thesis, and

helped in its final preparations before presenting it in this shape, and to

Miss Elaine Holley, for her help with the map -and genealogical tables.

Finally, although much of the credit for this work is shared with the-

above, the blame for any errors or shortcomings which it may still contain,

is mine alone* 6

CHAPTER I

KORDOFAN IN THE TIME OF SHAYKH ISMA’IL AL-WALl

In many of his -writings'Shu Isma’il emphasized his ties with

Kordofan and stressed his deeply rooted cultural and social links with that part of the Nilotic Sudan. In his ai-Whud al-Wdfiya^' he

"boastfully stated that he was born, grew up, was educated and initiated in the tariqa in El-Obeid, and did not have to travel away from it like others in search of a master to guide him; His Shaykh, Muhammad 'Uthman „ 2 al-Mirghani, met him in Kordofan. In fact, with the exception of two brief intervals - one shortly after the conquest of Kordofan by the Turco-

Egyptian forces when he left El-Obeid for a self-imposed exile in the Nuba

Mountains, and the other in 18^1 when he went on pilgrimage - Isma’il did not leave Kordofan at all. His life there spanned the decades immediately preceding the Turco-Egyptian conquest of the Sudan in 1821 and the larger part of the transformation of Kordofan into a province of the Egyptian

Sudan. The Isma'iliya tartqa which he created at that time was thus closely linked with that region and strongly tied to it. Such were those links and ties that when Sayyid al-Makkl wanted to revive it after the end of the Mahdia, he had to take it back from Qmdurman to its home in El-Obeid, where it has remained highly localized and strong up to this day. A study of the town of El-Obeid and the land of Kordofan in the latter part of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries may thus help in drawing a picture of the home in which the Isma'iliya tartqa was nursed and the environment in which it grew and took shape.

1. Sh. Isma’il, al-rUhud al-Wafiya al-jaliyya, Ms. Sud.Govt. Archives, (Khartoum) 1/82/1315. 2. Muhammad ’Uthman al-Mirghani I, one of the disciples of Ahmad b. Idris, al-FasI, was sent to the Sudan in 1817 to propagate the ideas of ibn Idris; there Muhammad ’Uthman was tempted to establish his own tartqa the Khatmiyya, R. Hill, Biographical Dictionary^ p.278. * ■ 1 7

Unfortunately for this account, there is very little "written information to rely on. Many of the historians writing about the Sudan have always complained about the absence of recorded materials and scarcity of reliable information. The lack of literary traditions and the difficulties of transportation to the interior of this country rendered much of the information about it unrecorded and unknown to the outside world up to the nineteenth century. Those conditions were more particularly true of Kordofan than of many other parts. With no teaching religious institutions comparable to Masid Wad 'Isa1 in the 2 Gezira or Khalawi al-Ghubush in Dongola, to combat illiteracy, reading and writing remained arts unknown to the people of Kordofan, let alone the recording of incidents and historical happenings. Furthermore, being the only break in a chain of kingdoms and suitantes extending through Central and Eastern Sudan from Bornu, Waddai, Darfur and Sennar, and with no tradition of a ruling dynasty interested in tracing the origins of its ancestors, or in recording the glories and achievements of its kings, Kordofan failed to attract or encourage any writer such as -3 U al-Tunusi or a traveller like Reubeni . The result of this is the

1. About ten miles south of Khartoum, this institution founded by Ahmad Wad fIsa al-Ansar!, played an important role in the literary and religious progress of the Sudan, Se. I. al-Amlm, Qaryat Kutrang, Khartoum 1975, p.21. 2. See Tabaqat, pp.279-80. 3. Muhammad ibn 'Umar al-Tunusi, Arab traveller who visited Darfur as a young boy (1803 to l8ll) and wrote a very good account of the history and society of that kingdom. His work TasKhitdh al-Adhhan, ed. by K.M. 'Asakir and M.M, Musa'ad, Cairo, 1965s has been translated into French by Dr. Perron. b. David Reubeni, a Jewish traveller, who visited Sennar about 1523 disguised as a Meccan Sharif!. The account of his adventures contain very useful information about the Funj Kingdom in that period. See S. Hillelson, "David Reubeni", XIV, 1933, pp.55-66. 1 . - - 2 absence of any local historical works similar to K-itab al-Tabaqat,

T^drlkh rmVtXk Sennar, or Makhtutat .Katib al-Shuna. Thus much of the * • i early history of Kordofan has to be pieced together from incidents 5 mentioned in these chronicles, which were few; from oral traditions, of which not very much could be found; and from whatever has been written about this territory in the accounts of travellers visiting the neighbouring sultantes, which were not very reliable. Those early travellers depended on what they had heard about Kordofan from others, and in such accounts it is not difficult to find factual mistakes, mistranslations, misrepresentations and unfair judgments. Typical of these is James Bruce (1730-9^) "who is judged by Beckingham to be inaccurate and, ’’His method of composition, at least as described by

Latrobe, was unlikely to promote accuracy or even clarity. He was obviously casual about details and his prejudices were violent”.

He visited Sennar in 1772 and his account throws some light on the relationship between the Funj and Kordofan during this and the earlier period. The story which he told of the Funj conquest of Kordofan in

1. The only claim to the presence of such a kind of work was made by A.E. Robinson, S.N.Rmj VII, 1921*, p.1^2, where he suggested that a manuscript containing a written history of Kordofan and Darfur was given to Koenig in 182^, and is now in 'Abdin Palace Archives in Cairo. This, however, does not seem to be traceable. 2. Muhammad al-Nur wad Dayf Allah, K-itab al-Tabaqat ft Khusus al-awtiya1 w a rt Salthtn, ed. Y.F. tjasan, is a biographical account of the saints, jurists and religious notables of the Funj sultanate. 3. A]pmad Katib al-Shuna and three others, T^arlkh muluk Sennar, ed. M. '.Shibeika.. . U, Ahmad ibwal-Hajj ’All, Makhtutat Kattb al-Shuna3 ed. al-Shatir Busayli. 5. Some oral tradition about the Musabba’at was collected by H. MacMichael, Trtbes and Arabs, his main informant being Hamid Muhammad ’Ia.br al- Dar (d. 1933)* last of the hereditary Musabba’awi sultans. Other stories have been collected by Muhammad ’Abd al-Rahxm, Abtal al- Sudan, and R.S. 0 ’Fahey whose informant was the son of MacMichael’s informant. See 0’Fahey and Spaulding, ’’Hashim and the Musabba’at”, B.S.O.A, XXX, 1972, pp.316-33. 6. C.F. Beckingham, Travels.,.* , by James Bruce, abridged, Edinburgh, 1961+, Introduction, p.l6. 9

1 177^ produced some interesting remarks from H. MacMichael and U O.G.S. Crawford,' with regard to the date on which Kordofan was

subjugated and the officer (Abu Likaylik)-wholed the victorious

expedition.^

Another eighteenth century traveller who mentioned something

about Kordofan was W.G. Browne, who visited Darfur in 1793 and stayed

there for three years up to 1796 „ During these years, however, his movements were restricted and his activities suspect. Most of his

information then came from stories related to him by the traders whom

he had met in Cobbe1 and in turn he proceeded to state some relations I). that were made to him concerning Kordofan and other adjacent countries.

The story which he told throws some light on the relationship between

Kordofan and Darfur at a time of unrest in both. This was the time when Tayrab of the Keira Fur was leading an army against the Musabba’at

in Kordofan, mainly to clear the way for his son Ishaq, to rule in Darfur.

The result was trouble in Kordofan and instability in Darfur. Browne

thus was told that the people in Kordofan still remembered the good old days when Abu Likaylak ruled fourteen years back with justice.

In the beginning of the nineteenth century, and especially after

the Turco-Egyptian conquest of Kordofan, a number of European travellers,

encouraged by the relative safety of the routes or employed in Muhammad

’All's service, started to come to that territory for a variety of

purposes: gold, minerals, trade, discoveries and adventure. They put-.

1. H. MacMichael, Tribes3 p.10, nn. 1 and 2. 2. O.G.S. Crawford, The Fung Kingdom3 p.2^, 3. In his preface of the third and last complete edition of the Travels^ published l8l3s Murray wrote that after 20 years’ lapse, between his journey and the writing of his story, Bruce's dates were bound to be faulty„ H. W.G. Browne, Travels3 p.307. 10

their observations and adventures down in print and thus added some very valuable information to the otherwise extremely sketchy records of this area. But although they are very useful and informative, these accounts should be approached with some caution and their observations and moral judgments be considered in the light of their social and cultural back­ grounds. Most of these travellers were the product of a European society which was witnessing a social and industrial revolution with an ever-growing nationalism and European patriotism. Coupled with a missionary feeling, this gave rise to the admiration of everything that was European and Christian, and an undisguised contempt for all things that were deviant from these. Accordingly, they saw almost everything through European eyes, and judged everything against the moral, material and cultural standards of their European societies of that period.

Another factor which also affected their writings was that the governments, or the public to whom those accounts were addressed, had preconceived ideas about these territories of "primitive natives” and the writers were expected to harmonize with these accepted views. So the accounts of their adventures in those remote areas were meant to appeal to a European imagination of those "primitive societies” rather than to offer objective observation and historical analysis. Many are meant to be interesting more than instructive: thus Pallme states that he noted down in his journal "everything that appeared to me remarkable, which I laid before my friends for their amusement on my return”.'*"

This being said, we may now turn to mention something about some of these nineteenth century travellers to Kordofan.

1. I. Pallme, Travels, Preface. E. de Cadalv^ne and J. de Breuvery, two French travellers, did not actually visit Kordofan, hut their account of it in L rEgypte et la Nub'Ce,

PP „ 197-215 »"*" seems to he a rare and valuable attempt to deal with the history of that territory from the fifteenth century to the eve of the

Turco-Egyptian conquest in 1821. Their visit to the Sudan took them to Jabal al-Barkal in Dongola after which they returned to write a general account of their investigations in the Sudan which they published in Paris in l81n0 Their information about Kordofan came mainly, as they acknowledged, from another French traveller, Mathieu-August Koenig

(1802-1865)» Koenig in turn seems to have got his information from a

3 certain Sh. Tayma al-Musabba’awi. This makes it especially valuable since it seems to be the only version that gives the Musabba’at story of this period to compare with that of the Funj and that of the Keira.

Furthermore, the historical material in this account seems to be generally reliable, though the dates should be put in a more accurate chronological context and compared with other works.

Ignatius Pallme (l8lO-l8Ul?), an Austrian traveller who came to

Egypt as a trader. Between 1838-39 he visited El-Obeid on a mission to advise the viceroy of Egypt, Muhammad ’All, on the prospects of trade in that area. But in addition to commercial information, he was interested in the social and political activities of Kordofan. For information he said that he had depended on his own personal observations

1. R.S. O ’Fahey translated and edited this account in his ’’Kordofan in the eighteenth century”, S.N.E,^ 1973, pp.32-U2. 2. Ibid.j p.32, fn.2, says that it seems that there are two editions: L fEgypte et ta Turqu&Lde 1829 a 1836, Paris, 1836, reprinted as L fEgypte et la Nubie, 2 vols., Paris, l8Ul, with the same pagination. 3. A.E. Robinson, S.N.R.j VII, U2, suggests that this information was given to Koenig in the form of a written manuscript. but these were supplemented by what he got from a man whose name he did not give, but who he described as an old faqih, over seventy years of age who had been an eye-witness of all recent events. This information was published in his Travels in Kordofan, originally in

German in 18^3, then shortly afterwards translated into English and published in London in l8U^.

In writing his Travels Pallme seems to have set himself to do three things: to collect information on commerce; to note down everything which appeared to him remarkable and interesting to his friends; and to make some contribution which, as he put it , "Will at least form a short guide for those who may be willing to explore those countries more fully...." To get these, he was luckier than his European predecessors 2 3 Dr. RSppell and Bussegger, who, he said, had to travel in so much company that it hindered their movements and limited their scope of observation. He came at a time when the Turco-Egyptian rule had been firmly established, and could thus travel safely with very little company.

He was therefore able to collect some valuable first-hand information to satisfy the aims that he had set himself to achieve.

His writings, however, were highly and uncompromisingly critical of the Egyptian administration of that area. He showed that the system was excessively oppressive and the means used to implement the government decision were inhumane. He observed that this was very

1. I. Pallme, Travels, Preface. 2. Dr. E.W. Ruppell (179^-188^), a German naturalist. He left Cairo in 1822 via Dongola for the northern approaches of Kordofan. He was there between 1823-25. His journey was recorded in Reisen in Nubien,,., Frankfurt- 1829. Holroyd (d.l888) an English traveller, followed in RuppellTs footsteps and recorded his account in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,-. Vol.9, 1839. See R. Hill, Biographical Dictionary, p.322. 3. J. Russegger (1802-63) an Austrian geologist; in 1838 he was commissioned by Muhammad ’All to explore the mineral resources of the Sudan; visited the Nuba mountains; his very optimistic reports led Muhammad ’All to spend mucij money and energy which were not rewarded; his Reisen in,... Afrika was published in Stuttgart, 18U1-9. See R. Hill, Biographical Dictionary, p.322c i 3

damaging to the economy of that area; women who used to wear golden ornaments could no longer afford to do that and nomadic tribes found it easier to drive their herdd out of the government’s reach. He also talked about the twice-annually organized government raids on the Nuba mountains and neighbouring countries for slave hunting. In general he showed how the oppressive Turco-Egyptian rule was helping to break the tribal, social and economic systems of that territory. His account in this respect was very useful.

John Petherick (l8l3-82)\ a Welsh mining engineerentered the service of Muhammad 'Mi in 18^5 to look for coal in Upper Egypt, the

Red Sea and Kordofan. In 18^-8 he gave up his service with Muhammad 'All and went to live in Kordofan as a trader — 18^-8 to 1853. He was British

Vice—Consul in Khartoum from 1859 to l86^+, when the post was suppressed because there were rumours that he was engaged in the slave trade.

His account of Kordofan appeared mainly in his book, Egypt, the Sudan 2 and Central Africa* The other bool^ which he wrote jointly with his wife, 3 Travels- in Central Africa, deals mainly with other parts of the Sudan,

especially the Upper Nile regions in Southern Sudan. His writings about

Kordofan are very interesting and full of details, especially on trade,

commercial activity and society. His historical account, however, is U very short, generalized and lacking in details. He gave as his authorities

a certain Makkawi*, a schoolmaster whom he described as a grey-headed

old faqihi and the shaykh of the village (Bara). From these he said,

"After regaling them with coffee, I gleaned the following information

connected with the history of Kordofan, in which Bara and its inhabitants

1. R. Hill, Biographical Dictionary, p.305, and-MacMichael, Tribes, p.31. 2. See J. Petherick, Egypt, the Sudan and Central Africa, Edinburgh, l86l, ppp0301-5. 3„ J. and K.H. Petherick, Travels in Central Africa, 1869. H.- Petherick, Egypt, the Sudan and Central Africa,Ch.XVII, pp.26l-85. 14

occupied a conspicuous part”.'1' Then followed' about twenty-four pages

of a general account of how Kordofan took its name, its aborigines,

Arab immigrants to it, and the Funj-Fur conflict over it.

Though very valuable for its detailed and accurate information otherwise, Petherick1s historical information does not add very much to what Pallme had said before him. In fact, MacMichael suggests that

Petherick plagiarizes freely from Pallme and adds flowery details of his own. MacMichael then goes on to say that both Pallme and Petherick are vague and inaccurate.^

Le Comte D rEscayrac de Lauture (1826-1868), was a French traveller who came to live in Egypt between 18^7 and 1850. In I8U9 he went on a journey which took him up the Kile to Dongola, then he crossed the

Bayuda desert to Kordofan and later to Sennar. He was corresponding 3 with Dr. Charles Cuny and advised him on the preparations for his journey to Darfur where Cuny died in 1858,^ He later went on another journey, which took him to the Far East where he was imprisoned and died in China.

While in Kordofan, he met and was very much impressed by Sh. IsmaTil al-Wali. His remarks about this meeting were recorded in his Le Desert 5 et le Soudan.

Joseph Ho Churi (1828- ), a Syrian Maronite traveller. In the company of Capt. W. Peel, the son of the British Prime Minister, Sir

Robert Peel, he set out on a journey of exploration to the interior of

Africa in 1851. They crossed the Nubian desert and came to El-Obeid

1. Ibid. p.26l. 2. See H. MacMichael, Tribes, p.10, n.2. 3. See R. Hill, Biographical Dictionary3 p.106. U. Charles Cuny (l8ll-l8U8), French traveller, see ibid,^ p„ 106, 5. See D fEscayrac de Lauture, Le Desert et le Soudan3 Paris, 1853, p.^3. where they were warmly welcomed, by the Governor of the province. They

were planning to continue their journey up to Darfur and further west,

but their plans were frustrated first by a discouraging account related

to them by a certain f a q t h about his plight when he went to visit his

shaykh in Bomu, He explained to them the dangers and the state of

lawlessness in those areas and how he narrowley escaped death a number

of times. A further blow to their plans came when they both suffered

from a high fever and had to stay for a long time in El-Obeid before

they decided to call off their journey and return speedily to Cairo.

Churi*s account of this journey appeared in a book called Sea

the Desert and Nigritia which he published in London in 1853. The

account is very personal and does not give much new information about

that region. It seems that their travelling more or less in high

government circles did not give them much chance for observation and

limited their scope to the society round the governor and high-ranking

officials. On the other hand, their illness must have added to their

difficulties of getting first-hand information., So most of the book

dealt with incidents directly affecting him and Capt. Peel, and the

story of the fever in El-Obeid took a sizeable portion of that.

Having said all this about eighteenth and nineteenth century

accounts generally and individually, one should necessarily point out

that judging them by modern standards of historical scholarship and

objectivity could be unjust and unfair. One should be grateful to the

efforts they made - in spite of their many limitations and difficulties -

to present some work which though prejudicial, ill-informed, naive and

1. J.H. Churi, Sea Nile, the Desert and Nigrita, p.183 (fns.), gives the story of this faqth whom Churi calls Mufdi (sic) Mahmud Debadl. 2. Ibid,

L 16

faulty in some parts, have contributed very much to the present day stories of this territory. It is hoped that hy comparing their notes and weighing their judgments against each other, we may form an opinion about the history of Kordofan during this periods,

Dar Kurdufan,"^ (the land of Kordofan) has been used in different forms and by many people - including Sh. Ismafil - to refer loosely to the land between the Suit antes of'" Sennar and Darfur, which during the

Turco-Egyptian rule and ever since came to be known as mucforiyyat

Kordofan (the Province of Kordofan)D It included the lands bounded by the Libyan and Bayuda deserts, the White Kile, Bahr al-Ghazal and the o o range of low mountains of Kaja al-Suruj. Thus surrounded by difficult natural barriers of the desert in the north, the sandy wasteland formerly known as Bajat Umra Lammai in the east, the muddy mountainout region in the south, and the sandy wastes in the west, Kordofan tended to be isolated from the rest of the country and the world. With the exception of a few modifying factors like Khor Abu Habil and Wadi al-Malik P (seasonal streams) which linked it with the White Kile and Dongola respectively, Kordofan was difficult of approach from all directions.

This is clearly illustrated by the attitude of the King of Taqali in 3 the story told about him and the Sultan of Sennar. This king was said to have allowed a friend of Bad! II Abu Diqn to be robbed in Taqali,

1. It has, and still is being used andrwritten in various forms both in Arabic'.and English, e.g., Kordofan1, Kurdufan and Kordofal in English, and in Arabic; cJ ^ CD U>j) c- For more details on the term Kordofan, see H. MacMichael, Tribes^ App.I, pp.222-U, and M. ibn TUmar al-Tunisi, TashhZdh al-adhhan, edo K.Mo *Asakir and M.M. MusTad, Introduction. 2. During the Mahdia this term temporarily lost its significance. Markaz Kordofan, mainly referring-to El-Obeid and its vicinity, became part of Imarat al-Gharb which included Kordofan and Darfur together. 3. Read the story in Tafrtkh muZuk Sennar, ed. M. Shibeika, p.3, and in Makhtutat Kdtib at-Shuna* ed, al-Shatir Busayll, pp.9-10. When the king was warned of the consequences of this act, he did not seem to he worried and thought that he was heyond the reach of that sultan, since the unpassable desert known then as Bajat Umm Laminaf separated their two countries. Even as late as 1820, Maqdum Musallam who was ruling Kordofan in the name of the Pin’ Sultan felt secure^ there and refused to believe the rumours brought by the riverain traders about an army advancing against him from Dongola.

Certain factors, however, have contributed towards turning this territory into a unique border zone of many complexities. It is a land of wandering nomads and sedentary cultivators and townspeople; of

Arabized tribes and negroid Africans; of Muslims and pagans; and a cultural watershed for a Hijazi-Egyptian influence from the East and a Maghribi-West African one from the West. The first of these factors is a geographical one.

The Geographical Factor

Situated in a unique intermediary position between the arid desert and the wet tropical forests of Bahr al-Ghazal, and with no high mountains, except on its fringes, this area has very few sharp divisions into distinctive physical regions, but rather a gradation in which vegetation and soil are the most important elements of variation. These elements, to a large extent, governed the mode of life in each gradation, and dictated the economic activities of its inhabitants. With this ila mind,

Kordofan can thus be roughly divided into three regions descending from north to south.

The northern region is a vast area extending from the Libyan and

Bayuda desert - part of the Great Sahara. Though its rainfall is too

sparse and erratic for the cultivation of any crops, it cannot properly 18

"be called a barren desert because some sorts of seeds do germinate and grow into grass as soon as any rain falls on them, even if they have been lying dry for years. It is a great open, empty space littered with occasional rocky outcrops, few of which are of any considerable height, and a scattering of some thorny bushes here and there. There

are very few khdrs and wadis (seasonal streams), most noticeable of which is Wadi al-Malik, which runs from Dongola to the borders of Darfur„

With very little water and vegetation, it remained a desolate and very thinly populated area. Very difficult to traverse and uneasy to control,

this region became a haven for unruly nomadic tribes and a refuge for those who rebelled against any government which controlled the Wile.

Untamed by any government and unfettered by any laws, these nomads posed

a permanent threat to the trade routes cJessing the desert from the north to the interior of the country. W.G. Browne, who travelled from Asiyut

to Cobbe’ in 1793, tells us that the caravans coming that way had grown

accustomed to give certain dues to those marauding nomads in order to

avoid their attacks, which in spite of that, had claimed the lives of many whose bones could still be seen littering the road between Dongola

and the Western Sudan.^

Difficult as it may seem, this area supported a number of camel

nomadic tribes chief among whom are the Kabablsh, al-Majanln, Dar

Hamid, Banl Jarrar and al-MaTaliya. These are Arabized tribes which

swept through Nubia since the fourteenth century and finding these

lands suitable to their way of life, stuck to these plains and were

reluctant to change0 A very important aspect in that pattern is a

1. See W.G. Brown^ Travels^ pp.2^0-1. regular movement between their summer quarters near the watering places and a north and north-westerly limit varying from one year to another, according to the incidence of rain, which decided the availability of grass. This is a highly organized process and the shaykh-enforces much discipline with regard to the routes to be followed by each group of the tribe to ensure the availability of grass for the animals on their return journey.

They are all dependent on themselves and their animals for most of their needs. They make a good part of their equipment, carpets, sacks and the like from the wool of their camels and sheep; but certain things like tea, sugar and clothes had to be bought from town..

Thus, every year the nomad Arabs of Northern Kordofan sent male animals to Omdurman and Egypt, spending part of the price there on sugar, tea, clothes and ornaments for their women. And on the other hand, every year they also went southwards into areas where dura is cultivated to purchase their yearfs supply.

Apart from these economic contacts, the Arab nomads of Northern

Kordofan preferred to roam freely in their Khdtd' (open space) to the contamination of towns, and considered them evil places which sapped morals and destroyed character. Thus with so very few contacts with the rest of Kordofan, the Arab tribes of the north kept much of their nomadic characteristics: loving the most complete liberty and independence, rebellious against any tie of discipline, always ready for wars and raids, and ever prepared to resist governmental restraints.

The southern region is mainly the mountainous territory generally known as Jibal al-Nuisa (the Nuba Mountains). With comparatively heavy rainfall, there is an abundant water supply for cultivation and enough 20

grass for animal grazing, though the tsetse fly in its southernmost

part, closer to Bahr al-Ghazal makes it unhealthy for hoth man and

animal during the rainy season.

The region is inhabited mainly by the Nuba -who are believed at

one time to have been spread over the -whole of the central plains of

Kordofan before they were systematically-pushed southwards in front of

the thrust first of the riverain, then of the Baqqara Arabs, which

confined them to their present home.’*' The well-guarded mountains and

the rough climatic conditions during the muddy rainy season, gave this

region a great degree of security and protection from any external

attacks, but deprived it of much needed cultural contacts with the rest

of the country and the world. Consequently this region, with the

exception of the Eastern Hills where the Kingdom of Taqali was founded

with strong links with the Funj of Sennar, escaped the early effects

of Arabization- and Islamization, which were gradually gaining ground

,in Kordofan throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and

afterwards. This isolation, though kept for some time, was, however,

broken, mainly by the immigration in the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries of Baqqara tribes - namely, the Hawazma, Awlad Hamid, Kinana,

Kawahla, Missairiya and Habbaniya - some of whom intermarried with the 2 Nuba and settled in the plains.

The coming of the Baqqara in the eighteenth century broughjabout

a great deal of change and activity to this area. They created a

situation of restless fluidity in an area which once formed some sort of

1, C.G. and B.Z. Seligman, Fagan Tribes, p.369; also, Pallme, Travels, p.156. 2. See Ho MacMichael, Arabs, I, pp.272-8. Se also I. Cunnison, Baggara Arabs, p.2, and K.D.D. Henderson, "The Migration of the Missiria Tribe into South West Kordofan", S,N,R XXII, 1, 19395 p. 52. a-fixed border between the Arabized north, and the still predominantly negroid south. They were mainly cattle grazers, and like many other nomadic tribes, depended very much on the markets of settled people for their grain, clothes and other necessities, but at the same time had no desire to be subjected to any control of any government. Finding themselves in a territory lying between the Sultanate of Sennar and that of Darfur, and claimed by each, the Baqqara tried to evade them both by allying each time with one against the other, Baqqara horsemen then became an important part of the irregular armies of these sultans.

In his Travels, W.G. Browne tells us that the Sultans of Darfur began to rely very much on them: "In their campaigns much reliance is placed on the Arabs who accompany them and who are properly tributaries rather than subjects".'** The Turco-Egyptian conquest of Kordofan did not change the situation very much. Pallme describing the fluidity of the southern frontier of the province of Kordofan, suggests that still (in

1838) this attitude of the nomads had not changed. The frontier of the province, he states, "increases or decreases accordingly as the inhabitants of this part of the country become tributary either by H 2 their own free will or are rendered subjects by force".

Another aspect of the Baqqara activity which very much influenced the stability of this area was their active role in the slave raids.

Finding it a lucrative business, they formed groups which penetrated deep into the Nuba mountains and neighbouring territories for slave hunting. Through these raids and also through penetration and

intermarriage, they helped to break the tribal, social and economic

systems of this area.

1. W.G. Browne, Travels, p.288. 2. I. Pallme, Travels, p.118, The central region is a fertile plain, part of the savannah "belt

■with moderately good rainfall, a variety of vegetation and acacia

shrubs. While good rainfall and fertile land supported good agriculture for food crops, gum Arabic, collected from the acacia shrubs, provided the inhabitants of this area with a good source of cash. The fact that this gum is collected after the harvest of the food crops, makes it especially useful. Another source of income in this region was trade. Before the beginning of the nineteenth century, it seems that the trade route connecting Western Sudan to Egypt and the Kile via

Kordofan, was beginning to flourish at the expense of the Nile-Red Sea 1 route and the westernmost route via the Libyan oases. The Nile-Red Sea route leading to Sennar seems to have suffered because of the unstable conditions in the northern parts of the Funj Kingdom created by the

Shaiqlya activities and the decline in the power of the Funj Sultan.

The westerly route via the Libyan oases seems to have declined because of political unrest, but also because of the redirection of the Takrur 2 gold trade to the south, rather than the north. A number of caravan routes then began to converge into central Kordofan from the north, from the Nile and from the west carrying lucrative trade, and giving rise to a number of towns and trade centres, like El-Obeid, al-Nuhud and Bara,

and attracting many settlers from the Nile regions who were looking for

new opportunities in these new areas 0 The main items in this trade

from the interior were gum Arabic, ivory and ostrich feathers, but when trade in these items began to decline, their place was taken by the

slave traffic which engaged that route for some time and very much

influenced the social and economic structure of that area.

1. See Terence Walz, "Notes on the organization of the African trade in Cairo l800-l850lf, Annates Islamotog'tques3 t. XI, 1972, p»36. 2. See FoW. Bovill, The Golden Trade of the Moorsj. London, 19^8, pp*85-88. Another important traffic connected with this route also, was that of the pilgrimage. Pilgrims from West Africa and Darfur took this route through Kordofan to the Nile and Suakin-Jedctaor to Egypt and thence to Mecca. This traffic also had a very profound effect on the social, economic and cultural conditions of this region. The

West African pilgrims followed a certain pattern in their travelling which is worth mentioning here to illustrate the importance of this route as a cultural channel. They moved from one place to another by stages, earning their living as they moved and wherever they settled, they formed small distinctive communities of West African ethnic groups - known in the Sudan as Fallata.

The inhabitants of this central region, as can been seen from what has been stated above, were a mixture of different peoples. In fact, it became a melting pot where the Awlad al-Bahr (as the riverain people are known there) met the Baqqara, where the Arabized tribes from the north met the negroid Africans from the south and west, and where the nomads came to deal with the cultivators and townspeople.

A description of a town may give a fair picture of how this process was taking place, and at hand is the description of El-Obeid given by Pallme where he showed how the town was divided into a number of quarters, each dominated mainly by a group of people clustering 1 together, either by ethnic origin or cultural background.

1. I. Pallme, Travets, pp.258-T8. A more recent description of El-Obeid is given by T. al-A.Ao Al-Dawi, "Social characteristics of big merchants and businessmen in El-Obeid", Essays in Sudan Ethnography3 ed, I. Cunnison and Wendy James, p.201-16. 34

The Historical Factor

The second factor in the development of Kordofan in the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries, was an historical one.

Kordofan was essentially a no-manTs land separating the two Sultanates of Sennar and Darfur. Too weak to maintain any independent rule, it tempted each of its neighbouring sultans to consider it a natural extension of his domains. Thus its history was that of a buffer zone which reflected the respective strengths and weaknesses of Sennar and

Darfur,

Towards the close of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries, Sennar was in decline and Darfur was greatly weakened by internal struggles between the various factions of the Keira family, on the one hand, and by costly wars with its western neighbours -

Waddai and Bornu - on the other.^ Although both Funj and Fur sultans were anxious to control Kordofan, none of them was capable of establishing a permanent and unchallenged rule there. That region continually changed hands between its two neighbours, and for the whole of this period it became the theatre of their bloody conflicts. A certain pattern is observable in this process of continuous change of sovereignty in

Kordofan in that era: internal troubles in Sennar repeatedly forced the Funj governor of Kordofan to lead his strong army towards Sennar to set things in order there. His departure would leave a power vacuum and the Fur were tempted to fill it. In Darfur, where the succession to the throne was regulated by no definite law and no compelling ancient custom, disputes were only to be expected after the death of every

1. Details of this decline in Sennar and Darfur can be referred to in R.S. 0 fFahey and J, Spaulding, Ki n g d o m s pp.78-88 '&,nd 129-1^0. See also Crawford, The Fund Kingdom, p.255-61. 35

sovereign and conflicts were only settled in combat "between the claimants

to the throne. The defeated faction would move eastwards, establish

some kind of rule in Kordofan and after feeling strong enough, would

return to make another bid for the throne of Darfur. That would again

leave a power vacuum, which would be filled in by the Funj in their turn.

The emergence of the Musabba’at dynasty^" in the early eighteenth

century and the strenuous efforts of its leaders to establish themselves

as a third power in that region, had added a new dimension to the state p of unrest in Kordofan. Beginning with Janqal b. Bahr the Musabba'at,

for three successive generations had persistently employed their limited resources and political skill to fulfil two ambitions: to establish a kingdom in Kordofan, and to use that as a springboard from which they could jump over to the throne of Darfur. Their relentless efforts to realize those dreams had repeatedly brought them into conflict with both

Sennar and Darfur.

A fourth element which should not be overlooked in this struggle was the Ghidayyat, who by repeatedly changing allegiance from one party to the other, had helped to perpetuate this struggle and to sustain the state of unrest.

Details of the early phases of this struggle, in the first half of the eighteenth century, may not be relevant to this study and have

3 been dealt with by O'Fahey and Hasan. The events of the second half of that century may, perhaps, give a clear picture of the relationships between these various factions, and may show how Kordofan had become the

1. R.S. O ’Fahey and J. Spaulding, "Hashim and the Musabba’at", B.S,0,A,S.3 XXX, 1972, 316-33. See also Y.F. Hasan, Muqaddima, pp.110-11. 2. See Nachtigal, Sahara, trans. A. and$. Fisher and O ’Fahey, p.280„ 3. R.S. O ’Fahey, "Kordofan in the eighteenth century", S.N.R.j LIY, 32-^2, and Y.F. Hasan, Muqaddima3 pp.107-17. 36

theatre of their perpetual conflicts. During this period, the history

of Kordofan was dominated by the activities of two leaders of the

Musabba'at, 'Isawi b. Janqal and his son, Hashim,'1' and the reactions of

the Funj and the Ghidayyat on the one hand, and the Fur on the other,

to these activities.

The emergence of the Musabba'at as a power in this region and their

involvement in the affairs of Kordofan started with Janqal b. Bahr.

Janqal and his family seem to have been driven out of Darfur after a

struggle within the ruling family in which he was defeated by a certain 2 Musa b. Sulayman. Janqal then moved to the Darfur/Kordofan borderland

where, for some time, he continued to gather supporters and established

a base from which he and succeeding Musabba'at leaders were able to

invade central Kordofan. Janqal himself was associated with one of

those invasions in which, after an initial success in which a certain faqth"called Mukhtar b„ Muhammad Jodat Allah was killed, Janqal was 3 finally defeated and killed.

In 17^59 his son 'Isawi, succeeded where his father had failed.

Taking advantage of the preoccupation of Sennar with its war on the k eastern borders against Ethiopia, and of Darfur with its internal

1. R.S. O'Fahey and J. Spaulding, "Hashim and the Musabba'at", op.ait.^ also Nachtigal, Sahara, op.ait.s p 0284. 2. Tbid.j p.280o Musa's reign is dated here as from 1637 to 1682. In1 Cadalvlne and Breuvery's list the dates are 1701-2 to 1701-5. Al- Tunusi gives yet another different date - 1715-26. Though al- Tunusl's dates seem to be more acceptable, he does not seem to have included all the years before and after Musa was temporarily deposed. Hachtigal states that he had ruled, in all, for about years. 3. His defeat and death appeared in Tabaqat, ed. Y.F. Hasan, p.3^5s and JLTfg attributed to a curse resulting from Janqal's killing of al-Faqih Mukhtar b, Muhammad Jodat Allah. Ho date is given for the death of Janqal, but the date 1603 given by Cadalvene and Breuvery seems to be a century too early. U. The preparations to meet the threat of an invasion by Iyasu II in 17U3-1+U are described in MakhtUtat Kfttib al-Shuna. ed. al-Shatir Busayli,-*p.21. # * * 27

troubles, 1 'Isawi - marched to conquer central Kordofan. The Funj -were offended and Bad! IV, who had just returned -victorious from his engagement with the Ethiopians, immediately despatched an army to check

1Isawi’s advance. Thus in 17^7 5 an army led hy some ’Abdallabi 2 dignitaries, accompanied by Muhammad Abu Likaylik, the commander of the 3 Funj cavalry, and Khamis b. Janqal left Sennar for that purpose. In the two bloody battles which followed in Qihayf and Shamaqta, the Funj army was severely beaten and its leaders 'Abdallah walad Toma, the waztr,

’Abdallah Ras Taira walad 'Ajib and his brother Shammam walad ’Ajib were » all killed. It was only through the courage and cool-headedness of

Muhammad Abu Likaylik that the Funj army was saved from a complete and k humiliating disaster. ’Isawi then started to settle at al-Ril. But instead of consolidating his position there, he was anxious to use his newly found strength in a bid for the throne of Darfur. This proved in the end to be a very disastrous adventure. He was utterly defeated and his army was dispersed.^ On the other hand, his uncle Mustafa, whom he had entrusted with the government of Kordofan, proved to be disloyal. A conspiracy was hatched between this Mustafa and a certain

’All al-Karrar of the Ghidayyat who had been sent by the Funj to reconquer Kordofan. Thus ’All al-Karrar abandoned his army and allowed the Funj to be massacred at Mitaiwi’ and ’Isawi was murdered - possibly

1. Reference is here made to the troubles around 17^-5 when the sons of Ahmad Bakr were robbed of their right to the throne in favour of their ■cousin ’Umar Layl. See Nachtigal, Sahara, op.cit., 28^-5. 2. For more information about him see A.E, Robinson, "Abu El Kaylik, the king-maker of the Funj of Sennar", American Anthropology, Vol.31, No.2, 1929» pp.232-6U. 3. Khamis b. Janqal ]&. Bahr, see R.S. 0fFahey and J. Spaulding, "Hashim and the Musabba’at", op.cit,, p.321. _ k, See Makhtutat Katib al-Shuna, op.cit., p.2U, and Ta'rtkh Muluk Sennar, ed. Mo Shibeika, p.6. 5. R.S. O ’Fahey, "Kordofan in the eighteenth century", op.cit., p.38. 28

on orders of Mustafa - on his way hack from his last campaign.

Mustafa then declared himself independent ruler of Kordofan; hut his

rule soon became unpopular and the province was once again plunged into

a new phase of instability and unrest.

In 1755 the Funj despatched an army under the leadership of

Muhammad Abu Likaylik who was able to reconquer Kordofan for the Funj without much resistance, and became governor of that province. His rule there was said to have been fair and just and very well remembered 2 long after he had gone. Internal troubles in Sennar, however, soon

forced Abu Likaylik in 1760 to abandon Kordofan and return to settle 3 matters m the capital of the sultanate. Once there, he found himself more and more involved in the intricate problems of Sennar, and the real government of Kordofan was left to his nephew BadI wad Rajab. Then, when Abu Likaylik died in 1776, Sennar politics forced BadI wad Rajab to go there in his turn leaving Kordofan to his young nephew Dakln and a

guardian, Muhammad wad KannayrD Hashim b. ’Isawi who had by this time

succeeded to the leadership of the Musabba’at was tempted to invade the province and regain his father’s possessions. With the help of

dissatisfied nomadic tribes and some assistance from Darfur, he marched

over Kordofan and captured its capital, El-Obeid. He was hardly

settled there when in 1780 he was forced to retreat north-westwards away

from an advancing Funj army led by Rajab b„ Muhammad Abu Likaylik.

Rajab then secured central Kordofan for the Funj for six years, but in

1. Ibid. 2. See W.G. Browne, T^avets^ p.307; see also H0 MacMichael, Tvibes3 pp.10-11. 3. For an account of those troubles in Sennar, see A.E. Robinson, ,fAbu El-Kaylik", op, oit., pp. 2^0-U. 29

1786, again the trouble^ of Sennar demanded the return of this governor 1 of Kordofan with his troops. Hashim was quick to seize the opportunity

and was hack in El-Obeid as soon as the Funj army had left. But he was 2 not destined to remain there for long. The Sultan of Darfur, Tayrab

had soon come to chase him out of it. 3 According to al-Tunusi, Tayrabfs invasion of Kordofan was prompted

by the unfriendly activities of Hashim near the eastern borders of Darfur.

His real reasons, however, were more complicated and had very much to do with the internal affairs of Darfur itself. To secure an easy

succession to the throne for his son Ishaq, Tayrab planned this big

campaign which he led himself and took with him every possible strong

candidate to that throne. Tayrab had an easy victory, but soon after the end of the campaign, the Fur became weary of Kordofan and wanted to

return to their home. In 1789 Tayrab suddenly became ill and died soon k afterwards. The first thing his successor, ’Abd al-Rahman al-Rashid « did was to return with the army to Darfur, and Kordofan was once more

abandoned to Hashim of the Musabba’at. This was only a short interlude,

after which the Fur once again came back in a big army led jointly by

Muhammad Kurra and Ibrahim b. Rammad, probably in 1791.^ Hashim refused to give battle to them and quickly withdrew from Kordofan, leaving it

to be governed jointly by Kurra and wad Rammad for the Fur. In 1796 Hashim made another appearance in Kordofan when a conflict between its two

1. See Ta-^'vtkh Mutuk Sinriar^ ed. Shibeika, pp.9-10. 2. Sultan of Darfur 1762-3, 1785-6, Cadalvene and Breuvery dates. 1768-1787 in Shuqair, and 1752-1785 in Hachtigal. 3. M. ibn. 'Umar al-Tunusi, Tashht-dh al-adhhan, ed, ’Asakir and Mus'ad, pp.82-7. K. Sultan of Darfur 1789-90, and 1799-80, according to Cadalvene and Breuvery; 1787-1801 according to al-Tunusi. 5. R.S. O ’Fahey and J, Spaulding, "Hashim and the Musabba’at", op'dt.j p.330. 30

governors gave him the impression that ’the position of the Fur there was weakening. To check any further menace hy Hashim, the Sultan of

Darfur, ’Abd al-Rahman al-Rashid despatched his eunuch Maqdum Musallam with an army to go and fight this Musabba'awi even if he had to chase him up to Egypt. Hashim again slipped out of Kordofan and the province remained as part of the Fur domains until it was conquered hy the Turco-

Egyptian armies in 1821, During this period of Fur rule, and particularly at the time when Maqdum Musallam was governor, Kordofan enjoyed some years of peace and prosperity. More people came to settle there, particularly from Dongola and the Gezira, encouraged hy this 2 state of affairs, and trade was greatly revived. Those years of peace and prosperity came to an end when, in 1821, a Turco-Egyptian army led hy Muhammad Bey Khusru al-Daftardar came to conquer that province for

Muhammad *Ali of Egypt. ■ Under the Turco-Egyptian administration, though there was some sort of stability as far as the government of the province was concerned, the general feeling of unrest took other forms. Kordofan, like other parts of the Sudan during this era, was subjected to a great deal of oppression and maladministration. People were excessively taxed and the methods applied in the collection of those taxes were harsh and inhumane.

As -a result of this, the inhabitants, especially the nomads, began to move away from the areas where the government could reach them. They found it necessary to drive their herds and penetrate further south, thus coming into contact with the Nuba and the inhabitants of the Southern

Sudan.

1. Ibid*j p0331o See also note 73. 2o J* Petherick, Egypt, the Sudan and Central Africa, p.269-72, describes this period as "The happiest era of its existence. 31

Another aspect of this Turco-Egyptian administration was its involvement in and encouragement of the slave trade and slave raidings.

Twice annually the government sent raiding parties to the Nuba mountains to bring slaves to be recruited into the army as j'ihad'Cyya. The effect of those raids and the recruitment of slaves in the army helped a great deal in breaking the tribal institutions in the Nuba mountains and in bringing about a noticeable social change.

Of this general history of Kordofan during this period therefore, little more can be said than that rulers of both Darfur and Sennar regarded that region as a province of their respective kingdoms, though without real justification. The Musabba'at, on the other hand, originally emigrants from Darfur who managed to establish some presence in Kordofan, considered themselves subject to neither, and steadily consolidated their power. Twice they came close to establishing a kingdom there, but were forced to abandon it by the Funj and the Ghidayyat, or by the Fur.

Although there was some peace and stability towards the end of this period, under the Fur, which encouraged immigration to Kordofan, the

Turco-Egyptian rule which followed brought about new forms of pressure and unrest in the region.

The Religious Factor

The third factor in the development of Kordofan was a religious one. Towards the close of the eighteenth century, Kordofan was growing into a frontier of Islamicization. The margin of Islamic territory in the Nilotic Sudan has been, and still is, continually shifting south and westwards since the Arabs came into contact with the Nubians after 32

the conquest of Egypt early in the seventh century A.D. A gradual q hut continuous penetration of Arab "or Arabized"^, Muslims has transplanted the frontier of Islam into the interior by stages. A certain pattern can be observed in the development of these stages and in the shifting of the frontier from one stage to the other: agents of the Islamic faith (mainly nomads and traders) migrated into the neighbouring lands, settled and intermarried with the local population many of whom adopted their religion, customs and their Arabic language.

Gradually the territory was nominally Islamized: then in a second phase it would be properly Islamized, and a new frontier would start further inland and the same process repeated all over again.

Two approaches have been taken to explain this pattern: one with much emphasis oij the religious motivation and the importance of individual 2 missionaries is best represented by Y.F, Hasan, and the other emphasizing o 3 the commercial and cultural contacts, is that of J.S. Trimingham.

Hasan suggests that the main impact of the Arab migratory movement was exhausted in Nubia. When that area was sufficiently Arabized and .Islamized, "Educated Nubians migrated further south to areas where the Arab migratory movement had just spent itself and where the process of Islamization had hardly begun".^ Thus, when the area north of the confluence of the two Niles was sufficiently Islamized, produced a number of jurists and Sufi missionaries who continued the

job of Tslamization in the Gezira, and later in the west. A two-way

1. Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan,-p.100, states that it must be emphasized that the spread of Islam in Africa has always been the work of Africans and eiiiefly Hamites whatever Arab blood they had in them. 2. See Y.S. Hasan, "External Islamic - influences.... in the Eastern Sudan", Sudan in Africa, p.73. 3. Trimingham, Islam, Ch.Ill and p.100, ^4. Y.S. Hasan, "External Islamic influences.... in the Eastern Sudan", p.77* 33

traffic "was maintained between the newly-Islamized area and the old

Islamic centres to revive and revitalize the faith. Teachers, jurists

and reformers came to the new areas from the old centres, and students

came from the new areas to be educated there, and returned to their

homes to take their share in the process.

Associated with this process of Islamization in marginal areas, was the phenomenon of the "wise stranger", probably an Arabized

Muslim who settled among non-Arabs taught them new civilized habits and was thus accepted in the new home as a "wise stranger". Then after marrying into the indigenous population, he benefited from the practice

of matrilineal succession and inherited a position of wealth and

leadership.’*’

Hasan then gives a number of names associated with the development

of these stages and with the shifting of the frontiers of Islamization.

Thus Ghulam Allah b. TAid and Hamad Abu Dunnana were associated with

Dongola as learned Muslims who came from old centres, while Ibrahim al-

Bulad and Mahmud al-’Araki were examples of students who went from the

new areas and came back as 'ulama' » Not only individuals, but also

some families became part of this process. Thus the Rikabiya, the

Dawalib, the family of Sh. Abu Safiyya and that of al-Faqih Bushara 2 al-GharbawI were all instrumental in this process of Islamization.

Trimingham, however, suggests that the personal missionary work of

traders and faqths has been overstressed, and that the religious factor

1. The concept of the "wise stranger" as a factor in Sudanese history has been explained by P.M. Holt, "Funj Origin: A Critique and new evidence", IV, i, 1963, pp.^9-55* 2. For more details on names of individuals read, Hasan, "External

Influences", p.73, Arabsj p.177-80, and P.M. Holt, "Holy families", Princeton N.E, Papers, No.U, 1967, and "The Sons of Jabir", B,S.0,A.S,3 XXX, 1967, pp.1^2-57, for families. 34

was given more importance than -was its due. Instead he emphasized the more pragmatic factors of commercial and cultural contacts: "The nomad Arab, who is rarely fanatical and completely devoid of missionary zeal makes no attempt at proselytization. The spread of Islam was mainly through penetration, marriage, a strategic policy of winning chiefs and group leaders (which includes forcible measures), trade and the appropriation of slaves. As in the early days of the primary

Islamic conquest, conversion to Islam connected the convert with the

Arab tribal system as a client",

Arab penetration into the Nilotic Sudan, he suggests, was only limited to a few nomadic tribes who settled in Nubia, wherefrom

Islamization, and Islam, spread into the interior by the Hamites "as the * civilization of aristocratic African people". Being Africans themselves and possessing no prejudices or discriminations of any sort, they were able to intermarry with the local population and live a common social life with them. A continuous process of cultural and social change took place as the Islamic frontier came into contact with the African breaking down his existing social institutions and creating new social groups. A number of factors combined to undermine the existing tribal and social institutions and exposed the African to the wind of change.

Slave raiding and penetration by nomads and traders broke down his tribal system, undermined his cultural and religious institutions leaving him open to the temptations of a new and higher status. Daily practices and behaviour of traders and faqths demonstrated the actions of a more attractive social system and a higher culture, A very lively demonstration of this process in action can be seen in the example given

1, See Trimingham, Islam3 p.99. 35

“by J.W. Crowfoot in his description of the social change taking place

among the Nuba of the Eastern Hills of Taqall. He observed that they

began to wear clothes, to speak a good deal of Arabic and that some of

them had pretended to Arab pedigrees. They also abandoned their habit

of eating pigs, which is forbidden by Islam, and began to look down upon

the "naked Nuba". They adopted Muhammadan customs with regards to

weddings, rites, circumcision and the practice of infibulation.1

It seems that a number of factors have all combined and contributed to this process of ’ Islamization and continuous forward movement of the margin of Islamic territory and no single factor can be considered as

decisive or more important than the others. Thus commercial interest,

cultural contacts, religious zeal and individual missionary efforts have

all contributed to this process from one stage to the other.

The frontier of Islamization' was stabilized by the sixteenth

o 2 century, roughly around latD13°N, where it remained for three centuries

before it started to shift again towards the beginning of the nineteenth

century. During these three centuries, Kordofan was passing through

the process of proper Islamization, which characterized earlier stages

in the Sudan, and which transformed its frontiers into a marginal

territory ready for the new phase to start.

The awakening of the activities in this frontier during the

nineteenth century came as a result of various factors: important

population movements brought about some profound social changes;

political change was another active force; and a religious revival

was a third one.

1. J.W. Crowfoot, "Further notes on pottery", S. N,R,,. VIII, 125. 2. It seems that this has come to be generally accepted. See P.M. Holt, "Holy families", P.N,E.Pa^ No.l+, p.l. 36

Three important population movements affected Kordofan during this period.^ The first of these -was that of the riverain tribes from Dongola southwards and westwards into the Gezira, Kordofan and

Darfur. Though this process had been going on for decades, it was increased during this period, particularly when the Shaiqiya raids had threatened the trade routes along the Kile and the livelihood of the tribes which lived there. Many inhabitants of Dongola moved to Kordofan and Darfur and Browne, who visited the latter region in 1793-^-, noticed that the Danagla were a sizeable community in Cobbe* and were an important p element in the social and economic life of the sultanate.

The second movement was that of the Baqqara, who during the eighteenth 3 century had found their way into some parts of Kordofan, and were very active in slave raiding in this area, especially in the Nuba mountains.

The third movement was that of the pilgrims from Darfur and further west, known in the Sudan as Fallata or Takarlr, who came across the Sudan to the Red Sea and thence to Mecca. This process had also been going on for a long time, and was only interrupted for a short while during the

Mahdia. The journey of the Takarir to Mecca often took years as they walked and worked their way through it. They therefore made some settlements which became a permanent feature of many Sudanese towns h along their routes.

The political change came with the Turco-Egyptian administration.

This had helped a great deal in undermining the tribal, social and economic systems through the imposition of high taxation, the use of oppressive methods and the encouragement of slave traffic.

1. For more on the description of these population movements and their impact on the course of Sudanese history, see P.M. Holt, The Mahdist State, pp.9-12. 2. W.G. Browne, T r a v e l s p.2Ul. 3. H. MacMichael, Arabs I, pp.272-8, and I. Cunnison, Baggara Arabs, p.2. 4. See W.G. Browne, Travelsj pp.253 and 291* 37

The religious revival had its origins outside the Sudan, however, but its effects were soon felt and it generated an activity which was very instrumental in this process. The general feeling of awakening and need for revival of the Islamic faith which took shape in the

WajkabI movement and the reawakening of Sufism began to be felt throughout the whole of the Islamic world towards the close of the eighteenth century. The ideas of Ahmad b. Idrlis al-Fasi began to reach the Sudan » through a number of his disciples, one of whom was Muhammad ’Uthman I who first introduced Sh. Isma1!! to the Sufi path.

To conclude, Kordofan, during the time of Sh. Isma’il can be

described as a border zone by virtue of its geographical position, its historical and religious development. The nature of that frontier zone

should, however, be dealt with in brief in order to explain the kind of

society that existed there and the nature of its people.

The frontiersmen are men who should be rated above the average

for courage and initiative. In Kordofan this was demonstrated by the

attitude of the riverain groups who settled there. They played a more

active part in the Mahdia than their kin who stayed at home.'*' Their

courage and endurance found its way into folk songs: a popular song

praising the courage of some men from the village of Abu Juwayll who

went to Kordofan, is very well known and sung in many parts of the 2 Nile valley.

Culturally this region turned into a cultural watershed subjected to

the influence of the Hijaz and Egypt on the one hand, and that of al-

1. See P.M. Holt, The Mahdtst State j Introduction, pp.11-12. 2. The song starts with the verses: "'Iyal Abu Juwaylt al-kambalu wa radalu ft Dar Ruvdufcin ttgharrabu wa satami davbu. al j5z 'adtl dail tyasha ma dallu It banat 'al-balad samh al-khabar ja&u". 3 8

Maghrib and West Africa on the other. Ideas from the north and the east were carried to Kordofan hy traders, students who went to the

Gezira and even as far as al-Azhar for education, and hy faqi-hs who came to settle there. From the Maghrih and West Africa, ideas were carried in hy pilgrims and itinerant faqths, many of whom were _ „ 1 _ 2 Shanaq.it or Takanr.

Religiously this frontier region had attracted a number of fanatics and Sufi missionaries, as well as enthusiastic faqihs such as Abu Safiyya,

’Arab!, Kantish, al-Dalll and Jodat Allah. It also attracted a number of holy families, such as Awlad Dolib,1* the Rikabiyya5 and the Suwarab.6

With no established religious orders and no old holy families, Kordofan offered a good chance for those new arrivalsto set new seeds for these orders and to strike new roots for their holy families.

1. Light-skinned religious men who came to the Sudan from north-west Africa, especially from Mauritania, and often claimed Sharifl origins and were looked upon as carriers of ba^aka. 2. These came mainly as pilgrims on their way to Mecca, but settled down in the Sudan, see above p.36. In the Sudan they have gained a reputation as exorcists and they are the main followers of the Tijaniyya tariqcu 3. All these faqtH& have got qubbas in El-Obeid except Jodat Allah, for whom see Tabaqat, ed. Y.F. Hasan, p.130. U. Some of the descendents of Muhammad W. Dolib, ibid*3 p.3^-8. 5. Some of the descendents of Rikab b. Jabir, see P.M. Holt, "The Sons of Jabir", B*S*0*A*S,3 XXX, Part I, I96T 5 pp.133-57. 6 . Some of the descendents of Muhammad b. ’Isa Suwar al-Dahab, Tabaqat, p.3^7* Through their contact with Muhammad ’Uthman I, the Suwarab became and still are the principal Khalifas of the Khatimyya in Kordofan. 39

CHAPTER II

THE FOUNDER OF THE IARIQA SHAIKH ISMfl’lL AL-WALI (1207-80/IT93-f1863)

The pedigree of Sh. Isma'il represents him as being the descendant in the fifth generation of al-Faqih Bushara al-Gharbawi.^ -2 The genealogical work of his son Ahmad al-Azhari tells us that Bushara was a holy man who lived in the first half of the twelfth/seventeenth century; that he descended from the Ja'all ruling family - his predecessor being the kings of al-Dufar - and that he was linked directly with al-Makk Nasir, the founder of the Maknasriyya branch who - • 3 had their independent -baqvya, Bushara, however, became famous as a religious man and founded his own clan which came to be called after him, al-Gharbawinj1 . After Bushara Ahmad tells us that the fame of al-

Gharbawinj1 continued to grow, and that they accumulated enormous wealth and power, but not much seems to be recorded, and although the gap between Bushara and Isma'xl is only five generations, we find very little information about them apart from al-Azhari’s account and a few Ij. sometimes contradictory oral traditions and family anecdotes. Few as they are, both Ahmad’s account and those oral traditions seem to be complicated and often confusing because of the habit amongst the family, more than many other Sudanese^ of using the same name and popular title

1. See al-Nash'a al 'TsmatZliyya (the obituary) of Sh. Isma’il which states that he is ”Sh. Isma’il b. ’Abdullahi b. Isma'il b. 'Abd al-Rahlm Baba b. al-Hajj Hamad b. al-Faqih Bushara al-Gharbawi". Ms. Sud* Govt. Archives (Khartoum), J,/83/1310. 2. See Ahmad al-Azhari, Khulasat al~iqtibzSj Ms. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), l/lif/75. This Ms. also appears translated in H, MacMichael, Arabs, Vol.II, AB« 3° Taqiya (head-cap) was one of the insignia of kingship in the Funj Sultanate. See O.G.S. Crawford, The Fung Kingdom, App.15, and N. Shuqair, Ta'rikh, II, 100. h. One such tradition is the story which tries to explain the sudden departure of this family and associate-ib with ahimp¥l*s|ationrby al-Faqih Muhammad wad D51ib after a quarrel between his descendants and Awlad Bushara. The outcome of this implication was that the family of Bushara were forced to fly away (tdru) from Dongola for good. 4 0

for different persons and repeating these in different generations.

Thus it became difficult to know with such popular names as Bushara and

Isma'il which one is referred to, and in which time. ; This seems to be the reason why N. Shuqair got his story about al-Faqih Bushara al-

Gharbawi rather confused. In his narrative about the village of al-

Hattanl, Shuqair states, ,TThere is an old building far from the Nile • known as Hosh Baba, built by Bushara Qaila, the grandfather of the famous

Isma'il al-Wall al-Kordofani. It is rumoured that he was notoriously rich, that he had used virgin maidens to build it and that he had spent uncounted money on it”.1 This story, as it is^ seems to be distorted

in many parts. The use of virgins in building a palace is clearly out of place and obviously contrary to the nature of al-Faqih Bushara who is represented as being a holy man; the statement that Bushara Qaila was the grandfather of Sh. Isma'il is misleading; and the association of

Hosh Baba with Bushara Qaila is erroneous. Shuqair seems to be • confusing three persons here, namely, al-Faqih Bushara al-Gharbawi, the

founder of this holy family; Bushara Qaila, a grandson of al-Gharbawi, but not the immediate grandfather of Sh. Isma'il, reputed for his enormous wealth and notorious extravagance; and 'Abd al-Rahim Baba, the immediate

great-grandfather of Sh. Isma'il, very rich and famous, but not 2 extravagant. The local traditions about the holiness of al-Gharbawi, the extravagance of Qaila and the fame of Baba were all fused into one

story in Shuqair's narrative.

The re-establishment of the family in Kordofan, in a new

environment and under a new head, Sh. Isma'il, seems to have added to

1. N. Shuqair, Ta'riMi, I, 85. 2. See genealogical tables, Appendix A, below. this confusion, A story which took place only a few years before, at the time of Sh. Isma’il's father, cannot be clearly verified and its details are mixed up. The narrative of 'Abdullahl’s riding a horse in the presence of a holy man called al-Shaykh 'Arabi, to illustrate a prenatal kavama of Sh. Isma’il leaves us uncertain about the place and time where and when it happened. As related by the present members of the Isma'lliyya, the incident seems to have occurred in

El-Obeid just before the birth of Sh. Isma'il; and it is associated with 'Arabi Makkawl, a holy man who thrived in El-Obeid in the eighteenth century, and is now buried in a tomb not far from that of

Sh. Isma'il. But as it is related in al-Azharl’s account, the incident seems to have taken place in Dongola and is associated with an unidentified faqih called 'Arab! of the well-known Rikabiyya clan.1 The local traditions and family anecdotes about the ancestors of Sh. Isma’il should therefore be considered with much caution, and the names, dates and places mentioned in them must be very carefully verified.

Ahmad al-Azharl's account, however, has the advantage of being o written by a graduate of al-Azhar and of being presented in a rather sophisticated and organized shape. It is divided into five chapters, each devoted to a specific topic. He deals with the ancestral record of his family mainly in the third chapter, which he devoted to the descendants of Bushara al-Gharbawi. In his first chapter, he takes

Bushara’s pedigree back to al-'Abbas, but more importantly, he explains in the second chapter how honourable is the kinship with al-’Abbas, uncle of the Prophet Muhammad. The account in these and the other

10 Ahmad al-Azhari, SOiulasat dt-iqt'iloas3 p»32. The story as known in El-Obeid was related to me by 3yd. Abu al-Fadl, Syd, 'Abd al-Hafiz, and Hajj Ahmad al-Faki 'Abdalla, in 1975. 42

three chapters seems to be veil researched and sufficiently illustrated

and decorated with traditions where necessary. To present it in this

shape Ahmad tells us that he had consulted the history books, the genealogical authorities and spent a long time sifting the information he had collected. But in spite of all its beautiful arrangement and

illustrated arguments, Ahmad’s work does not really add very much to what is generally known about the claim of the Ja’aliyyin to an 1 ’Abbasi origin.. Ahmad1 s work, in fact, does not seem to have been

intended for its historical value, nor was it meant just to clarify the

confusion into which his relatives were falling about their real relations as he states in his introductory paragraph,, He was anxious

from the start to establish three things: the ’Abbasi QurayshI origin

of his father; a continuous line of holy ancestors through whom the

baraka was transferred uninterrupted to Sh. Isma’il; and a high social

and economic status of their family, which was only matched by their piety and holiness,

AhmadTs intentions to prove their 'Abbasi origins and his father’s

desire to assert that, are betrayed in the title chosen for this work,

Khulasat aX-iqbibas fi itilsal nasabina bi'l 'Abbas; and also in the • / • first few introductory lines where al-Azhari states his reasons for writing this genealogy by saying, "...The Imam of the age...my lord

and my father.,.ordered me to make a genealogical record showing

every one of the ancestors from whom were variously descended those that

were yet alive and to point out all the seeds of our ancestor al-F$ki

Bishara al-Gharbawi...and to carry back his pedigree to Sl-Sayyid ©L-

1. See al-Tahir b, ’Abdalla, Ma'ari-f furu' vsui al-'Arab, Sud. Archives (Durham), 97/5/11# ppo3-10. Also MacMich&el, Arabs, Vol.II, AB, BA and other Ja'ali genealogies there. 43

TAbbas the uncle of the Prophet. . . Then he devoted most of his

first chapter to the glorification of al-'Abbas and the honour of

all those -who descended from him.

The honour of belonging to al-'Abbas or establishing a shavifi

origin had always been a very important prerequisite for any faqih or

ruler who wanted to gain recognition in Sudanese society since the

advent of Islam, This became apparent in the Funj sultanate, where

both the sultans and faqihs went to great trouble to trace their

origins back to a Sharif1 , 'Abbasi or a Qurayshi link. A number of

genealogists were encouraged to come to the Funj sultanate, and many

itinerant faqihs found a very hospitable reception from the sultans

who wanted them to write down their ancestral records. Many names 2 such as al-Maghribi and al-Sanhuri began to be referred to as unquestioned authorities in genealogies and some works like those of

Abl Mahmud al-Samarqandi and Abu Salman 'Abd al-Rahman al-'Iraqi » » were being accepted as authentic references in this field. So

important was this claim to the SharifI origin that some shaykhs who

failed to establish good cases through their paternal lineage have tried

to do so through their maternal one, or even through a spiritual

1. Ahmad al-Azhari, Khulasat al -iqtitas, trans. by H. MacMichael, Arabs, Vol.II, AB0 2. These two names seem to be very familiar at the time. We can only now identify them with (a) Sh. al-Sanusi al-Maghribi (dQlif90), famous for his Risalas (tracts) on al-Taqafid (the Creed) or possibly Sh. al-Salawi al-Maghribi, one of the rulama who accompanied the Turco-Egyptian army in 1820; (b) Salim b. Muhammad al-Sanhuri (d.l6o6) a known commentator on Kuhktasar Khalil. hone of these had anything to do with genealogy. 3. See R. Hill, Biogvaphiaal Diotioriavyj p.331. Al-Tahir b. 'Abdalla, M a Tavif Fuvur usul al-1 Aval; p. 2. 44

adoption "by the Prophet.^

The importance of finding a Sharifi, ’Abbasi or Qurayshi link was not limited to the Nilotic Sudanese people only, but seems to be widespread throughout most parts of Muslim Africa and particularly the 2 Sudanic Belt. Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs is rich in examples of traditions intended for this purpose of a Sharifi link.

This search for a ^harifi origin has always been associated with an idea which has come to be widely accepted in all parts ,of Muslim

Africa; that is the idea of the supremacy of Quraysh and their unchallenged right to both secular and religious leadership in the 3 community. The idea seems to have originated since the early days of the Islamic Empire when the expansion brought the Arabs into contact with many non-Arab peoples who threatened to undermine their Arab culture and traditions. To preserve the Arabic nature of Islam and to keep their privileged status, the Arabs seem to have encouraged this idea of Qurayshi supremacy and right of leadership and many traditions were sought to support it. The Abbasids and the Fatimi ds later limited this right, the former to Awlad al-1Abbas and the latter to Ahl al-Bayt, and each of these also sought the traditions which

supported their case. 'When Islam came to the Sudan, many of these

ideas had already become an accepted part of Islamic culture, and were thus transferred to the Sudan as such0 Thus a number of traditions

1. An example of this is provided by the case of Muhammad b„ Surur, whose descendants have tried to superimpose a Sharifi ancestry on_ his established pedigree. See^Abd al-Mahmud Nur al-Dayim, Azahij? at-riyadj 18-19. Also P.M. Holt, "Holy Families”, (Prinoeton3 N.E.P., 1967), p.2. 20 H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs^ being mainly translation^of Arabic manuscripts relating to the Central and Western Sudan, 19^7. 3. A localized form of this_idea is reflected in some of the Sudanese proverbs like, f,Ast aZ-Jud Juhayna, wx asl at mutuk Sennar m asZ aZ-Hzz J a faV f, * * 45

glorifying Quraysh and praising it found their way into many

Sudanese writings,"** and aspirations for leadership had also come to he linked in their minds with Quraysh and a Sharif! descent. Another reason for the importance attached to the Sharif! origin came to the

Sudan with the ideas associated with the Mahdi and al-Khatim who were 2 believed to he of Ahl al-Bayt.

Ahmadfs desire to establish the 'Abbasi origin of his kin was * obviously sparked by a new development in the history of the family, and the date on which he started to write very significantly indicates this. Ahmad states that the first draft was completed in Jumada II

1263/May I8U7 . He said that he had been working on it for some years before finishing it, which takes us back to I26O/I8W 1-. At this time

Sh. Isma'il was just coming back from pilgrimage. His tariqa was established and his place in the society recognized. What remained was to seal this with the establishment of his !fAbbasi pedigree and give all this a form of legitimacy. Sh. Isma'il himself expressed his personal desire of doing this by writing his Vtwan garnir at Shathat

1. See al-Tahir b. 'Abdalla, M a tar,if furur usul al-rArab3 Sud.Gov. Arch. (Durham) 97/5/H9 pp.9-10, and al-Azhari, Khulasat al~~iqt'ibds Sud.Gov.Arch. (Khartoum) l/l^/759 P*8, for traditions like "Qaddirru Quraysh wala toqaddamuha3 wafcJllarriu min Quraysh waVa tu ^llimXKd.... " and "Man ardd iKanat Quraysh ahanahu Allah". 2. This is discussed in more detail in our Chap.Ill, "The Isma'iliyya and the Mahdia", below. 3. This is the date when the first draft of the work was completed - see al-Azhari, Khulasat al~'iqt%bas3 p.3o Ahmad states that he had spent a number of years after that revising that draft until he wrote it in its final form. The date he puts for its completion (1207) - see last page of Ms. - was obviously wrong. MacMichael must have reached his date 1853 by correcting this date to read 1270 instead of 1207. See H0 MacMichael, Arabs3 Vol.II, AB. 46

which is full of praise for himself and glorification of his role.'*'

Ahmad al-Azhari was writing this pedigree mainly to augment this new- o 2 found status and strengthen it. To do this Ahmad was not only anxious to trace their *Abbasi origin, but also to remind the reader continuously of Sh„ Isma'il's honour and high status. His work is thus full of titles of honour and glorification, like aZ-Ustadh3 imam at fAsr wat tarZqa3 mujaddidrulum aZ-SharZ'a and Ustadh aZ-zaman.

He is also very keen on explaining why they came to be called al-

Gharbawinji to dismiss any possible confusion that may lead to the

idea that their origin was in at-Gharb> i.e. the western Sudan and weaken their claim to the 'Abbasi link.

The second thing which Ahmad wanted to establish was a continuous O 3 chain of holy ancestors who transferred the baraka to his father.

To do this, he went to great trouble to single out each of his ancestors,, starting with Bushara, who were directly connected with his father, and showed how this baraka was transferred through them, and even supported that with suitable anecdotes where necessary. Thus,

Bushara's father, fAli Bursi was selected out of his brothers to be represented as a very religious person who learnt the Qur'an by heart

and encouraged his son Bushara to follow his example. When Ibrahim - k al-Bulad came to the Island of Turunj in Dongola, Bushara as a young boywent to study under his guidance. As a holy man, Bushara became

1. Ms. Sh. Isma'il, DZwam jamir Shatahat J Sud.Gov. Archives 2. A parallel can be found in the story of Muhammad b. Surur, discussed in P.M. Holt, ”Holy Families” , Princeton N.E, Papers3 Ho.l+, 19^7s pp. 1 and 2. 3. Baraka, meaning 'benedictionJ blessing or holiness' in the Sudanese Islamic sense, is granted by God to those whom He chooses and it enables them to perform miracles. Baraka is possessed in its highest degree by the waZis who, it is generally believed in the Sudan, are able to transmit it to their successors. U. One of the sons of Jabir, who played a very important role in the proper Islamization of the Northern Sudan. See P.M. Holt, ”The Sons of Jabir”, BSOAS3 XXX, 1967, and Tabaqat, ed. Y.F. Hasan, p.^5. 4 7

so famous that by 11^5/1732-3 3 the Funj Sultan Badibjfol gave him a big plot of land in recognition of his holiness and in a bid to gain his favours and baraka. Of Bushara1s two sons, al-H&jj Hamad was o chosen rather than Muhammad to be the carrier of this baraka. Of

Muhammad nothing much is said, and his descendants are only mentioned in connection with their riches and extravagance.1 Hamad, on the other hand, is shown as a very religious man whom God had given great wealth, which Hamad in turn spent in gaining divine favour. He repeatedly went on pilgrimage until he numbered seven visits, each time taking with him many members of his household. The next person selected for this honour from amongst the numerous sons of al-Hajj

Hamad is fAbd al-Rahim, Baba.. , The name Baba itself is linked with his visit to the Holy Lands to add to his baraka. It is related that when he was in Jedda as a young boy with his father on one of his • , 2 visits to Mecca, there were some a rajim (non-Arabs) attending to

TAbd al-Rahim's mother. These used to call him baba as a sign of * respect. Since that time, the name stuck to him and he began to be known by it. fAbd al-Rahxm is also associated with some J.actat (taboos)

1. See A^mad*s reference to Bushara Qaila in Khulaqat dl-iqtibas, p.25. 2. The use of a'ajim needs to be explained here since it is often used in most Arabic texts to refer to the Persians who earned the title by virtue of their being the first non-Arabs to come in touch with the Arabs. AJjmad here must be using it in its Sudanese context which refers mainly to the non-Arabic speaking people from the Sudanic Belt, more commonly called Fallata, who could possibly be in the household of Hajj JJamad as attendents. Another probability is that it could be referring to the Beja tribes where the use of the title Baba for respect was common. One of their famous kings who fought against the Muslim armies led by ibn al-Qumml during the reign of al-Mutawakkil, was called fAli Baba. See Daftar, "The Medallion of al-Mutawakkil", The Numismatic Chronicle^ 1911° All Hajj Hamad1s trips on pilgrimage were through Beja lands to Egypt and then Mecca. And still another possible explanation is that he could be referring to some Turks whom Hajj $amad had met in Mecca, These Turks could have given him this name Baba, which they often use for reverence. 48

■which were kept in the family until Sh. Isma'il came to "break them and these are quoted also as some of the karamat of Sh. Isma'il. It is related^" that ■when a "baby was bora to 'Abd al-Rahim, he slew a hundred heads of each kind of domestic animals for the child's naming ceremony. Only seven days after that, the child died. Since that incident, these ceremonies became Iqdat (taboos) for the members of that family until Sh. Isma'il came to abolish them and revive the tradition of entertaining his guests to a big feast on the occasion of naming his sons.

Other than 'Abd al-Rahim Baba, the rest of Hamad,fs sons were mentioned only in connection with their wealth, except al-Khawaja whose daughter Khalisa was the grandmother of Sh. Isma'il. Al-Khawaja o is shown as a religious man and ten of his sons are said to have memorized the Qur'an. Klialisa herself was endowed with baraka and her o maternal uncle, al-Faqih Abu Salama told her in a prophecy that one of her descendants would be a holy man who would outshine all others.

Since then people began to look out for the realization of that 2 prophecy until Sh. Isma'il was born.

After 'Abd al-Rahim Baba, the baraka passed to his only son,

Isma'il after whom Sh. Isma'il himself was named. From Isma'il the baraka then passed to 'Abdullahi who is said to have studied under a very pious wait called al-Hajj 'Arabi, a descendant of the famous

1. Ahmad al-Azhari, Khulasat al-iqtibas9 p.29o 2. A number of stories have been cited in Tabaqat about such pre­ natal prophecies. See %abaqat, ed., Y.F. $asan, notices of Abu Sinayna, p.89s Mukhtar.Abu 'Inaya, p.Uij-6, end MakkI al-Daqlashi, p.332. Both Azharl and Wad Dayfalla must have had in mind such similar stories mentioned in the books of al-Stra of the Prophet. 4 9

Habib Hass! al-Ri#kabI^ Hajj 'ArabI was said to have been pleased o • with ’Abdullahi and even made a prophecy that his son would grow to 2 outshins all the shaykhs of his time.

The third thing which al-Azhari wanted to assert in addition to their honourable pedigree and their unbroken chain of holy ancestors, was the social and economic prestige' of that family. Thus he tells us that Sh. Isma'il had come from a very wealthy family which handed its riches from one generation to the other until the time of Sh.

Isma'il. It was in keeping with this desire to emphasize the wealth and influence enjoyed by this family that Sh. Ismael is represented as a very rich man who could afford to slay sixty rams in a feast to celebrate the naming of his eldest son Mohammad al-Makki, and another o 3 forty and a bull for the naming ceremony of Ahmad himself. o Ahmad's account of the wealth of his family could be exaggerated, and his description of the riches of his father may now be questioned in the light of what has been written by D'Escayrac de Ljiture, who had met Sh. Isma'il in El-Obeid in 18^9*^

The Early Life of Sh. Ismg'Il

Sh. IsmS'Il was born the eldest son in a family of four, two boys and two girls.^ Famous though his predecessors might have been before,

1.. See Tabaqat, ed., Y.F. Hasan, notice No.7^* p.15^* 2. Ahmad al-Azhari, KhuTEt§dt aZ-iqtibds, p.32. 3. Ibid.s p.30. U. D'Escayrac de I?uture,.Le des&rt et le Soudan, pp.1^7-8. 5. See genealogical tables, Appendix A* belowSh. Isma'il's mother remarried later, and thus he had another half’-brother called Muhammad Dollb. 50

the reputation and power of the family when Sh. Isma’il was horn by 1792, had surely declined and its fame was evidently reduced. His father ’Abdullahi was hardly known in El-Obeid and he could scarcely make any claim to a reputable position in that region, either by virtue of his wealth or his piety. After his death he was even further neglected, and very -little is now known about him; not even the place in which he was buried.

1Abdullahi was the first member of the family to settle in Kordofan.

He came there as a trader, and then made his home in El-Obeid where his

son Isma’il was destined to revive the family reputation under a new name. The circumstances in which 'Abdullahi had left Dongola are not clear, and the works of al-Azhari and Shuqair give very little help in this connection. In fact, Ahmad’s account takes us through the history of the family, both in Dongola and Kordofan, as though they were one and the same region, and he does not make any reference to a 2 change in the social or economic status of that family. Shuqair deals with them in two different places in his book, and treats them as two different groups, that of al-Faqih Bushara and that of Sh. Isma’il, without making any effort to bridge the gap between them. He makes a reference to the change of the family fortune, and clearly states that their once famous W s h has now been reduced to ruins; but he does

not attempt to explain how and when it happened, nor does he venture to suggest any link between this change of fortune and 'Abdullahi's

emigration from Dongola. 'Abdullahi’,s emigration and the loss of

power and prestige of his family, should not, however, be considered in

1. N. Shuqair, Ta'r'Ckhj' 1/3-39 • 2. See A. al-Azhari, Khxilasat al'~iqtfCb^sa p.32, 3. N. Shuqair, 1/&5 and 1/139. 51

isolation of what was taking place in that region in the second half of the eighteenth century0 The decline of the Funj sultanate, the raids of the Shayqiya and the disruption of trade along the Nile, referred to earlierhad all contributed to the emigration of many inhabitants out of Dongola. The departure of the family of Bushara should be viewed in the light of this exodus. 'Abdullahi, probably the head of the remaining family of Bushara, then very much reduced in wealth and power, was part of the waves of riverain tribesmen whose fortunes had turned in their homeland and who were coming to

Kordofan looking for a new and better life. It was in such a modest family of a riverain frontiersman that Sh. Isma'il was bom, rather than the big and wealthy one which is suggested in al-Azharl's account.

As a young boy, Sh, Isma'il started his education in the Khalwa and showed a great interest and desire to learn. He memorized the

Qur'an even before reaching manhood. In addition to that, he learnt

Arabic, religious laws and related subjects. He must have studied under a number of known faqths who were teaching in El-Obeid at that time, like al-Hajj 'Arab! Makkawi, al-Faqih Dalil and others; but * neither Sh, Isma'il, nor his son Ahmad, ever mentioned any of those who taught Sh. Isma'il by name. Rather than that, Sh. Isma'il states

"....I was educated at the hands of some eminent, respectable and pious shaykhs from whom I learnt some of the earthly sciences like usiil9 f'iqk^ 2 ancillfSiry subjects and suchlike". Ahmad who at one time went out of

1. See Chap.I, p.36, above. See also, R. O'Fahey and J. Spaulding, Kingdoms9 78-82. 2. See Isma'il, al-'JUhud al-Wafiyaj p.^. 52

- _ _ l his way to give a lengthy account of Ibrahim al-Bulad, the teacher of his grandfather Bushara al-Gharbawi, declines to mention any of those who taught his father. This silence about the teachers of Sh.

Ismael may be intended to strengthen the idea, often advocated by his descendants and followers, that his real education was of a higher status and that it was Him Ladurvi i.e., given directly from God. Getting this Him ladiavi is one of the greatest privileges to which a fa q th may aspire, since it raises him to a status close to 2 that of al-Khadir who is very highly regarded by the Sufis; and also associates him with the Prophet Muhammad who did not have any formal education. Claims to this special privilege have been made by many fa q ih s in the Sudan and the Tabaqat of Wad Dayf Allah has a number of 3 these to tell. Sh. Isma'il's desire to be associated with this special heavenly knowledge is expressed in a number of his writings in which he explains how these favours may descend by the grace of

God on a person if he works rightly and hard for that purpose. He 1* showed how he himself had done that, and how he was rewarded.

As a young man, Sh. Isma'il spent most of his life in Kordofan and never left it for any other place in search of knowledge, and so his education was limited to what he could get in that part of the

Sudan at that time. This was limited to the traditional Islamic subjects which begin with the memorization of the whole, or some parts

1. 'Ms. Ahmad al-Azhari, Khulasat al~%qtibas, p.33-*^. 2. The story which is often quoted in support of this Hlrn^ ladim't is that of al-Khadir in Qur'an (l8:65)^ ” ff See" also J. Wensinck, ”Al-Khadir”, Encyclopedia of. Islam, 11, 2, 86l-5. 3. See for example, Tabaqat, ed. Y.F. Hasan, p.^1, notices of Shaykh Idris b. al-Arbab, Shaykh Hasan wad Husuna, and p.51 Shaykh Muhammad al-Hanum. k. See Isma'il, a l- TUhud al-Wafiya, Ms. Sud.Gov. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1/1315. 5 3

of the Our1 an and Traditions, then Fi-qh and Tawhtd, then a few related 1 subjects like Arabic, arithmetic and a little astrology. The teachers of these subjects were unoriginal, uncreative and very limited in scope to the ideas which they found in the orthodox Islamic literature, which they learnt and reproduced without any discussion.

The majority of these faqths did not take teaching as a full-time profession, and they often mixed it with trade or agricultural activities.

This left them very little time to devote to the luxury of studies in philosophy, science or any such controversial subjects. Even in the orthodox Islamic subjects of usut (Qur'an and Sunna), fiqh (religious law) and tawhtd (theology) no critical studies of the standard texts had been attempted. Thus the Bftoala of Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qirawani 2 3 (d.996), and at-Mukhtasar (abridgement) by Khalil (d.l3T*0, were . ^ considered the pinnacles of learning in f i q h and the three tracts of al-Sanusi al-Maghribi were the climax in al-Tawhtd, No one ever dared to question their contents, express a personal opinion or pass a judgment on the value of knowledge presented by the authors of these books. Any faqth who could only manage to write a Sharh (commentary), a hashiya (glossary), or an tkht'Csar (abridgement) was highly praised • • 5 for that kind of effort.

1. Sh, Isma'il, at-rUhud at-Waftya, p.^, referring to the subjects which he had studied there mentioned the usut (i.e. Qur'an and Sunna), Ftqh and ata (ancilliary subjects) 2. Abdullahi Abu Muhammad b. Abi Zayd al-Qia&an-^, one of the most prominent shaykhs of the Maliki madhhdbs wrote a number of books and tracts, most famous of which was his at-Ri-sata. 3. Khalil b. Ishaq b. Musa b. Shu'ayb is another famous Maliki shaykh in Egypt.". He composed his Mukhifasar in this madhhab and became famous for it. * 4. These are known as (a) Risatat ahl at~tawhtd; (b) Umm al-barahtn or al-Sanus'Cya at-Sughva; and (c) at-Murshtda or at-Sanus'iya a Wusta, 5. See Tabaqat, ed., Y.F. Hasan, notice No.228, p.3^+5, Mukhtar b. ? Muhammadft Jodat Alla. 54

Kordofan did not see any "blossoming of Islamic schools like those of the Funj sultanate in Dongola and the Gezira, hut a few students from Kordofan who sought education in those comparatively older Islamic centres came hack to their homes to set up their own Khalwas. In

Tabaqat we are told that Jodat Alla"*" of Ban I Muhammad who lived in al- * Zalata, north-east of El-Obeid, in Dar-al-Rih, had come to study in the

- 2 Gezira under al-Faqih Muhammad al-Qaddal. He then returned and established his own centre there and after his death his son Mukhtar 3 continued his work. Then there were Joda and al-Duma of BanI 'Umran, who studied under Shaykh Sughayrun in al-Qoz near Shendi. These names mentioned in the Tabaqat should not, however, lead us to think that they have made any new contributions or innovations. Their Khalwas were not more than smaller copies of the original centres where they had studied.

Thus Sh. Isma'il in Kordofan, could only come in touch with a limited religious and cultural experience. The effect of this on his tariqa was to make it also very limited and very much localized in outlook.

The next stage in Sh. Isma'il's life was when he himself became a faqih. In addition to teaching the Qur'an to the young children, he was devoting much of his time to the recitation of the Qur'an, praying for the Prophet and other acts of worship. One function of the faqih, however, did not appeal to him and he very much disapproved of it: that is, the writing of amulets. Though it was a very lucrative job at that time, he considered it degrading to use the verses of Qur'an to harm 5 some people or to achieve some worldly gains.

1. Ibid.j notice Ho.6o(A), p.130. 2. Ibid»3 notice Ho.20, p.79* 3. Ibid*ji notice N o .6o (b ), p.130. h. Ibid*3 notice No.l^, p.73. 5. See Sh. Isma'il, TahdhZr al-Saliktn, Ms. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), l/82/133^<> 55

At this stage, Sh* Isma'il was following an energetic devotional life0 He tells us that he was subjectiiig himself to a very rigorous discipline by keeping the nights reciting the Qur'an and praying for the Prophet. Sometimes he would recite the whole Book, and at others he would read only parts of it; then after finishing that he would turn to the prayer for the Prophet until the break of dawn.'*' He 2 continued to do so until he met Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani who initiated him in the Khatimiyya tariqa* a When Muhammad 'Uthman came to Kordofan in Shawwal (Shawwal 1231/

September l8l6) Sh. Isma'il became one of his devoted followers. Once initiated, Sh. Isma'il showed much enthusiasm and soon became a very active member in the order. Muhammad 'Uthman was so impressed by his o devotion that he chose him to be a muvshid (director) and encouraged him to attract more people to their tarzqa„ During Muhammad’ 'Uthman's • • absence in the Gezira, Sh. Isma'il exerted himself in recruiting followers, and in organizing the tarZqa. When Muhammad 'Uthman • o returned to El-Obeid, he found that Sh. Isma'il had, as he puts it,

"....set the tccrZqa in the most perfect form and in the best organization. I recruited many followers who are keenly bent on worshipping God and eagerly seeking gnosis. While he was still with us, I attained perfection and before his departure I attended the hadrdt [eolloquia of saints] and became one of the heads of the diwan • [register of saints] by the Grace of God. I became a master directing to God and leading towards Him".

1. See Sh. Isma'il, al-Whud al-Waf%ya9 p.5 2. Muhammad 'Uthman I al-Mirghani,- was one of the disciples of Ahmad b. Idris who was sent to propagate his ideas in the Sudan. There he (al-Mighani) managed to establish his own tavtqa, which came to be known as al-Khatmiyya. 3. Sh. Isma'il, al^lVhtid al-Wafiya, p.5. 56

Muhammad 'Uthman's stay in Kordofan was not long enough to establish a firm base for his tariqa or a strong bond with the people of that region. In all he stayed for about three years and three months and even these three years were interrupted by a visit of some months to the Gezira.'1' In his efforts to establish the Khatmiyya tariqa and recruit people to it, therefore, Sh. Isma’il was depending • on his own power of persuasion. This must have tempted him to think of establishing his own tariqa even while Muhammad ’ Uthman was still * « in Kordofan, especially as Muhammad ’Uthman was the same age as he, « and had established his tariqa in the same way by breaking away from ■ his Shaykh Ahmad b. Idris. These temptations are betrayed in his

claim that he had attained the status of sainthood only seven months 2 after having been initiated in the t a n q a <> He suppressed these

intentions, however, because he did not want to risk any conflict with his shaykh and followers at that time. Thus, while Muhammad TUthman was in Kordofan and for a short time after his departure, Sh. Isma’il was torn between his desire to break away and announce his own tariqa and his obligation and loyalty to his shaykh. He thus states, ”..,.So the Divine orders were heaped upon me in conformity with the Prophetic permission that I should bring out my own tariqa from the intimate place of visions of my drinking place at my spring, and thereby enable the disciples to travel to the Presence of the Lord. I held back from

doing so in respect to my honourable shaykh ...0hoping that I might be

relieved of these orders from above”. He could only extricate himself

1. Sh. Isma’il, al-TUhud al-Wafiya, p.6. 2. Ibid. Sh. Isma’il also mentioned in Miftah Taab al .dukhul , p.l+, that in 1235 - i.e., the last days of Muhammad ’Uthman in Kordofan - he was favoured with aZ-fatty aZ-rabbarvt• 3. Sh. Isma'il, al-rUhud al-Wafiya9 Ms. Sud0Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/8/1315. 57

from this dilemma by claiming that the act of "breaking away from his shaykh was "by a Divine order which neither he nor anybody else could ignore or disobey. Even a delay in its implementation had already resulted in catastrophes which fell on the people of Kordofan and on him personally. It was only after obeying these orders that, as he states, "The sufferings and miseries were lifted, when I declared it, by Divine Assistance and matters were set in order".'*'

The catastrophes to which Sh. Isma'il referred coincided with the departure of Muhammad 'Uthman in about 1235/1819-20. Shortly after his departure the Turco-Egyptian armies invaded Kordofan and overran

Bara and El„0beid in two bloody battles. The rule of Muhammad Bey al-Daftardar which followed was very harsh and destructive, Sh.

Isma'Il's personal tragedy came in 1237/1821-2^ when he was confined to prison for three days. Why Sh, Isma'il was imprisoned is not explained and how he came to be released after three days also remains unknown to us. Much attention is given to the mystical connotations of that incident, how Sh. Isma'il had known beforehand what was going to happen and in the end, the whole episode is told as one of the hxvamas of Sh, Isma'il. In this respect, the story of the imprisonment of Sh. Isma'il is very similar to that of Sayyidi Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili in Tunisia known as the story of Bayt al-avba f7Ln in which also a story of the imprisonment of a shaykhj Sayyidi Abu

1. Sh. Isma'il, al-'Uhud at-Wafiya^ p.6. 2. Sh. Isma'il in fact does not give any date for this incident in any of his writings. Ahmad never even mentions it. The above date is arrived at from what is said by AbiT al-Fadla and Abd al- HafTz, that after his release he went to_the Nuba mountains and that at that time his eldest son al-Makki was born. 58

al-Hasan, is related with much emphasis on the religious and mystical connotations and is then turned into a hzrama of that saint.**-

After his release from prison, Sh. Isma’il went into a self- 2 imposed seclusion in the Nuba Mountains in Kundukur and Kundukaira.

It was during this period that Sh. Isma’il began to think seriously of forming his own tariqa* He was by this time free from the direct influence of his shayl

1237/1821-2 - which were followed by many others after that. By

1239/1823-2U, his writings betrayed a feeling of frustration and dissatisfaction with the religious and political situation around him. — ■ 3 His Intidham al-vi'asa was an expression of his desire for change.

The ideas of an expected saviour - al-Mahdi or al-Khatim - which were k becoming very popular in the Sudan at that time, inspired him to write

1. In its popular form, the story of Abu al-Hasan, as related in the Tunisian magazine al-Ua'rifa3 1. 5, p.3^0,, has borrowed much from the Qur’anic. story_ofTAhl' al-KHaf. ".Abu al-Hasan and his disciples were said to have been kept in prison for forty days without food and water, and when they came to take them, they were found to be safe and healthy. 2. These are two small villages situated in the deep south-western part of the Nuba mountains. r See map Appendix B, below. 3. Sh0 Isma’il, Khayfiyyat intidliam al-ri rasa li abnd ’ al-dimya ahl al-Siyasa3 Sud. Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82 unnumbered . See Chap.Ill, p.71-2 below; also M.I. Abu Salim, al~Haraka al-fikriyya3 pp,U-10. 59

three tracts on this subject. In these he expressed an anxiety about

the state of affairs around him and indicated the way they were going

to be corrected through a proper return to God and the Islamic

principles. On his part he was taking some practical steps in this

direction. He tells us that by that time, 1239/l823-2it, he was

beginning to lay the foundations of his tariqa* Some of awvact at-

tariqa and its khatwa had already been written then. The announcement

of the new 'tariqa, however, had to wait for another two years, until

12^1/1825-26.

In addition to his own desires, a number of factors had favoured

the breaking away of Sh. Isma'il from the Khatmiyya and the declaration

of his own tariqa on that date.

The first of these was the position of the Khatmiyya as a tariqa

in Kordofan. Though Muhammad 'Uthman did not meet in Kordofan the « enmity and aggression with which he was met in Dongola and the Gezira,

neither did he win the hearts of the people completely, since his stay with them was not long. Then soon his followers began to lose the

sympathy of the people as the Khatmiyya moved closer and closer towards

the new oppressive governmentD The favouritism with which their 2 KhaVtfds were treated began to alienate them from the people. So

Sh. Isma'il would do better by dissociating himself from the Khatmiyya

without offending them.

The second factor is that some of the followers of Muhammad 'Uthman Q were said to have tried to spoil the good relationship between him and

1. Sh. Isma'il, (a) al-Lam1 at-badt ran kashf haqZqat at-Khatim wal- imam at-ftadi; (b) Zarni* al-Kalim wa wajiz al-nadTm ft"ma,rifat at sayyid at-imam al-hadi wat-Khatim; (c) at-Bayan at-Kamit ft m a rvifat al-kawkab at-fcuftt at-imam at-Mahdt wat-Khatim at-shamit tiasvar al-faliT wat-nazit. 2. See our Chap.Ill on the Isma'iliyya and the Mahdia, p. 8^* 60

Sh, Isma’il. They went ahout telling Muhammad ’Uthman many o unfavourable things about Sh, Isma’il hoping that he might dismiss him from his position as a murshid (director) in the tartqa, A group of these are associated with one of the miracles of Sh, Isma’il.

These were called Jamdrat Rayra,who were said to have gone all the way to

Kasala to convince Muhammad ’Uthman that Sh. IsmS’il was not worthy of * his favours. They never returned, but died of thirst in Rayra, a small village in Eastern Sudan. Sh. Isma’il refers to these groups in some of his writings and expressed his feelings and concern about them.

By declaring his own tartqa he would have no need to take any notice of such people.

The third factor was that by 12^1/1825-26, conditions in Kordofan were favourable to take this step without fear of reprisal from the government or acts of repression. By this time the notorious Daftardar had left the country, and his harsh and unjust rule was replaced by a more tolerable one. Muhammad ’Ali Pasha was beginning to think of establishing some sort of good government and stop the unjustified harshness.

The establishment of the Tartqa

Though no specific reason can be cited to explain why he decided to declare his tariqa in 12^1/1825-26, the choice of the last ten days of Ramadan in that year is significant. These are some of the most important days in the Muslim calendar. Laylat al-qadr ’’The Night of

1. See Sh. Isma’il, Mustl al-ishkalj and also Wastyyat al-Muhtbbtn ft garar al-ri^sa li'l saltktn. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82 unnumbered and 1/82/132U. 61

Power” in which the Qur’an descended to earth is an unspecified night in the last days of Ramadan. Many popular beliefs are associated with it, and many good happenings are attributed to that special night.

Muslims worship until very late in the last ten nights of Ramadan in the hope of meeting with some of its favours.

The new tartqa - the Isma’Iliyya - was no different in many aspects from the Khatmiyya. A comparison between the two may show this great interrelationship. There are only some minor differences in their awrad9 their Khalwas and their organizations and administration.

The Sanad ’’spiritual support”, i.e., bases of teaching of the Khatmiyya tartqa has been summarized by Muhammad 'Uthman in the expression

Naqshbandiyya, Qadriyya, Shaziliyya,

Junaidiyya and Mirghaniyya tartqas. For his sanad Sh. Isma’il simply took the same with some rearrangement of the letters and added one to represent the Khatmiyya. Then he summarized:it in the expression

Nadshqamkh Sh0 Isma'il further added that for his sanad he depended entirely on that of his Shaykh Muhammad ’Uthman and o that they both in turn depended heavily on the sanad of the

Naqshbandiyya ’’....and the sanad on which we mainly depend now is one sanad in the Rqashbandiyya tartqa from which all our adHkdr are borrowed sometimes in shape as well as in meaning”.^

As for the stlstla ’’chain of spiritual descent”, Sh. Isma’il again took that of the Khatmiyya and states that he is connected to it through

Muhammad ’Uthman. Then he added that in addition he had a closer and more important one to Abu Bakr al-Siddiq and ’All ibn Abi Talib and

1. Ms. Sh. Isma’il, al-Sanad wa aT-tJasa^ Sud.Govt, Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1309. even a still closer contact directly with the Prophet since some of

his litanies had come directly from him.

The procedure of initiating the murid "novice", in both tartqas

is basically the same with very insignificant differences. The

aspirant is asked in both to make an ablution on Monday: at noon, then

pray two rak'as reciting in the first one al-fatiha (Qur’an l) and

al-KhafirUn (Qur’an 109); in the second he reads al-fatiha and

al-nasr (Qur’an 110) in the Khatmiyya or al-fatiha and al-ikhlas • « • (Qur'an 112) in the Isma’Iliyya. Then he is given a collection of

awrad "litanies” which may keep him busy for a day or two. All this

is considered to be a muqaddima "introduction”. After going through

this muqaddima^ he makes another ablution on a Wednesday noon, and his

shccykh prompts him in the dhikr and instructs him in the asczs (basic

litanies); and lets him take the covenant.^

The awrad "litanies” of the Khatmiyya are very elaborate and

detailed. Sh„ Isma’il, though, sometimes used the same wording, managed to shorten these and rearranged some of them. Thus the asds

which Muhammad ’Uthman presents in eight pages is cut down to one page

by Sh. Isma'il. In al-Tawassul "supplication", which is in verse,

al-Tahajjud "all-night prayers”, and al-rmmdydh "meditation”, the

wording and construction are different, but the essence and meaning

are the same. One dhikr, that is al-dhikr al-Qalbt, which Sh.

Isma’il says is the basic litany of the tartqa seems to be original

and different in many ways. It describes in seven pages how the

follower should approach the dhikr, how to sit for it, what to say

1. For more details on Isma’iliyya initiation procedure see Sh. Isma’il, al-TUhud al-Wafiya, p.6. For that of the Khatmiyya, see Muhammad 'Uthman, May mu f al-awrad3 p. 62. 63

and what to expect from it in reward if it is performed in the right manner.'*'

The Khalwa "seclusion” in "both tariqas follows the same pattern also. A worshipper should choose a clean place in which he will retire; make the ablution and when entering that place he should step with the right foot first. While reciting his litanies he

should always keep his eyes closed, keep the image of his shaykh in 2 his mind and continually recall his name in prayers.

As for the organization and administration of the tartqa, the

Ismal'Iliyya .was limited by two factors in its initial stage: the experience and organizational ability of its founder, and the boundaries of its influence. The only experience Sh. Isma'il had in this respect was gained from Muhammad 'Uthman and from his experience ♦ as a faq-ih in a Khalwa in El-Obeid. The influence of the tarZqa in * the time of Sh. Isma'il did not spread very far beyond the boundaries of Kordofan, and particularly the areas round El.Obeid. For these reasons the need did not arise for any elaborate structure or complicated

administration. When he needed, Sh. Isma'il borrowed freely from the

Khatmiyya system and terminology; and until his death, the

Isma'Iliyya was administered like a big household. The present

organization of the Isma'ailiyya owes much more to its first KhaVifa 3 Muhammad al-Makki than to its founder Sh. Isma'il.

1. Sh. Isma'il, al-Whud^ pp.20-26. 2. For his Khalwa of the Isma'Iliyya, see Sh. Isma'il, Mashariq Shurnus al-anwar, pp.162-68, and for that of the Khatmiyya see Muhammad 'Uthman, Maymu1 al~awrad9 p.63-66. 3. This will come in detail in our- Chap.V below on the organization and administration of the tartqa. 64

The Writings of Sh. Isma'il

By 1257/18^2-3 the Tsma'iliyya tartqa was well established in

Kordofan and Sh. Isma'il was able to let his son Muhammad al-Makki take charge so that he could go on pilgrimage. When he returned to

El-Obeid, he decided to retire in the Khalwa for a life of literary activity, as he considered this to be of the highest importance for the propagation and preservation of his ideas and tartqa, ”....whoever desires to see the greatness of our tariqa and our command of the secrets of all the other tarlqas, should read our writings..because 0 my books carry my thoughts wherever they may be while I live or after my death”. The next twenty years or so after his return from pilgrimage were thus devoted mainly to writing. When he died, Sh,

Isma'il left behind a great wealth of works, most of which remain in manuscript0§

His works followed the pattern of development in his character and the phases through which he had passed in his life. Thus they reflect three stages from the time he is said to have started writing in 1237/1821-2, until his death in 1280/l8$3 o

The first of these is the period 1237/l821-12Ul/l825). These were troubled years in which Sh. Isma'il's life was in turmoil and his character undergoing a great deal of change. His initiation in the tariqa had introduced him to the ideas of Sufism in which he became absorbed, but these were still raw in his mind and still undigested. He was personally troubled by his conflicting desires

1. Sh. Isma'il, al-tW'Hd al-Wafiya9 p.11. 2. He is reported to have written about b5 books and tracts. For list see Appendix C., Of these, seven at least have been printed. See Trimingham, Isldm, p.235s n.2. 65

of declaring his awn tartqa and keeping loyal to his Shaykh Muhammad • • 'Uthman, He was further troubled by the coming of the Turco-Egyptian

armies, which not only conquered Kordofan and subjected it to many miseries, but also affected his own personal life by committing him

to prison for three days. He was restless and felt insecure, a matter which led him to leave El-Obeid in 1237/1821-2, and travel

far south in the Uuba mountains to Kundukur and Kundukaira. His

writings during this period thus reflected these conflicts and this

disturbed character.^ Some of them were only primitive attempts at

tackling some of the Sufi ideas to which he was newly introduced, and

others were an expression of his hidden feelings towards the new 2 invaders and his longing for an expected saviour. His ideas m

this period were not original, but a poor reproduction of what he had

learnt as a faqth and as a newcomer to Sufism. He made no attempts

to discuss these ideas or challenge their argumentation. His style

was familiar, easy and close to the minds of the semi-illiterate

people of Kordofan. The words were easy and of everyday use - sometimes

colloquial - and composed in short sentences with sweet ornamental

rhythmic sounds of saj f. His experience as a faqth teaching in the

Khalwa accounts very much for this simplicity and choice of easy words.

The second period which marks the development in Sh. Isma'il's

literary activity is 12Ul/l825-125l/l8U2, which is dominated mainly by

his attempts to establish his own tartqa and find his place among the

1. Examples of these are Munyat al-Hiillab ft tafsier^ qawlthtm^ftlm al~%ah£r lit jab in 1237/1822, and Rtsalat al-Kamal ft adhwaq al- rtjal 1238/1823^ _ 2. See al-lam* aWadt ran khasf haqtqat al-khattm wafl tmam al-hadts 1239/182*+ and Kayftyat tntldlfam al~rt*dsa It abna* al-dunya ahl aV styasa9 1239/182*+. 66

Sufi shaykhs. His Sufi ideas were now well developed and digested, and

He "became familiar with many mystical terms and versed in technical

Sufi expressions. His social position now changed, and not only in

El-Oheid, "but also through the whole of Kordofan and parts of Darfur.^"

His audience also changed, and instead of addressing the simple and common people, he was now addressing Sufis whom^ he was trying to impress and convince in their own field using their own ideas and style. According to these new developments, the nature of his writings changed. They now showed a greater tendency towards mysticism and Sufism. His style followed the same pattern. The topics which he chose to tackle in this period were related mainly to his tarZqa and showing his tendency to he independent. His words ■ became more flowery and his expressions more ornamental. His use of some vague terms, complicated phrases and a lot of Sufi vocabulary was intended to give these writings an atmosphere of mysticism and place them outside the range of the ordinary person.

The final stage of development in his writings came in 1260/18^3-

1280/l863o Now Sh. IsmStil is mature, confident, no longer excited, under no pressure from the government or from his relationship with his Shaykh Muhammad TUthman, and above all,his tarZqa is now • o recognized and his respectable place in the society is ensured. His pilgrimage to Mecca had added to his experience and increased his knowledge. All this is reflected in his writings which now show more

substance, greater depth, and a better approach to the subjects discussed. When dealing with a sophisticated topic, he followed his

1. D'Escayrac de Lauture, Le Desirt et Ze Soudan3, pp.U^T-8. 67

arguments intelligently .and consistently, even making sure that they are supported "by appropriate verses from the Qurtan, some Traditions and some quotations from known and respectable authorities. Though many of the ideas he presented in these writings were part of the Sufi culture, his approach to them is original and different."^

On the topics related to his tartqa, this maturity is also » reflected and his clarity of mind shown. He retraced his steps soberly, reassessing his previous works, giving them a new appreciation and presenting them in a better shape. Thus he took all his dispersed awrad (litanies), arranged them according to the days of the week and times of the day, and then explained clearly and convincingly why he did 2 that in a well-argued introduction. The arguments he presented in these writings are also sound and systematic. His attitude in this period in contrast to the previous one is that of persuasion and by producing convincing arguments rather than threatening his opponents and promising them trouble and addressing them in mystical and complicated language. Here again in this period he carefully supports his arguments by quotations from the Qur’an, the Sunna and known authorities, because he thought that any work which is not authenticated - 3 is considered to be unsound, even to !uZamdf aZ-rusum (earthly sciences).

His enthusiasm for quotation is only equalled by his attention to dates.

He very carefully punctuated the development of his career by fixing dates, marking every important event in his lifec He is so obsessed by

1. .For example, see Sh. Isma’il, Mashdrtq, pp.60-TT9 for his approach to the ideas of aZ-WiZayaj aZ-’Uruj (ascension) and his description of aZ-marattb of aZ-IsZam3 aZ-Iman and aZ-Ihsan. 2. See Sh. Ismaf il, Rawdat aZ-saZtktn. 3. See Sh, Isma’il, aZ-rUhud al“Wcif'£yas'pmlO» the importance of dates that he is careful to mention the day and even the time of the day on -which a particular incident had taken place* Thus, in sho-wing how he came to write one of his books he says, M****And then on the blessed Monday eighteen days before the end of Ramadan 1263 A*H*, an idea flashed in my mind that I should collect all the prayers which I had written before in one book1*.

To close this chapter on the founder of the IsmePiliyya, it may be stated that, although his pedigree represents him as a descendent of honourable and very wealthy ancestors, Sh* Isma1!! himself was born and grew up in a modest family* It was through his own efforts, rather than an inherited fame that the Ismafiliyya was established in Kordofan* His education was limited to the study of traditional

Islamic literature, Arabic and a few anci^Hary subjects, and his cultural experience did not go beyond what he could get in Kordofan.at that time, which was neither original nor stimulating* It was through his contact with Muhammad Uthman al-Mirghani that he was first o introduced to Sufism, in which he was destined to make some contribution to the Sudanese society*

It was these elements of his family background, his educational experience and his cultural contacts that determined the development of

Sh* Isma'ilTs character, the quality of his writing and the nature of his tartqa.

1* Sh* Isma'il, Eawdat al-Salikin, introduction* o 6 9

'CHAPTER- III

THE ISMA'ILIYYA AUD THE MAHDIA

The Isma’iliyya were one of the many Sudanese families which towards the "beginning of the nineteenth century tended to he satisfied with their limited role as religious teachers and their place as faq'ths in the society. The founder of the family (under this name) ghaykh

Isma’il al-Wali was, at most, hoping to establish his reputation as a faqth in the new community of Kliordofan and at best to revive the prestige and fame of his ancestors as far back as al-Faqih Bushara al-Gharbawu in Dongola, through whom he claimed descent from al-TAbbas, the uncle of the Prophet.1

Isma'il was successful in gaining a good reputation for himself and his family, Le Comte d'Escayrac de Lauture, who met him in El-Obeid in

18^9 , was very much impressed by the holiness of his life, his active and heartfelt charity, and his religious teachings; qualities which earned him a reputation celebrated as far as Darfur. The Comte observed that the people of El-Obeid, where Isma'il had made his.home, professed a profound veneration for him, and that even the government officials, who did not do the same with others, were very polite with him: ,TI saw one of them recently arriving from Cairo, show him respect such as Turks rarely show to natives, or soldiers to faqths. As he approached, this governor, who was a colonel, rose, went to receive him at his palace-gate, and kissed his. hand".

1, See Chapter II, pp. 39 and Ul*-6, above 2. D'Escayrac de Lauture, Le desevt et te Soudan, pp„ 1^7-8* trans. P.M. Holt. 7 0

The satisfaction of the -Ismalliyya with their limited role of the traditional faqth's family is further illustrated by some of the writings of Sho IsmaTil himself. In his at-'Uhud al-WaftyaJ^ he states that until he met al-Sayyid Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani, he was content with + the recitation of the Qur'an, prayer, the study of some religious and 2 earthly sciences and teaching the children of Muslims - a typical attitude of a faqth of that time. He made no effort to go and look for any new role or any new idea like some of his contemporaries, such as Sh. Ahmad al-Tayyib al-Bashir and Muhammad al-Maj dhub al-Saghir, who * • • * went to Mecca about 1800 and were influenced by some of the reformist ideas.

Two developments combined to bring about some very important changes in the history of the Isma'Iliyya. The first of these was Sh. Isma'il's contact with Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani (al-Kablr) who introduced him to the Sufi ideas and initiated him in the tartqa in Shawwal 1231/

August l8l6, a matter which is discussed elsewhere. The second was the contact of the Isma'Iliyya with the Mahdia. The present chapter examines the various factors that affected the relationship between the

Isma'Iliyya as a family, as a tartqa and as individuals, and the Mahdia.

Then it deals with the effects of the Mahdia on the family structure, and thirdly with its effects on the structure of the tartqa.

The relationship between the Isma'Iliyya and the Mahdia was determined on the one hand by the nature and development of the Mahdia, and on the other by the reactions of the Isma'Iliyya to that movement throughout the various phases of its development.

1. Sh.Isma'Il, al-'rUhud al-Waftya3 Sud.Govt, Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1315. 2. Ibid,, p.H. 3. See Chapter II, pp.55-7. 71

The Nature Of 'the Mahdia

The Mahdia was a revolutionary movement both in its religious and political contexts. It sought to revive the Faith and to reform society by uprooting the existing social and political systems and establishing an ideal Islamic utrma governed by the Short*a. To do that, the Mahdi claimed an authority for his actions derived directly from God and the

Prophet, by divine inspiration, which was unrestricted by any worldly powers. Thus, by taking the title of Khalifat Rasul Allah, Muhammad

Ahmad, the Mahdi of the Sudan, was challenging the authority of the

Khedive and asserting a higher sanction for his acts over the authority of the Khedival administration. By assuming the title of Imam al-Muslimin, he claimed special initiative (igtihad)^ in the interpretation of the Qur'an and the Sunna unchecked by any established madhhab or any religious institution.

By the nature of his movement, therefore, Muhammad Ahmad was in • o direct conflict with the existing establishment, the Khedival officials and troops, and with the official religious institutions, the cadre of

rUlamal, the qdcHs and muftis who compromised with the administration and • . gave it moral support. The former he called al-Turk and to the latter he gave the term rulamdf al-Sur,

On the other hand, Muhammad Ahmad found immediate support from those * t who had suffered socially and politically under the existing system, and the Mahdist ideas were readily accepted and propagated by the faqths9 shaykhs3 tartqas and the common people who had looked forward to his manifestation • as a saviour from the tyranny and injustices of their Turco-Egyptian oppressors, and had expected his appearance at that time. Reflecting

1. See P.M. Holt, The Mahdist Statej, p.122, note 2. I

7 2

these attitudes of the common people, Yusuf MikhafIl described the state of affairs in El-Obeid at that time in these words, "One would hear nothing but curses on the rulers and on everyone who controlled one of the government departments. Indeed by the will of God Most

High, most people, both men and women, began to ask: Isn't there a

Mahdi for us? Isn't it said that this is the right time for the reappearance of the Mahdi?"’*' Then when these heard of Muhammad Ahmad, • * they did not go, like the 'wZama'jto test him or to look for the canonical criteria of the True Mahdi but, in Yusuf Mikha'Il's words,

"....they came to him in large numbers for his blessing..,."

Attitudes towards the Sudaru^C Mahdia and loyalty to its ideals were also influenced and modified by the progress of that movement in

stages from a religious reformist organization, through a short phase of a theocracy, to an autocracy under the Khalife,'Abdullahi al-Ta'ishl.

In its initial stages thus, when Muhammad Ahmad was mainly a faqth and « # a religious reformer, his movement appealed to the faqths, Sufis and shaykhs of tartqas. His earliest associates - who later came to be known as Abkav al-Mahdi (the first born of the Mahdi) - were from amongst these.

After 1881, the movement developed a political and militant attitude, thus attracting to its support groups of people who were motivated not

only by religious enthusiasm, but also by political and economic reasons.

The Mahdi provided a link between religious, social and political grievances, "Verily these Turks.0..judged by other than God's revelation

and altered the Shari'a of Our Lord Muhammad, the Apostle of God and

corrupted the Faith of God and placed poll tax {al-gizya) on your necks

1. Y. Mikha'Il, Memotrs3 trans. S.M,'Nurr p.68. 2. Ibtd.A p. 3. The significance of this is that dt~jizya is levied on the non-Muslims. 73

together with the rest of the Muslims. 0 0 .Verily the Turks would drag away your men in chains, imprison them in fetters, take captive your women and children... „Moreover, they had no mercy upon the small among you nor respect for the great among you”.’1' Amongst the chief supporters of the Mahdia at this stage were the jallaba. These were men of riverain origin, mainly Ja,aliyyi^i| and Danaqla, who came to settle in the Western Sudan as traders, particularly in slaves, and as carriers of Arah and Islamic culture.

Two things are worth emphasizing ahout the attitude of these jallSba: the first is that their active support of the Mahdia was in marked contrast to the passive attitude of their kinsmen who remained 2 in their original homelands; and the second is that this support originated from a negative rather than a positive motivation. They were mainly inspired hy a feeling of hatred towards a government which adopted a policy of suppression of their slave trade which was enforced hy Christian administrators, and they were motivated by a desire to get rid of that government rather than by a genuine belief in Muhammad

Ahmadfs Divine mission. These two factors may partly explain the lack of enthusiasm amongst these jallaba and their changed attitudes towards the Mahdia in its next phases after the fall of Khartoum in 1885. The final defeat of the hated Khedival government removed the main motive which attracted their euthusiastic support, and with the establishment of the new Mahdist capital in Omdurman, they came back nearer to their homelands and thus closer to the attitudes of their kinsmen.

1. Manshuratj, 1. 15-16; Ms. Wujumi, 7> trans. P.M. Holt ^Mahdist State, 2nd ed., p.110. 2. P.Mo Holt, ”The Place in History of the Sudanese Mahdia”, SNR,XLA 1959, p o109o 7 4

The next important date marking these stages in the development of the Mahdia -was 1885 in which Khartoum, the capital of the Khedival government fell (in January) and then Muhammad Ahmad, the leader of this • o movement died (in June). The call for a j'thdd. against a common enemy, and the charisma of Muhammad Ahmad were two very important unifying o o factors which kept the Ansar together. The fall of Khartoum, signifying o the defeat of the common enemy, removed one of these unifying factors, the death of al-Mahdi removed the other. After the death of al-Mahdi, the struggle for succession to the Kh’Ctdfa created a rift "between

!Abdullahi al-Ta'ishi and the Ashraf (relatives of the Mahdi). The

struggle was, however, settled in favour of 'Abdullahi, but by no means

could the rift between the Ansar be closed afterwards,, It even grew 0 wider and developed into a feeling of distrust between the Khalifa

Abdullahi and his kinsmen, the Baq_qara on the one hand, and Awlad al-

Balad (people of riverain origin) on the other. Events which followed

after 1885 led those two factions to drift further and further apart from

each other. Natural catastrophes^ and checks in military progress

before the fulfilment of the Mahdifs predictions, which promised the 2 - ... conquest of Egypt and Mecca, left the Ansar dismayed and disillusioned.

Gradually between 1885 and 1898, their religious zeal began to subside, and

their desire to establish a theocracy to give way to a form of secular

despotism depending on the military support of the Baq.qara. The

loyalty of Awlad al-Balad was more and more doubtful, and they were

further and further alienated as internal and external pressures continued

1. Most famous of these was maja'at sanat sitta, the famine of A.H, 1306 (1888/89)0 20 Prophetic vision of the Mahdi, referred to in P.M. Holt, The Mahdvst State, 2nd ed., p.112. 75

on the Khall£afs rule. Towards the closing years of the Mahdia, many of Awlad al-Balad were conspiring against the Khalifa and some riverain tribes rose in open rebellion against his rule.

The reaction of the IsmaTIliyya to the Mahdia and to the events that marked the various stages of its development was influenced by their tribal attachments, their religious and spiritual loyalties and by the attitudes of some important individuals among them.

The Tribal Attachment

The Bidayriyya to whom the family of Sh. Isma’il belong had shown much support and entlisiasm for the Mahdia from the start. Their famous 1 religious leaders, such as TAbd al-Rahxm bo Badawl Abu Safiyya and al- « Makki b. Sh. IsmaTil were amongst the earliest adherents of the Mahdi, and the Bidayriyya tribesmen were among the first groups to make successful raids against the government forces in Abu Haraz, al-Birka and other o 2 similar outposts m Kordofan. Their early support and enthusiasm were an expression of a protest against an intolerable Turco-Egyptian rule towards which they were feeling bitter and frustrated.

The Bidayriyya in Kordofan were a large sedentary tribe living around

El-Obeid as cultivators, traders and faqths. It was those three categories, more than any other, which felt the oppression and injustices of the Tur.co-Egyptian rule. Nomads could drive their herds and move out of the governments reach when they were pressed, but as sedentary people, 3 the Bidayriyya could only stay and bear the burden. As cultivators they

1. See Y. Mikha'il, Memoirs, trana,, S„M. Nur, p. 37. 2. P.M. Holt, The Mahdist State3 p.51. See also Slatin, Fire and Swords p.ll+5 for pro-Mahdist activities of the Bidayriyya, 3. P.M. Holt, A M o d e m History, 2nd ed., p.U3, observed that while the taxes levied on the settled riverain people were unbelievably onerous, there was no mention of a camel tax and that the nomads were practically outside government control. 76

found the government policies to he harmful in various 'ways. Because taxes were high and were mainly paid in cash, much of their effort was directed to the collection of that cash, either hy selling their slaves or hy engaging them in the collection of gum; hoth of which meant a shortage of labour on the farms. This in turn also led to much good land heing left uncultivated and to a great deal of reduction in output. And on top of all that, the government armies were an additional heavy burden on those people since the soldiers, who were always on the move in Kordofan, had to he fed hy the villages out of their continually depleted resources. Referring to the misery of these people, Pallme states,

tfo..olt is impossible to describe the cruelty with which the tuxes and contributions are collected.... Droughts, or excess of rains may cause the harvest, in many districts, to fail, or the locusts may totally devour it..., but none of .these circumstances is ever taken into consideration, and the contributions are levied without mercy or compassion”.1

He thought that such an oppressive policy could only lead to trouble in that province and he, therefore, predicted that the people would, in fact, eventually be 'obliged to emigrate, as they had already, from 2 several parts, or a general insurrection would be the result.

As traders, the Bidayriyya were also provoked and irritated by the government policies and by repeated harassment. Prior to the establishment of the Turco-Egyptian rule in Kordofan, the Bidayriyya had found very favourable conditions for commercial activities in the Western

Sudan. The disruption of trade along the Nile in the eighteenth century and the revival of the Trans-Saharan caravan routes brought about

1. I. Pallme, Tvaoets^ pp.37-8. 2. Ibid.f p.38o 77

a great deal of commerce and prosperity to Kordofan. A long period of peace under the Fur, especially between 1790 and 1821, was a blessing and a further incentive for the creation of wealth. Taking advantage of these conditions, the Bidayriyya were able to spread as successful traders in various parts of Kordofan and the Nuba mountains where many of their famous families can be found up to the present day. With contacts in both Kordofan and Dongola, they must have found this very advantageous; and it was during this period that their influence in

Kordofan was appreciated,,

During the Turco-Egyptian rule 1821-1881, a strong government and a stricter enforcement of law and order brought about a greater degree of safety to the caravan routes, and an encouragement to trade, but unfortunately, this did not mean more prosperity for the inhabitants.

The government monopoly on the sale of practically every item of importance very much impeded trade in general, and hurt the gatUxba.JL

The unaccustomed and inequitable system of taxation was another impediment for trade, and the violence and extortion which accompanied it was a permanent source of bitterness and discontent. More harmful than these was the government interference with the slave trade. The recruitment of slaves in Muhammad j'Ckad&^ya brought about some changes in the social and economic pattern of the society, which w&ye not appreciated by the gatlaba^ but their greater disappointment came

1. See Terence Walz, "Wakalat al-jallaba", Annates Islamotog'iques, t.XIII, 1977» PP-217-^5; also, "Notes on the organization of the African trade in Cairo l800-l850n, Annates Istamotogiques, 1972, pp.263-860 2. See Pallme, Travets^ pp.279-30U. The term jattaba (small traders) came to be associated with riverai-n tribesmen and particularly the Ja,aliyyllfc who traded between Egypt, the Kile, Western Sudan and, later, on the Southern Sudan. 7 8

■when the government started to implement the policy of abolition of the slave trade* The situation was even more aggravated by the appointment in 1877 of Gordon as Governor-General of the Sudan. He started to implement this policy with more enthusiasm and rigidity.

His policy made life intolerable for the riverain people (awlad al-balad) in general and the jallaba, traders, in particular in the Western Sudan.

In an effort to curtail their activity in the areas south of El-Obeid, he ordered them to evacuate all the districts south of the route from

El-Obeid to Dara in southern Darfur. When they ignored this order, he instructed the tribal shaykhs of the area to seize the yaVUaba and bring them to the government posts and warned them that they would be held responsible for any yattdba found in their districts. This order was happily received by the shaykhs and their people, as it gave them a chance for looting and robbery from the jallaba0 '" In this harrying of the $a%VXbas the Jafaliyyln were perhaps the principal sufferers....

The Bidayriyya as Jataliyyin and as jaltaba shared the plight of their kinsmen.

The faqths of the Bidayriyya also found the Tur.co-Egyptian regime odious, and had more than one reason to be dissatisfied with it. These were genuinely pious men who were active as missionaries in the frontier of Islamization. It was to some groups of those Bidayriyya faqths with some Rikabiyya that R.C. Stevenson gives credit for the spreading of

Islam among the mixed Arab-Nuba population of the central plains and outlying hills in the Nuba mountains. These faqths were primarily

1. P.M. Holt, The Mahdist Stabe^ 2nd ed., p.31. 2. R.C. Stevenson, "Some aspects of Islam in the Nuba mountains", SNR, Vol.^3, 1962, p.10. 79

motivated "by a religious zeal and a true desire to spread the Faith.

They -went out to establish centres of -worship in the midst of a pagan ( population on the fringes of the Islamic frontier, - and through their piety and teaching attracted many converts. Typical examples of such men were Sh. IsmaTTl al-Wali and Badawi Abu Safiyya who is described by o Pallme as:

lfA pious man and anything but a hypocrit, hence he is beloved and enjoys the good opinion of all men. He settles disputes and gives friendly advice to all who come to ask for it, knows no partiality and in no instance receives a present....In short he is a Mahcmmedan missionary. He had made thousands of proselytes among the heathen negroes....He also defends his faith according to the letter of the Koran, sword in hand, and has 1 even lost a son in the fight for the good causetT.

Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the asefindancy of the

Fur, following the campaign of Sultan Tayrab, missionary activities, especially in the Nuba mountains, received much encouragement. Under

Tayrab*s successor, fAbd al-Rahman, who was himself a faqth in

Kordofan before coming to the throne, conditions were even better, and the faqths were happier. These favourable conditions were upset during the Turco-Egyptian administration. Apart from the fact that the status of the faqths in this province - like that of their colleagues in other parts of the Sudan - had declined, some had. suffered personally as individuals and their activities had been hampered. Sh. Isma!il was 2 actually imprisoned, and Badawi could only evade capture by keeping out 3 of government reach far away in the Nuba mountains. The discontent of the Bidayriyya faqths with the Turco-Egyptian regime was clearly expressed

1. Pallme, Travels, pp.l89**90. 2. See our Chapter II., p.57, above. 3. Trimingham, Istam9 p. 103. 80

"by Badawi Abu Safiyya addressing an Egyptian, "You call yourself Muslim,

God alone knows the truth, hut to me you are only the oppressors of my count ry”.^

In all those aspects, as cultivators, as trhders and as faqihs, the Bidayriyya had shared the injustices with other inhabitants of

Kordofan, but on top of that, they were sometimes the victims of ill- advised tribal policies carried out by some of the governors of that province. Yusuf Mikha’Il relates in his memoirs how the Bidayriyya and the Ghidayyat tribes were drawn, through such policies, into the conflict between Ahmad wad Dafa’Alla and Ilyas Umm Barir; and how both these tribes were disappointed in the end. When Ilyas was appointed

Pasha and Governor of Kordofan, Ahmad wad Dafa'Alla urged tAlI Kanona of the Ghidayyat to revolt against such an appointment of a jattabi as his governor. ’All did rise and defeated the government forces sent against him. Ilyas turned to the Bidayriyya who came to his rescue.

'All KanSna was defeated and killed. But soon after that a new governor,

Muhammad Sa’Id, was appointed in Kordofan and the first thing he did was to change the policy adopted by Ilyas in relation to the tribes. He came to terms with the Ghidayyat and held their chiefs, the sons of ’All

Kanona, in great respect and honour. Ilyas Umm Barir, on the other hand, was deposed, discredited, and with him also were his allies the 2 Bidayriyya.

Thus frustrated, the Bidayriyya would-be expected to be only too glad to join a movement which promised them an opportunity to challenge the Turco-Egyptian regima.

1. Peney, Revue d rEthnographies i, 1+92, quoted in Trimingham, Islam} p.103. 2. Y. Mikha’il, Memoirs3 trans. SoM. Nur, p. 1+2. 81

Spiritual Attachments and Loyalties

The second influence on the Isma'iliyya's attitude towards the

Mahdia is connected with their spiritual attachments and loyalties: i.e. the loyalty of the family of Sh. Isma'il to its faqth and Sufi tradition as opposed to a growing trend among some of its members who were becoming 'u Z a x n d and loyalty to the Khatmiyya whose founder was the spiritual master of Sh. Isma'il.

The tradition of the family as faqths goes back five generations to a founding father, al-Faqih Bushara al-Gharbawi to whom reference 2 is made elsewhere. After al-Faqih Bushara very little is known about the family for some time. With Sh. Isma'il al-Wali (1792-1863) the prestige of the family was revived and through him it became famous as far as Darfur. Hot only was he a devoted religious man, but he was also very active as a missionary spreading Islam in some areas, especially in the Wuba mountains. This made him and his family feel a sense of responsibility towards the Muslims of that area in general, and his new recruits in particular. Under the Turco-Egyptian administration the status of the faqths in general began to decline. Although the authorities continued to give subsidies to their khaZwas and to be conciliatory towards them, their political influence was undermined by the establishment of an official cadre of *uZama' and their prestige was challenged by the encouragement given to the graduates of al-Azhar as the true and authoritative expositors of the religious sciences. As

1. In addition to A£imad al-Azhar I, and Isma'il al-Kurduf ani, this family had a number of other 'uZamd* some of whom later joined the Mahdia and took important jobs as qad'Cs and muftZs: e.g. al-Baqir b. Sh. Isma'il qadZ of al-Sabil in-the Gezira. See, H, Sid Ahmad al-Mufti, TatabMr nidham aZ-qa$arj1, 132, 1^9 and 150. 2. See Chapter II, p«39» above. 82

the ruZamdT were drawing closer and closer towards government circles, gaining higher status and more material benefits, the faqths were farther and farther alienated and becoming more and more deprived of the comforts of life, but nearer to the hearts of the common people.

D TEscayrac de Lauture describes the drifting apart of these two

categories in these words,

"The 'uZama' are met with in the Sudan only in the large towns, particularly in the capitals and beside the rulers. In the villages, one only sees a secondary order of clergy [sic] - insignificant and poor clergy, unknown everywhere else; holding their powers only by public confidence, living on alms and hardships, yet asking nothing of anyone, and lavishing to all what a pure heart and lively fraternal love can give - the bread of the spirit".1

True to the tradition of their family, Sh, Isma'il was leading the life of a simple and poor faqth. His elder son, Muhmmad al-Makki inherited * his baraka and following in the steps of his father, was keeping this tradition: he had a khaZwa for teaching the Qur'an, worshipped God and led

.a simple life. Challenge to this tradition started with Ahmad al-Azhari,

a younger son of Sh. Isma'il who pursued a different line in life. In fact, his dissatisfaction with the traditions of the family became

apparent even before the start of the Mahdia. It was said that when he returned from al-Azhar, he began to be very critical about many of his

elder brother's practices, and particularly his beating of the drums - dqrb aZ-noba - during the dhtkr. Al-Makki reluctantly ordered his

followers to pack up the drums, store them inside the tomb of Sh. Isma’il

and beat them no more. But as soon as the dhtkr started, we are told,

everyone began to hear the drums making a sound by themselves inside the

tomb, thus convincing all those present, including Ahmad, that the practice

1. D'Escayrac, Le Desert et Ze Soudan3 p.UH8, trans. P.M. Holt. 8 3

of darb al-noba was not to be challenged any more.'*' During the Mahdia 4 the difference between the two brothers became very evident. Al-Makki became one of the first and strongest supporters of the Mahdia, while

Ahmad came to be one of its bitterest enemies and was killed in one of battles against the Mahdists near Bara.

Loyalty and spiritual attachment to the Khatmiyya were also a very important factor in determining the attitudes of the descendants of Sh.

Isma'il and the followers of his tar'Lqa towards the Mahdia.

Muhammad 'Uthman I al-Mirghanl was the spiritual master of Sh.

Isma'il and his guide in the Sufi path. Sh. Isma'il thus had the greatest respect and veneration for him and for the Mirghani family, which is reflected in most of his writings; wherever the name of

Muhammad 'Uthman is mentioned in them, it is preceded by many dtqab

(titles) of distinction and honour. The Khatmiyya tarZqa is equally respected and venerated. This tradition of respect for the Mirghaniyya and their Khatmiyya tarZqa continued amongst the members of Sh. Isma'il*s family and the followers of his Isma'Iliyya tarZqa even up to the present day. It would have been expected thus that the Isma'Iliyya would have followed the Khatmiyya in their opposition to the Mahdia. Instead, the Isma'Iliyya showed an independent attitude. This may have been because the Khatmiyya were at that time associated with the Shayqiyya, and also with the Turco-Egyptian administration, both of which were unpopular with the people, especially those in Kordofan.

The unpopularity of the Shayqiyya was associated first with their raids during the eighteenth century, which disrupted trade and forced 2 many people to leave their homes in Dongola. Secondly, the Shayqiyya

1. This story is often relates as a karama of al-Makki was told me by Hajj Ahmad al-Faki . 'Abdalla, in El-Obeid, 1975* 2 . Chapter I, p.36, above. 84

were associated with the unpopular Turco-Egyptian regime which they served very enthusiastically. They were the special prot£g£s of that alien administration, and a numher of them were appointed to government office, especially in the collection of taxes, and as such they incurred hatred.

The Mirghaniyya as a family, and their taxytqa as well, were also a linked in the minds of the Sudanese people with the Turco-Egyptian regime. The coming of Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghanl himself to the

Sudan was only a few years before the armies of Muhammad 'All invaded o the country, and some people did not fail to correlate his coming with that invasion. Even before the invasion, the presence of Muhammad

'Uthman was not welcomed, and Ahmad Katlb al-Shuna tells us how he was o 1 ill-treated in Kordofan. Unpopularity of the Khatmiyya was also increased by the preferential treatment which they received from the rulers over the other Sudanese tartqas, thus giving them more prestige < v and power. Their followers increased, especially among the Shayqiyya and their KhaVufas began to behave arrogantly.

Association with the Khatmiyya would have meant for the Isma'Iliyya an association with the Shayqiyya and with the rulers, both of whom were very unpopular with the Sudanese, especially the religious men and heads of tax€qas* Furthermore, closer links with the Khatmiyya brought the

Isma'Iliyya into conflict with some of their relatives, and renewed some old quarrels which they both hoped to settle and forget. Those were known as al-Dufariyyin or Awlad Abu Qussi or Jama'at Reira, who were relatives of the family of al-Faqih Bushara al-Gharbawu, with whom they

1. See MakhtUtat Khdtib al^Shuna3 ed. al-Shatir Bu^ayll, p. 73. 85

had some conflicts in Dongola. These, forgotten in Kordofan, were

about to be renewed when Isma’ail began to gain importance among the 1 Khafcimiyya. Further still, association with the Khatmiyya would have

isolated the Isma’iliyya from the tribes with whom they were living in

Kordofan. Muhammad Uthman al-Mirghanl did not stay very long in

Kordofan - only a mere three years and a half, during which time he did not find many followers among the indigenous tribes of the Western Sudan.

Being far away from the centre of the Khatmiyya in Kassala, the Isma'iliyya were more inclined to be influenced by their local environment, tribal

and family interests in their relationships with the Mahdia, rather than their spiritual attachments,

The Attitude of Some Important Individuals

The attitudes of some important individual members of the family of

Sh. Isma'il were also a determining factor in the relationship between the Isma’iliyya and the Mahdia. The Importance of the attitude of these particular individuals may best be appreciated if taken in the context of the tribal structure, since the religious orders and holy families in the 2 Sudan were very closely connected with tribal systems. A look at some

aspects of this may offer some help in understanding the nature of these

different attitudes.

The title of shccykh was given both to the chief of the tribe as

well as to the head of the religious order or of a holy family. The

authority of the tribal' shaykh was not formalized, but rested on

1. Sh. Isma’il referred to this possibility of a renewed conflict in his Was'iyyat al-Muhibbtn. The story of their conflict in Dongola and that of ’jTamaJat Reira” are dealt with in Chapter II, p.60, 2. See Burckhardt, Travels3 256-70, for a description of the Majadhib of al-Damar. Also see P.M. Holt, ’’Holy families”, P.N.E.P.^ for Majadhib and others. 86

tradition. It rested not on force, "but rather on the renown and esteem he enjoyed. Loyalty to the shaykh depended on an intricate and complicated structure of kinship ties and relationships. He commanded the respect and loyalty of his people so long as he could keep his prestige and use his wisdom and tact in settling conflicts between individuals or groups, so that they would not fall apart. Divisions and subdivisions were always a threat and a possibility» Any important member might, for one reason or another, split and form a clan, a branch or a hash. At the » beginning of his movement, the Mahdi very rightly assessed the benefits of this structure, and by contacting the right people, soon gained much support. Thus it was to Sayyid al-Makki, Faqih al-Manna, Shaykh al-

Mukashfi, and the rest of the shaykhs^ of religious orders, the faqZhs in holy families and tribal chiefs that he made his appeal.

The individuals with whom we are concerned are: Muhammad al-Makki,

Ahmad al-Azharl and IsmaT“il *Abd al-Qadir al-Kurdufani0

Muhammad al-Makki (1822-1906) was the eldest son of Sh. Isma'il, and his successor as the head of the Isma'iliyya tarZqa, Educated in the khalwa of his father in the traditional Sudanese religious studies, and brought up in a traditional tribal setting, he was very appropriately prepared for leadership in his role both as head of a religious order and a chief of his family. Like a typical tribal chief, he was married to four wives - one a cousin and three from different other families and tribes - so as to widen the scope of his influence through intermarriage.

As a teaching faqZh in his fatherTs khalwa, he established his place as one of the faqZhs of El-Obeid, To promote him as a leader, his 87

father appointed him as head of the tarZqa "before he himself died, and stood behind him in prayer*1

Thus equipped, al-Makki smoothly replaced his father as head of the Isma'iliyya and demonstrated some remarkable qualities of leadership.

To illustrate this, two anecdotes are told about him. in this context.

In the first one he demonstrated his ability of persuasion, hence dl- 2 wasdta or al-shafci'a, and in the second he demonstrated the qualities of a shrewd politician and a valued adviser.

The first of these was connected with his brother Ahmad al-Azhari.

When Ahmad wanted to go to Egypt to join al-Azhar, his father was not willing to let him go. All efforts to make Sh. Isma'il change his mind failed. So Ahmad went to al-Makki, the favourite of their father, and asked him to intercede. When al-Makki talked to his father, he was warned that he would be the first to suffer when Ahmad came back from al-Azhar. But in spite of that, al-Makki insisted, and the father 3 gave permission.

The second story is related in connection with the bayfa to the

Khalifa and the conditions in which the Khalifa 'Abdullahi succeeded after the death of the Mahdi. The Khalifa was said to have asked al-

Makki for advice on three points: whether he, the Khalifa, should

1. This is an unusual practice in succession. The Khalifa took over the leadership of the tam-qa while the Shaykh was still alive. See ai- Nash'd al-Ismdfzliyyaj ms. # d! The usual practice would have been which was what the Prophet had done, and also the Mahdi in the Sudan. This unusual practice was followed later by al-Makki himself. 2. The ability to intercede on behalf of others against punishment (Shafdfa) .or in order to achieve something (wasdta) is a highly valued quality of leadership in the Sudan. See Chapter IV, .p. 103, below'. - 3. The influence of the story of Yusuf (Qur'an XII) is very evident here. Al-Makki here is made like Yusuf the favourite son amongst his brothers and Sh. Isma'il, like Ya'qub a man of vision on whom God had bestowed the power of seeing into the future. The end of the story confirms this, and shows that after his return from al-Azhar, Ahmad was always contradicting al-Makki, 8 8

announce the Mahdi1 s death immediately o.r after some delay; whether he should wash the Mahdi’s body and prepare it for burial, or leave that to the Ashraf, the Mahdi’s relatives; whether he should lead the people in prayer for the buriel, or leave that to someone else. Al-

Makki advised him to declare the death immediately, to let the Ashraf prepare the body for burial, but to lead the people in prayer. The burial over, al-Makki was said to have taken the hand of 1 Abdullahi and declared his bayfa9 then the others followed hinu^

The death of the Mahdi and the subsequent events leading to the accession of the Khalifa, received much attention, especially from Yusuf

Mikhail whose version of the incident has generally been accepted by subsequent writers. In his version Yusuf Mikha'il makes al-Makki the third or fourth person to declare his bayfa after al-Faqih al-Dadari,

Ahmad SharfI, the grandsire of the Ashraf, and 'All wad Hilu„ He stated • o that after the burial the people then began to dispute the question of the succession.

"But the Khalifa ’Abdullahi was silent and did not say a word....Then al-faki . al-Dadarl stood up and took the Khalifa 1 Abdullahi al-Ta’aishi by the hand and said to him: fwe swear allegiance, Khalifat al-MahdiThe grandsire of the Ashraf, Ahmad SharfI then stood up, took the Mahdifs sword and turban and handed them over to the Khalifa ’Abdullahi and said to him: ’we swear allegiance’. Thereafter Khalifat al-Faruq [All w 0 Hilu] and al-Sayid al- Makki came forward and took the oath".^

This account of the bay1 a by Yusuf Mikha'il, which makes al-Makki the third or fourth person to swear allegiance, may bring into question

1. This has very much resemblance to bayrat al-Saqlfa where 'Umar b. al- Khattab, seeing the possibility of a division between the Muslims after the death of the Prophet, immediately took the hand of Abu Bakr and declared him Khalifa, thus obliging others to follow. The story is very well known amongst the Isma’iliyya, and was related to me by Abu al-Fadla, a grandson of al-Makki, in 1975<> 2. Y0 Mikha’il, Memoirs, trans, S.M. Nur, pa.l679 and for an analytical approach to the incident, refer to P.El. Holt, The Mahdist State, pp.119^20. 89

the whole of the IsmafIliyya story; and consequently, the explanation

of the Khalifa*s special respect for al-Makki, which was based on it.

But their account is supported by the story related by Slatin, which

comes very close to that of the Isma’iliyya, especially with regard to the order in which the oath was taken - al-Makki being the first to do

SOo1

In dealing with al-Makki in the few preceding paragraphs, we have tried to indicate his qualities as a shaykh who was capable of acting and leading both as a tribal chief and as a religious faqih9 Those

qualities made him ready to follow the Mahdia and most capable of

commanding the respect and loyalty of his people.

In contrast to al-Makki, the second person with whom we are dealing,

Ahmad al-Azharl (d. l88l), was a completely different character: very much detribalized and little concerned with the popular beliefs of his

family. Although he started his education as a student in the khalwa

of his father, learning the same subjects as those taught to his elder brother, al-Makki, and exposed to the same popular religious beliefs, he

showed a different attitude and a singular determination to go to al-

Azhar for further education. His father*s objection did not change his 2 mind, and he persisted until, as mentioned above, his father finally gave

his consent. His long stay of ten or twelve years in Egypt detached

him from his tribal and provincial background. When he came back to

Kordofan, it seems that he felt a stranger to the atmosphere of El-Obeid

and could not adjust himself easily to its provincial community. So, as

1 . See R. Slatin, Five and Sword ,p.3T0. 2. See p.879 above. 9 0

■we are told "by Shuqair, he left it for Khartoum and was about to return to Cairo when the Mahdia broke out. He was requested by the

Governor-General at that time, RaTuf Pasha, to accompany an expedition to relieve the town of Bara where he was killed by the Mahdist forces in 1881.1

Some of his writings, however, may suggest that he was still associated with the traditional Sudanese religious and tribal background. 2 His Khulasat al-iqtibds may, therefore, be compared with the efforts of those Sudanese faqths and tribal chiefs who considered the establishment 3 of a Sharifl or fAbbasi pedigree to be most essential; and his poems in praise of his father and his brother al-Makki may also be taken as an indication of a deeply rooted desire to establish the holiness and prestige of his family, and through that, to establish his own holiness and his possession of an inherited baraka• But this suggestion is immediately dismissed once Ahmad has explained why he was making this G pedigree. In writing this nasab he said that he was obeying an order from his father Sh. Ismael who was obviously keen on establishing his

*AbbasI origin and inheritance of baraka. AhmadTs personal lack of o interest was very clearly shown in the first few lines of this treatise when he says:

"Since the study of the pedigrees of men is one of which the knowledge is useless and ignorance is harmless, and since by expending one*s energies on such study one shortens one*s days, I paid no ^ attention to it nor did I feel any tendency to do so..."

1 . N. Shuqair, Ta'rikh^ l/lUl-2 , and R. Hill, Biographical DictionaryA p.3U. 2. Ahmad al-Azhari, Khulasat al-iqtibds, ms. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), trans, M» MacMichael, Arabs, II, AB. 3. See ms. SudoGovt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/133U. Up Ahmad al-Azharl, Khulasat al-iqtibas, op.cit.j 62, para.III. 91

Rather than his sharlfi origin or barqka, Ahmad9 in the true spirit of the ’utama’ , was keen on demonstrating his abilities of investigation* and by his application of his newly acquired techniques of Him a l - h a d lth , he showed how much he was absorbed in his role as one of the tulamdt, and how much satisfaction he was getting from this academic - 1 . exercise. In a style very similar to that of al-Bukhari m investigation, examination of documents and cross references, Ahmad went about collecting the information for his nasab. He said that he had collected numerous manuscripts related to the pedigrees of the

Ja'aliyyin and compared these with some which were copied in the holy lands by authentic pious saints such as Muhammad b. 'Isa b. !Abd al-Baqi „ _ 2 and al-Sanhuri. Then after having made a rough copy of his work, he continued to study the contents for several years,.ascertaining the truth

3 from the authentic works of famous 'imams. After finishing this work in prose, Ahmad then went on to put it into verse to demonstrate some other abilities, and to impress people with his skill in this field as well.

In contrast to al-Makki then, Ahmad was an fa lim who was much more at home in the company of the 'uZama' and orthodox Muslims than of fa q lh s and holymen. He was very competent and sure when dealing with topics related to the s h a r ia and orthodox beliefs, but quite a stranger to the world of Sufism and popular Islamic beliefs. He was perfectly convinced and happy with the Islam of the Qur'an and Sunna contained in

1. He is Muhammad b. Isma'il al. Bukhari (809-870) s the famous traditionalist who is believed to have been very meticulous in his invest igat ions. 2. It was common practice amongst Sudanese genealogists to‘ refer to the works of some pious medieval authors even though they may have nothing to do with genealogy. Of the two names mentioned by al- Azhari here, one can be identified with Salim b. Muhammad al-Sanhuri, a known commentator on Mukhtasar Khalil on the Maliki madhhab. 3. See al-Azhari, Khulasat al-iqtibdsj trans. MacMichael, Arabss II, AB. <3 f*

"books to "which he could refer, "but he was unable to comprehend the idea

of having Islamic rules superior to the Sham- ra derived from a

superior knowledge bestowed upon certain chosen awl'Cyar who claimed

direct contact with the Prophet al-Khadir.1

The Mahdi whom Ahmad al-Azhar I expected could not have come from o amongst the faqths and awVLyd*. His idea of the Mahdi was confined to the short la and had to conform with its ''criteria. At most, to Ahmad, 2 the Sudanese Mahdi could only be a mujaddid with no special supernatural powers or any extra esoteric knowledge. Muhammad Ahmad did not fit into • • the frame of al-Azhari of the Mahdia, so he refuted his claim, giving 3 eleven reasons in a published manifesto. His aggressive attitude

towards the Mahdia did not win al-Azhari much support amongst the members

of his family or amongst the Isma’iliyya at first, and most of them

followed the leadership of al-Makki throughout the Mahdia. But by this

attitude Ahmad made it possible for many of the family members and m followers of the Isma’iliyya tartqa later on to discontinue their

relationship with the Mahdists without much difficulty, and easily turn

in the twentieth century under a great-grandson of al-Azhari into the

main rival political group to the Mahdists.

The third person whose attitude towards the Mahdia could have

affected that of the Isma’iliyya was Isma’il ’Abd al-Qadir al-Kurdufanl

(181+U-1893). He was related to the family through his mother ’A’isha,

1. Prophet al-Khadir is generally believed to be the intermediary between God and the founder of a religiou- order, and to exercise great influence with holymen to unveil the future to them and give them supernatural powers. The Mahdi made very much use of this popular belief for the success of his movement. The Khalifa 'Abdullahi tried but failed. See also A.J.. Wensinck, nal-Khadir,f, S'. J., vol.II, Part 2, p.86l. 2. For more details on the various views about the Mahdi amongst the Sunnis and Shi'is, refer to Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima3 trans. Rosenthal, vol.II, pp.156-200. 3. See "Kisalat al-Azhari'3', Shuqair, T a Tmk h , 3, 383. 93

daughter of Sh. Isma’il al-Wali. Authority and baraka in the Isma’iliyya family and tartqa continued to he transmitted through the men only and none of the "women achieved recognition similar to that of Fatima h. Jabir or Maryam al-Mirghaniyyas although some of them were said to have studied in kkalwas,^ Thus al-Kurdufanl being related to the family on his motherTs side, had very little chance of being a shaykh or establishing a h3sh (a branbh of the holy family), but through his own efforts and personal abilities, he managed to rise to a very respectable position comparable to those.of his uncles Ahmad and al-Makki0 Though o his attitude towards the Mahdia did not reflect directly on the

Isma’iliyya, and could not be equated with those of al-Azhari and al-

Makki, it must, however, have contributed its share to that relationship.

His approach to the Mahdia was different from that of either of his uncles; he was, on the one hand an falim like Ahmad, but on the other o he was closely associated with Sudanese provincial society like al-Makki.

Like al-Azhari, after early training in his grandfather’s khalwa in El-

Obeid, he went to study at al-Azhar where he showed a great deal of 2 interest and intelligence. On his return to Kordofan, he was appointed as mufti- and settled in El-Obeid. But unlike al-Azhari, he had a strong feeling towards Kordofan. 'This was clearly expressed by the nisba which was affixed to his name in preference to the name of his grandfather, and even to the more glamourous one of al-Azhari to which his education would have entitled him. It was also shown in his desire to return to Kordofan

1. Inheritance of baraka and fame in Sudanese holy families has normally descended always through male members, but in some cases a number of women have managed to establish their own lines, such as Fatima bint Jabir, grandmother of Awlad Sighayrun, see P.M. Holt, ’’The Sons of Jabir”, BSOAS, XXX, p.151; another is Maryam bint Hashim b. Muhammad ’Uthman. She was married to ’Uthman Tajal-rSir b, Muhammad Sir al- Khatim; together with her husband she provided the leadership of the Khatmiyya in the Eastern Sudan, especially during the Mahdia. See Voll. Khatmiyya, p. 2 58. 2„ See Shuqair, Ta'v%khs vol03, Po559° 94

in spite of the fact that he was very honourably received in Darfur and

could have risen to a very prominent place if he had stayed there.^ His

association with Kordofan is also shown hy his style of writing - he

quite often used Kordofan! words and expressions, typical only of that 2 area. Unlike Ahmad al-Azhari also, he seemed satisfied with the

provincial community of El-Obeid where he decided to settle down rather

than go to Khartoum or even return to Cairo.

When the Mahdia broke out al-Kurdufanl must have found himself in a fk situation very similar to that of the ru7/mcir and religious men whom Sh.

Mudawwi fAbd al-Rahman had found with al-Mahdi when he went to meet him • o in Qadir and .whom he described in his statement to WaTum Shuqair later q in l890o Al-Kurdufanl was in a state of uncertainty and indecision.

But soon after the Mahdi had reached Kaba, al-Kurdufanl made up his mind I4. and defected from El-Obeid to the Mahdi*s camp. He was quick to show

his abilities and utilize his talents. He demonstrated that by applying

himself to writing down the events of the Mahdia in Sa7ddat al-mustahdt — 5 bi-sZrat al-Imam al-MahdZ which must have pleased the Mahdi and the Khalifac

When that was finished he was commissioned with another similar task, that

of writing the events of the Mahdia in Eastern Sudan, which he entitled

al-Tipaz al-manqush b-i-bushra qatt luhanna malik al-Rubush. Al-Kurdufanl • • • continuously gained favours and importance until suddenly in August 1893,

he came into disfavour, was caught and banished to al-Rajjaf.

1. Sa'd Mikha’il, Shutaratal-sudan, Uo, cited Abu Salim, ed,, Sa7adat al-MustahidZy 17» . t 2. See Sa’adat al-Mustcihdt, ed. Abu Salim, p. 203, an example is^> ( . A*

3. Ibid.* p.18. This gives three possfble reasons for this defection: (a) his dissatisfaction with the whole political system (influenced by Egyptian reformists), (b) genuinely belief in the Mahdi like the rest of his family, except Azharl, (c) that it was an unavoidable evil since he became sure that the Turkish rule was coming to an end. See Ho Shaked, "A manuscript biography of the Sudanese Mahdi”, BS0ASy xxxii, 1969, 527-HOo 5. See "Statement of Sh„ al-Mudawwi", N. Shuqair, TafrZkh, 3, 1^5. 95

This sudden and tragic end cannot easily be explained, and a number of suggestions have been examined in detail by H. Shaked^and M.I. Abu 2 3 Salim. Shaked discusses three of these, two given by Shuqair, and the third by Slatin, then he puts forward his own version: that the Khalifa wanted to eradicate the only.contemporary chronicle which stressed the roles of eminent men in the development of the Mahdia other than the

Khalifa himself. Thus he ordered all the books of al-Kurdufani to be burnt and he himself to be banished to a remote place. To support this argument Shaked notes that simultaneously with the banishment of Isma*il and the burning of his books, a number of prominent people had fallen foul of the Khalifa.^ Shaked, however, does not seem to be very much satisfied with this suggestion, and puts it ,Twith reservation". The reason given by him does not merit such a drastic measure, especially as these books were very few in number and too limited in circulation to be of any particular importance or threat.

Abu Salim also follows these versions critically, including that of Shaked, Then he tries to find a link between the cause of this tragedy and the writings of al-Kurdufanl which betray him as being out of step with the system. In his books al-Kurdufani shows respect to the

Mirghaniyya, does not condemn .their opposition to the Mahdia, and calls

1. H, Shaked, "A manuscript biography of the Sudanese Mahdi", op+Qit.s 527.^0 . 2. M.I. Abu Salim, ed. SaTadat al-Mustahdij 21-23. 3. N. Shuqair, the first version is in Memorandum, fols.2-3# and the second is in T a frTkhsIII, 559- U. R, Slatin, Fire and Sword9 309-10, 323-*U 5. Ho Shaked, "A manuscript biography of the Sudanese Mahdi", op.oit.j 532, n03^, quoting P.M. Holt, The Mahdist State (passim), gives the names of many such persons who had fallen out of the Khalifa*s favour close to the banishment of al-Kurdufanl, and who had always been mentioned favourably in his books. Eg. Mahmud *Abd al-Qadir, Muhammad al-Khayr, al-Zaki Tamal and Wad al-Zahra. 96

them a holy family; he does not condemn al-Ashraf and presents their role in the Mahdia in a better light than that of the Baqqara and he does not paint a good picture of Ya'qub, the Khalifa's brother and his right hand, in these ’writings. But again, Abu Salim fails to give the l reasons why these writings suddenly became so important in 1893 as to turn the Khalifa's heart so dramatically against al-Kurdufani,

A possible explanation may be sought in the Khalifa's growing

distrust of the ,ulamat in general, and Awlad al-Balad among them, in particular. The revolt of the AshrSf, in which some of his closest

advisers took active part, had convinced 'AdullShi that he could no

longer trust those close to him who were of riverain stock. Thus,

after successfully dealing with that revolt, the Khalifa started to

consolidate his powers and systematically eliminated all those who were

suspected of having sympathy with the Ashraf or any others who posed any threat to the Khalifa's power. Between 1893 and 1895 he cracked down upon a number of such men, one after the other, Al-Kurdufani1 s banishment was, therefore, immediately followed by the arrest of Ahmad wad 'All, Qadt al-Islam, in May 189^-, and soon afterwards his successor

al-Husayn Ibrahim wad al-Zahra was imprisoned as well,"1' □ Most interesting for the purpose of this study are two explanations

given for the tragedy of al-Kurdufani by some members of his family.

The first of these related to‘M,I. Abu Salim by Mirghani al-Sayyid

al-Baqir, a grandson of al-Kurdufani,suggests that he had fallen victim to the suspicions of the Khalifa, The Khalifa was said to have stated to an assembly of elders that al-Kurdufanl had done nothing to offend

him, but only aroused his suspicions. Whenever the Khalifa asked for

1. See P.M, Holt, The Mahdist Statea 2nd ed., pp,lT8-191. 97

an opinion on any matter, al-Kurdufani would come up with a variety of answers which "bewildered the Khalifa, and made his opinion look comparably very weako " Suspecting that al-Kurdufani might "be inclined by his tribal attachment to sympathize with the Ashraf, and fearing that with such talents, that man could be harmful if he should turn to their 1 side, the Khalifa decided to get rid of him„

The second explanation related by a grandson of al-Makki links al-Kurduf ani * s disaster with his unjustified hostility towards his uncle al-Makki, and as such, it may also help to explain why the latter had kept silent throughout the whole tragedy,, The story suggests that

for an unknown reason al-Kurdufani was trying to spoil the good relationship between al-Makki and the Khalifa,, Thus he told the Khalifa that al-Makki was not an honest believer because he went back to his house to repeat his prayer every time he prayed behind the Khalifa - meaning that he did not recognize the latter as 'imam and prayer behind

him was invalid. He reported also that al-Makki had encouraged the people to kiss the hands of the Mirghani boys who were under his custody,

thus increasing their popularity and prestige, though they should have been treated as enemies of the Mahdia. This report was said to have made the Khalifa very angry. He ordered that al-Makki should be summoned

to his presence immediately. Miraculously, however, when al-Makkr

reached the Khalifa that night, things took a different turn. The

Khalifa instead invited al-Makki to supper on a special Western Sudanese

1. See M.I. Abu Salim, ed. Safadat al-Mustahdi, p.24. 2, Related to me by Syd. Muhammad Abu al-Fadl, El-Obeid, 19T5* « • 98

dish. (ras%da) and a few days later al-Kurdufani -was sent to al-Rajjaf in the same boat which was supposedly trough to take al-Makki,

As one of the rutama% al-Kurdufani must have been one of those who were giving advice which turned out always to be misleading and confusing.

By 1893, the Khalifa grew impatient with these rutamat and many of them suffered at his hands.

The attitude of al-Kurdufani to the Mahdia must have affected the

IsmaTIliyya in two ways: his decision to join the Mahdia, being an

'aZ-WHjiaust have served to counterbalance the attitude of Ahmad al-Azhari « and encouraged some members of their family to join the Mahdist'cause.

His banishment and unfair treatment later must, on the other hand, have made some members of his immediate, family waver in their loyalty to the

Mahdia and perhaps to the leadership of al-Makki as shaykh of the

IsmaTlliyya. There was no immediate reaction to what had happened to al-Kurdufani, but as in the case of Ahmad al-Azhari, this incident must o have contributed to the development during the Condominium period which made increasing numbers of this family turn away from any association with the Mahdia.

As a result of their contact with the Mahdia, the structure of the

Isma’iliyya, both as a family and a tarZqa, began to undergo some important developments„ A rift in the family which began, in its early stages, with occasional disagreements between al-Makki and al-Azhari over social and religious matters,1 widened during the Mahdia and led to the polarization of the family into two distinct groups. Those who followed

1, After his return from Al-Azhar, Ahmad was said to have been very critical of al-Makki1s Sufi activities, and especially objected to the beating of the drums during the dhZkr, see p„80, above. 99

al-Makki remained loyal to him and to the Mahdia until the Mahdist state

■was brought to an end in 1899° Then they returned to Kordofan to form the bulk of the present Isma’Iliyya family and tartqa in that region.

The other group which opposed the Mahdia with Ahmad, began to take a new identity under the name of al-Azhari. The two groups continued to drift apart, and during the Condominium period their separate developments were expressed in their different religious, social and political outlooks,'*'

The followers of al-Makki stuck to the traditions of the family, those of -2 al-Azhari opted for change. Thus, while .al-Bashir b, al-Makki was very reluctant to allow his children to take modern education, a grandson of al-Azhari, IsmafIl, was one of the first Sudanese to be sent abroad for a modern university education in Beirut, To emphasize this rift further, the separation of these two groups took a geographical form with the Azharis centred mainly in Omdurman and Khartoum, away from the

Isma'Iliyya main branch in El-Obeid,

This trend had also found its way to the tart-qa itself, and at times even threatened its unity. Differences between its third khalifa,

Mlrghani” (1908-1950), his uncles and the elders of the family, created a great deal of tension within the order, and divided the loyalties of its followers. During Mlrghanifs long term of office as Khalifa, the tartqa was evidently divided between its original headquarters in El-Obeid • and its centre in Omdurman, where the recognized Khaltfa, lived, A permanent schism was only averted when Mlrghani returned to El-Obeid

early in 1950 to make peace with his uncles, and remained there until his

death in April of the same year,

1 , See Chapter IV, pp«123-U, below, 2. Bashir was the. youngest son of al-Makki, see genealogical tables, Appendix f\ below. He lived long after the death of his father, and though he did not become ktmltfa of the order, he was for a long time the real head of the family in El-Obeid. iOO

CHAPTER IV

THE ISMA1ILIYYA AFTER THE RECONQUEST

The defeat and final collapse of the Mahdist state in the Sudan

in 1899 and the establishment of an Anglo-Egyptian Condominium rule in

its place, marked the beginning of a new era in the history and

development of religious tav%qas and Sudanese holy families. During ♦ the Mahdia, though the rise and quick success of Muhammad Ahmad owed a

great deal to their support, all the tav^qas were abolished and their practices suspended. The early years of the Condominium Government witnessed continuous efforts on the part of these’ tavtqas and families to * reorganize their orders, rally their supports and re-establish their places and fame in the society. This chapter attempts to follow the

efforts of the Ismaflliyya - both as a tartqa and as a family - in this

respect. It will discuss the facts which favoured an early revival of the tccrtqa and then the conditions which led later on to its decline and

reversion into a localized organization. It will also deal with the

conflicting tendencies in the family which, after having remained dormant

throughout the Mahdia, were now finding expression in a clear division

between those who kept the tradition of the family and the tarZqa under

al-Makki and a new forward-looking branch under the name of al-Azhari.

The revival of the IsmaTiliyya religious and political powers during

this period, after such a long eclipse throughout the Mahdia, was a

rather difficult and laborious process. They were lucky to have al-

Makkl to lead them in the early phases through these difficulties, and it

was to him that much of the credit goes for the rebirth of the taviqa 101

and its revitalization* His abilities, referred to earlier,1 enabled him to come to terms very quickly with the new government and thus paved the way for an easy return for himself and for the Isma'Iliyya to an active and distinguished role in the society* His earlier support

of the Mahdia and the respectable position he held during the Khalifa's reign meant that most of the writings of his father were not destroyed

and many of the family's belongings, which were connected with the tartqa, were also saved. This also helped very much in the process of revival.

Al-Makki set himself to do two things: to regain a position of prestige for himself and his family with the new rulers, and to re­

establish his tar%qa and take it back to its original home in Kordofan.

The first task was not as difficult as the second. Soon after the battle of Omdurman in 1898 al-Makki was beginning to feel his way about

establishing some contacts with the new regime. His personal friend­

ships and some of his family relationships were found to be very useful

and were readily utilized. One of these was their spiritual ties with

the Mirghaniyya family. Faithful to the memory of the shaykh of his

father, al-Makki maintained a good relationship with the Mirghaniyya who

were forced to stay in Omdurman during the Mahdia. A number of the 2 Mirghani youngsters found refuge in al-MakkiTs house where they remained

1. See above Chapter III, pp. 86-9. 2„„ Aljmad, Mirghani and al-Hasan were said to have lived with al-Makki and studied with his sons 'Abd al-Rahim, Karrar and others# Related to me by Hajj 'Abd al-Hafiz, in El-Obeid, 1975. Mirghani ladies Fatima and Naflsa were also believed to have been there: See INTEL, Reports, Egypt, No.32, November 189^+, Father Rosignoli's statements. 102

in his custody until the reconquest. In spite of the fact that their presence with him had sometimes caused much embarrassment,1 they were treated with respect and they were given an education with his own children. This must have gained him some sympathy from the new rulers since the Mirghaniyya and their associates were considered to be very loyal to the government and were held in great respect.

Another thing which recommended al-Makki to the new government was his acquaintance with Muhammad wad al-Badawi, a graduate of al-Azhar who * had formed a friendship with s|b.tin when the latter was a' prisoner in

Omdurman. Wad al-Badawi was a citizen of Kordofan and during the Mahdia he maintained a very close and friendly relationship with al-Makki and the Ismal'Iliyya family. Through him al-Makki must have obtained some access to the leaders of the new regime. Al-Makki was soon selected 2 as a member of the Board of ulemaT and religious notables headed by 3 wad al-Badawi to interrogate TA1I wad TAbd al-Karlm in 1900.

Throughout this period and until his death in 1906, al-Makki ouilt

on these early contacts and continually improved his relationship with the government officials in the capital, and then later with its provincial representatives in Kordofan. Thus when In 1898 he was asked to pay the rates, he took that opportunity to write a petition to the 1* ma'rmir of Omdurman stating his case for an exemption.' He significantly

1. A number of rumours designed to spoil the relationship between al-Makki and the Khalifa were connected with these Mirghani youths. The most common of those rumours was that al-Makki had allowed their followers to see them secretly and kiss their hands in respect. See above pp.108. 2, See N. Shuqair, Ta'm-kh, 3, 670, for a list of names of the eight members of this board. 3* TAli wad fAbd al-Karlm was a relative'of the Mahdl who advocated some heretical ideas after the end of the Mahdist state, see ib'Ld. Sud.Govt* Archives (Khartoum) 1/82/1308, al-Makki to matrmri Omdurman, 10 November 1898. 103

indicated that he was a faq%h whose family had enjoyed this privilege of tax exemption even during the Turco-Egyptian rule. The ma rrmv of

Omdurman not only agreed to his request for exemption from paying those rates, hut also recognized al-MakkiTs status and expressed a desire to 1 meet him. Al-Makki*s friendly attitude was not limited to the government quarters and official contacts only, hut was also extended to personal relationships with a number of Egyptian officers. Some of those who made his acquaintance continued their relationship and kept correspondence with him even after they were transferred far away.

Typical of those was Yuzhashi Sa'Id ’Uthman, who, in April 1900, wrote to al-Makki from Haifa expressing his gratitude for the receipt of three ■ papers Hprobably hiyabs containing some Qur’anic verses" and asking for 2 other services. Other officers who were personally impressed hy al-

Makki when they met him in Kordofan included Ibrahim Effendi, the ex­ director of investigation in Kordofan Province, Yuzhashi Lahih Effendi, and Muhammad Effendi Tawfiq, the ma'rmir of al-Kawwa district in the

"White Nile.^

Al-Makki’s efforts to strengthen his ties with the government and to impress its officials were very much in keeping with the tradition of the Sudanese holy men who, although different in their approach, have always aimed at enjoying some influence with the rulers. This was essential to facilitate one of the most important functions in the society: that of interceding with the rulers on behalf of the oppressed (at-Shafa'a

1. Sud. Govt. Archives (Khartoum) 1/82/1308, al-Makki’s petition to ma,rmh) Omdurman, 1898. See the comments of the ma'mur, 2. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), l/82/133^s letter from Yuzhashi Sa’id ■ ’Uthman to al-Makki dated April 1900. 3. See al-hashra at-Mdkkiyya. (obituary of Syd, al-Makki), ms. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1321. 104

Hnd ai-muWk) It was this tradition -which tempted ’All Dinar, the

Sultan of Darfur, to write to al-Makki in 1902 in the hope of getting him to intercede on his behalf -with the Sudan Government and help him 2 in his delicate relationship -with it.

Al-Makki -was also very quick to restore his reputation as a faqth and soon after the battle of Omdurman he began to devote more attention to his khalwa -where he -was teaching the Qur'an. This was turned into a rallying centre for many of his relatives, countrymen and followers and developed into one of Omdurman's important quarters still carrying his names fhayy al-sayyid al-Makki}° By 1902 his followers had grown 3 to be no less in importance than those of ’All al-Mirghani. When he made his way back to Kordofan in 1902, al-Makki’s first task was the re­ establishment of the Isma'iliyya khalwa where he continued his teaching of the Qur’an; but more important than that was his return to hayy-al

Qubba, a quarter around the tomb of Sh. Isma'Il, to which were attracted most of the returning riverain merchantsand which became the most important quarter in El-Obeid. He also began to revive the literary tradition of the family and wrote a number of religious works. He also went on pilgrimage in 190U for the second time, an act which, in those days, appealed very much to the religious sentiments of the people and added to the veneration of al-Makki and his family and to their association with piety and holiness. Before al-Makki’s death, therefore,

1. The importance of this function is clearly emphasized by Wad Dayf Allah in the Tabaqdt. He seldom mentions any great shaykh- without attributing this privilege to him. E.g., see Tabaqat, ed. Y.F. Hasan, pp. 83, 106, 150 and 188. 2. Ms. letter from Sultan ’All Dinar to al-Makki, Sud. Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1332. 3. S.I.R.j Wo.959 June 1902. See also J. Voll, The Khatm'lyyas p.535. k. For a list of these works see al-nashra al-Makklyya, Sud,Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1321, 105

the family of Sh. Isma’il had already restored much of their prestige and respect especially in the.Western Sudan. Mindful of this, Slatin, who was otherwise very suspicious of all tartqa shaykhs, found it necessary to recognize al-Makki’s place and Importance in that area, and to try to use his influence in dealing with the people there. In 1902, Slatin was consulting him on the affairs of Darfur and expressing the

Government’s anxiety over the Sanusi activities there.^ In 1906 the

Governor of Kordofan considered al-Makki to he an important man,

"...who had great influence in religious circles". Thus, when he died, his funeral was attended by very many notable people or their representatives and many learned men, such as al-Tahir al-Majdhub,

Muhammad Hashim and his son, Ahmad Hashim, and Muhammad wad al-Banna. * ■ « 3 All praised him in poetry and prose.

It was at his second task of re-establishing the Isma’iliyya tavZqa that al-Makki had to labour to achieve his end. His attempts in this respect were influenced by three main factors: the first stemming from the Condominium Government’s attitude towards Islam and Islamic organizations; the second related to its position and its administrative policy in the Western Sudan, especially the efforts directed towards the pacification and resettlement of the people in Kordofan and Darfur; and the third, to the adjustment of the Isma’iliyya and its adaptation to the changing social and political trends during this period.

1. R, Hill, Slatin3 p. 88. 2. J.R. O ’Connell, "Annual Report, Kordofan province", G.G. Reports, Khartoum, 1907 s p.677. 3. A number of these are mentioned in al-Nashra al-Makhiyya, Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1321. 106

The Government, Islam and the Isma'Iliyya

The attitude of the Sudan government to Islam in the early condominium period has been discussed very thoroughly by Warburg, to whose works reference can be made for more details."1" Suffice it here to consider very briefly the main features of this attitude, see howit had affected the Isma'Iliyya and how they had responded to it.

Warburg suggests that the main principle underlying the government's attitude towards Islam during this period was that of fostering orthodox

Islam, as opposed to the unorthodox Sufi beliefs. While making every effort to raise the status of the rulamci1, encourage the rebuilding of mosques in towns, and facilitate pilgrimage, its attitude towards the tartqas and Sufi leaders remained that of suspicion bordering on hostility. This attitude was clearly formulated in a religious policy which was consistently pursued throughout this period from 1899 to 19lU.

The general principles of that policy were laid down by Lord Cromer as early as January 1899 in his speech to the fulamdr and notables of the 2 Sudan, and then formulated in a memorandum by Kitchener, the first 3 Governor-General, to all his subordinates in the provinces. After

Kitchener, the policy was pursued with much enthusiasm and vigour by

Wingate, as Governor-General, assisted by Slatin as Inspect.or-General. i The realization of that policy is indicated by the creation of the Board ) k of Ulema, the establishment of shar%ta courts, the assistance in the building of central mosques and other acts which encouraged orthodox

1. See G. Warburg, The Sudan under Wingate, 95-108, and "Religious policy in the Northern Sudan", J. Isr, Orient.Soee, ^ 7 9 1971s pp.89-119. See also J. Voll, The Khatmiyya3 pp. 385-1+23 5 and R. Hill, Statin3 pp.79-10^* 2* See FO/633/25* Cromer speech to the sheikhs and notables of the Sudan. 3. Kitchener’s memorandum to myidirs enclosure in Cromer to Salisbury, 17 March 1899, F0/78/5022. ’ k. This body first established to deal with the heresy of 'All wad al- Karlm, was soon to be useful in giving official Islamic recognition to government policies related to Islam. 107

Muslim organizations. On the other hand, hostility to tartqas and

Sufism was clearly spelled out in the government circulars and official correspondence. Administrators were continually reminded that tartqas were an evil which they should always discountenance and that the heads of these organizations should always he suspected as a potential threat to stability and public security. They even became the subject of scornful comments and unfavourable remarks in government papers and personal diaries of its officials.'1'

Apart from Warburg's works, much has been written on this subject of the government's attitude to Islam during this period; and they practically all agree with him on this generally accepted theme that it tended to favour orthodox Islam as opposed to unorthodox Sufi beliefs.

It should, however, be pointed out here that these explanations rest mainly on the implicit acceptance of the idea that there was a clear division between orthodox and unorthodox Islam. This assumption may have to be reconsidered in the light of the nature of Sudanese Islam and the difficulty of making such a division. The suggestion also that the

Condominium government had, at such an early date - January 1899 - been able to formulate an attitude based on such a clear-cut distinction between these two categories may be unrealistic. The inconsistency of the government in its relationship with the various Islamic leaders and organizations at different times and places in this period may illustrate this. While a number of Sufi shaykhs and heads of tartqas, such as

'All al-Mirghanl of the Khatmiyya, Muhammad al-Makki of the Isma'Iliyya * and Muhammad Sharif Nur al-Dayin of'"the Sammaniyya, had received government favours, not a few of those who could be described as orthodox,

1. E.g., Butler’s Journal3 1911, Sud.Govt. Archives (Durham) b22/12. 10 8

such as al-Mudawwi,• 1 were actually ill-treated. Rather than being suppressed, tartqas were in fact revived, some like the Khatmiyya were even thriving, and a few new orders were coming to life, such as. the

Hindiyya and the 'Azmiyya. The explanation of the government's attitude to Islam through this categorization, therefore, may not be full and satisfactory. It may, perhaps, be claimed that the government's attitude to Islam during this period had two different aspects: a declared government policy which was expressed in broad lines in Cromer's speech of January 1899, then detailed in Kitchener's memorandum to the 2 provincial governors, and other similar official circulars; and an actual applied practice of contacts and relationships with individual Muslim leaders and groups at different times and in various circumstances.

In its declared policy, the government maintained throughout the whole of this period an attitude which favoured orthodox Islam and distrusted Sufi tartqas. A hostile attitude can, therefore, be seen consistently coming out in all the government proclamations, intelligence reports and administrative circulars. This attitude was particularly evident in the first few months after the reconquest when the government was anxious to regain the confidence of the people and undermine the influence of Mahdism. In its actual relationships with the various individuals and religious groups, the government's attitude was continually changing and modifying according to the political needs prevailing, and in response to the requirements of sound administration. Thus, after the initial few years of uncertainty, the Condominium government began to

1. See R. Hill, S t a t v n pp.88—9, for a description of the government attitude towards al-MudawwI 'Abd al-Rahman. 2. E.g., "Proclamation on religion", Sud.Int./2/3/260, 3 August 1901. CfD, also Civil Secretary to Intel.Sud.Int./2/32/260, 15 August 1901. i os

develop some understanding of the nature of Sudanese popular Islam and to appreciate the importance and deeply rooted traditions of Sufism in

Sudanese society. It therefore started to be tolerant of these shaykhs and of their followers, provided they did not get involved in politics or subversive activities which interfered with government administration and plans for reform. The key personality in the direction and implementation of these practical relationships was Slatin, who as

Inspector-General, was the chief adviser to the Governor-General on all matters pertaining to religion and tribal affairs. Slatinfs personal experience in the Sudan, and especially his long years of captivity with the Khalifa in Omdurman, had taught him to be very suspicious of all the heads of tartqas and to consider them as frauds « and profit seekers. His prejudiced attitude was reflected in his relationships with those religious leaders and weighed heavily against them,

Slatin, however, had also made some friends during this period among those Sufi and tribal notables. It was through his personal contacts with those friends that his prejudices were modified and the government was able to court some important leaders.

The attitude of the Condominium government towards the Isma'Iliyya followed this same pattern. "While on the one hand it maintained a feeling of suspicion and hostility towards the tartqa throughout this period, it continued, on the other, to have a relationship with its leaders which was based on pragmatic considerations, and which kept on changing with different persons and at different times. Like all other tartqas, the Isma'Iliyya was viewed with distrust and got its share of • hostility in the government reports and circulars, but at the same time and out of sheer political expediency, the co-operation and support of 110

its leaders was sought from time to time. Thus, early in 1899s al-

Makkl's co-operation was sought and obtained when he was selected to 4 ^1 the membership of the Board of Ulema. A cordial relationship was

then started which made it possible for the Isma'Iliyya to be revived

in favourable conditions. So long as its activities were confined to

religious affairs, it was tolerated and its practices condoned. By 2 1902, it had become one of the two most influential tartqas in the Sudan.

Its quick revival and growth obviously led to some rivalry and conflict

with the Khatmiyya, which was then also regaining its strength and fame.

The government had no reason or desire to favour one tartqa or the other

in their rivalries, but it was quite evident from its dealings with the

heads of these two orders that 'All al-Mirghani, and through him the 3 Khatmiyya, were getting the better treatment. A conflict which ensued

between the followers of these tartqas in that year during the Mawltd

celebrations was one of the most pressing reasons which convinced al-

Makkl of the need to return with his tartqa to its home in El-Obeid.

This proved to be a very crucial decision which affected the history

and future development of the Isma'Iliyya tartqa* and family. Its * immediate result was the quick resettlement of the tartqa and its * flourishing in the Western Sudan. The long-term result was that the

centre of the Isma'Iliyya having been drawn away from the capital, was

that Its head was no longer in touch with national affairs at first hand,

1. N. Shuqair, TayrtT

and consequently he and his followers were "becoming more and more confined to provincial issues and highly localized in their outlook. The influence of the tartqa in the western Sudan, however, remained paramount and unchallenged for quite some time. By 190^, only two years after his return to El-Obeid, al-Makki felt so confident about its prospects, that he decided to leave it under the leadership of his eldest son -

Isma'Il - and went on pilgrimage, where he is claimed to have enlisted

some followers.'1'

This love-hate relationship between the government and the

Isma'Iliyya continued throughout the remaining lifetime of al-Makki.

At one time he was praised by Slatin as being a loyal person, "who 2 acted in our interest", and his advice and co-operation were sought, 3 especially with regards to the affairs in Darfur, but at the same time he was still distrusted and his interpretations of the affairs of Darfur were viewed with suspicion. When Slatin conveyed to him the government's

fears of the spread of the Sanusiyya in Darfur, al-Makki dismissed that possibility because the Sultan of Darfur was one of his followers. Slatin

thought that was presumptuous, and suspected that it was only an

indication of al-Makkl's own anxiety and fear of losing the income which k came to him from his followers there.

As long as al-Makki was living, his tartqa was still benefiting * from his established fame and his good relationship with the government,

and thus saw much of the brighter side of its attitude towards Islamic

1. See at-Nash'a at~Makktyya3 ms. Sud.Govt. Archives, 1/82/1321. 2. S.I.R.9 Wo.80, March 1901, Appendix E. 3. See R. Hill, $lattn9 p.8 8 . U. 5.J0i?.j Wo.87, October 1901, and Wo.93, April 1902. See also R. Hill, Slattn3 p.88. 112

organizations.. With al-Makki dead in 1906 and his tartqa suffering from internal conflicts and in decline, the Isma'Iliyya began to see the other and more gloomy side of that government attitude. An intelligence report of 1907 described its second thattfa, Isma'Il al-Raqiq. as unco-operative and obstructive to the government efforts to clean

El-Obeid.'1' In 1908, he was even reported as being on friendly terms 2 with a faqth who was viewed as a possible cause of unrest. The third

Khattfa - Mirghani - was on no better terms, and his closer ties with

'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi at that time, brought about a more hostile reaction from the government. This became apparent in 1911 when

Savile, then acting Governor of Kordofan, was trying to support the appointment of Ibrahim b. al-Makki as head of the order, rather than

Mirghani, because the former was thought to be more co-operative.

Savile was advised to stop interfering with the internal affairs of the order since such an interference could be interpreted as a recognition 3 of the tam-qa. The unfriendly attitude persisted throughout the rest * of the period in which Mirghani was head of the Isma'Iliyya, i.e. until

1950. Although the outbreak of the First World War in 191^ had forced the government to modify its attitude towards the tartqas, and although * i Mirghani's friend 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi and his associates were no longer considered enemies of the government the Isma'Iliyya was still viewed with some suspicion. One of the virtues that recommended

Isma'Il b. Ahmad al-Azhari to the government was his dissociation from . the tartqa. A report in 1915 described him as having nothing to do with « 1+ it. It was this member of the family who was seen to be more suitable

1. S.I.R.,, Wo, 159s October 1907s Appendix B. 2. S.I.R.'j Wo. 169, August 1908, 3. See Butter Ts dtary , October-Wovember 19-Lls Sud.Govt. Archives (Durham), U00/10. U. Sud.Govt.Archives (Khartoum), Intel. 2/32/261, lU July 1915. 113

than the head of the Isma'Iliyya tartqa as a member of the Sudanese delegation of notables to London to congratulate King George V in 1919.

The Government, the Western Sudan and the Isma'Iliyya

The second factor which affected the revival and development of the

Isma'Iliyya in this period was related to the delicate position of the government in its early days in the western Sudan. Taking advantage of that situation, the Isma'Iliyya, both tartqa and family, managed quickly to restore their prestige, and making use of the favourable conditions at the time, to extend their influence more widely than before. Then, after their early good start, they began to settle down to the role of a localized traditional tartqa and a holy family, * The government position in Kordofan and Darfur was very sensitive and vulnerable in the early years after the reconquest. These are two vast areas, remote from the capital and had always been rebellious against all forms of central authority In Khartoum. During the Mahdia they saw a great deal of unrest, and for a long time after the reconquest no effective government authority was established in them. The government was hoping to reconquer those parts-of the Sudan by stages, but while doing so it did not want its claim to sovereignty over them to be challenged. Thus after the battle of Omdurman, Kitchener, finding himself in no position to advance immediately to the west, published a proclamation in November 1898 to all the shay'khs of Kordofan and Darfur in which he stated that the government intended to resume its authority there, but that would be delayed until he had settled things in the Nile.

When that was done, he promised, "...The government will turn its attention to the western Sudan, restore its authority and organize it to

t V 114

the best advantage and welfare of the tribes and inhabitants it 1 The quick defeat of the Khalifa in Um-Dibaykrat in the following year made it easy for the government to despatch a small force under Mahon to reconquer El-Obeid in December 1899- In Darfur it was thought better to lay claims to the area leaving its administration to the Sultan 'All

Dinar, a descendant of its last ruler, Muhammad al-Fadl. The main preoccupation of the government was with the pacification of these areas and then the establishment of a just and effective administrative structure. After the reconquest of El-Obeid, therefore, Wingate issued a proclamation to all the people of Kordofan encouraging them to return to their homes and promising to help them with transport and seeds for 2 cultivation. He also sent a letter to 'All Dinar asking him to encourage the people to cultivate their lands, open schools and mosques 3 and to resume trade with Kordofan and Khartoum. Those government promises were not fulfilled, and consequently its hopes for an immediate pacification of the inhabitants there were not achieved. The state of unrest in those areas continued, and up to 1916 no single year passed without a reported rising or conflict of one sort or another, in which the government was involved. A number of factors had contributed to this: the inhabitants of those re - and especially Kordofan - had a deep-rooted and probably well-justified distrust of any foreign government or central authority,, The fact that the new government was partly Christian and at the same time associated with the Khedivial rule had added to its unpopularity. Moreover, the fact that its presence was not always felt had tempted many to disregard its orders

1. S.J.i?,, Ho.60, Appendix 97 s p.lHl^. 2. N. Shuqair, Ta'vtkh, 3, 671. 3. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum), Int.2/3/lH, Wingate to Dinar, 3 June 1900. 115

and ignore its decisions. Furthermore, the religious feelings and fanaticism -were still very high there and the incidents which occurred during the early years of the Condominium showed that north of

Omdurman, fanaticism had waned, hut southwards, along the White Wile and in the western Sudan, it remained very strong and active.^

The government’s efforts to establish a good administration were also frustrated. It was hoped that the government would gain the confidence and co-operation of what Kitchener termed "the better class of natives", through whom the whole population could gradually be 2 influenced. Therefore one of the most important duties of Slatin, as Inspector-General under Wingate, was, "To acquaint himself with the names and characters of the principal sheikhs and other persons who either through their wealth, position or for reasons connected with religion, have influence over the natives". Slatin had no great difficulty in this respect in the Gezira and the Wile areas, where there were a number of shaykhs and tribal chiefs with whom he could establish contacts. In the western Sudan, tribal structure was disrupted during the Mahdia, and with the exception of a few notables like ’All al-Tom of the Kab.ablsh and Musa Madibbu of the Rizayqat, there were no strong chiefs who could be of any real use to the government in influencing the population in its favour. Under the circumstances, the presence of an influential tarZqa whose leader was willing to co-operate was a blessing. Thus, like the Khatmiyya in Kasala, the Majadhib in the eastern Sudan and the Ahmadiyya in Dongola, the Isma’iliyya presence in

1. A number of these movements have been cited in A. Cudsi, ."Sudanese resistance to British rule 1900-1920", unpublished MSc thesis, University of Khartoum, 1969. 2. Kitchener’s Memo, to Mudirs, enclosure in Cromer to Salisbury, 17/3/1899, F0/78/5022, 3. Sudan Gov.Archives (Durham), ^03/6A April 1902, "Duties of Inspector- General, Sudan", 116

the -western Sudan was a great help as a very important element of stability. Hie revival of the Ismafiliyya and the restoration of its zawiyas and organisations were therefore encouraged as a natural and healthy phenomenon. Though the government did not treat them to the * 1 same privileges given to the Mirghaniyya when they came back to Kasala, the Ismafiliyya returned to a very welcoming atmosphere in Kordofan.

Even before the return of al-Makki to Kordofan, his envoys were tempted by the favourable conditions to restore their old zawiyas and to expand by establishing new centres, especially in the Nuba mountains. Soon after settling down, the Isma'iliyya, both the family and the tariqa, » were set on the real task of adjustment to their new conditions. Unlike the Khatmiyya, their leaders were not in receipt of financial grants from the government, and none of them had accumulated any wealth during the Mahdia on which they could prosper. Al-Makki was even complaining that they were in no position to pay the rates which the new government 2 had imposed on houses. The chances of improving their financial position in Omdurman did not look promising,, In Kordofan, and with the governments favourable attitude, their chances looked far better. For this, they tried a number of sources. The first and the most important of these was trade. Although they could not be compared, in this 3 context, with the Majadhib, the members of Sh. Isma'Il's family had become very instrumental in the revival of trade and commercial activities all over Kordofan, the Nuba mountains and many parts of Darfur. Through

1. When the Mirghaniyya returned to Kasala after the Mahdia, they were given many privileges in the forms of land and government services. E.g., the Department of Public Works took part in rebuilding their mosques and zawiyas. See Egyp.Int-.Reports, No.57» November-Deeember 1 898, and Warburg, The Sudan under Wingate, pp.98-9* 2. See p.107 above. 3. For a good description of the role of this holy family in trade and religious activities, see J.L.Buckhardt, Travels in Nubia} pp.256-8. 117

their relatives and associates, they penetrated into the remotest parts of these regions for trade, and their zawiyas in towns like El-Obeid, al-Dalanj and Kadugli were very closely associated with commercial activities. The heads of these zawiyas were themselves normally traders by profession as well as religious faqihs; and as such they were able to play a very important role in the religious and economic life of that region. A good example of such men was al.Makki b. Bashir, a great grandson of Sh. Isma’il, who went to settle in al-Dalanj. Taking advantage of the relative peace and security in the region after the reconquest, and the good contacts his family had made before the Mahdia, he managed to establish a profitable business in that town and a big

Isma’iliyya zawCya too. Then, through active agents, both his trade and religious interests spread to the neighbouring villages, and covered a wide area. He was joined later by a few of his relatives, such as his brother Munir and his cousin Ahmad b. Ibrahim, and so their business expanded and their influence increased, and has remained so until the present day. They owned a number of shops and houses, and most of the trade in the region passed through them or their associates.

Being respected both for his wealth and his religious status, al-Makki was always referred to in cases of conflicts between traders, when there was need for a guarantor (damin) , and for the settlement of inheritance according to the Shari1a law rather than taking it to court. His zawiya served both as a shelter for his followers and a meeting centre for itinerant traders visiting the town. Another member related to the family by marriage was Makki Hamad, through whom the influence of the m Isma’iliyya was extended to Kadugli and neighbouring villages. He was a very wealthy trader and his sons now carry the same social and economic 118

weight in the region. Apart from these members of the family, there were also very prominent khalifas such as Isma’il Shaybun and Ahmad

Babiker who are still big merchants in Kadugli.

The second source which the Isma’iliyya had tried was agriculture.

With vast fertile lands and a fair amount of rainfall, the most important factor in agriculture in Kordofan continued to be the labour force. On his return to El-Obeid, al-Makki brought some of his slaves with him, and these were very useful as a productive labour force. But this force was continually in decline as ex-slaves were finding good prospects as recruits in the army on the one hand, and on the other the anti-slavery pressures were getting greater every year. Al-Makki and his family were lucky however, In that their slaves remained with them for quite a long time; but more important than that was the alternative source of free labour which they began to get from the followers of the tariqa.

In a number of villages near El-Obeid, those hiran willingly gave their services free in the large plots of land which were acquired by the head of the order or other senior members of Sh. Isma’Il's family. Thus al-

Jikka, al-Jallabiyya, Umm*Arada and other villages^" were becoming very closely associated with the agricultural activities of the Isma’iliyya and are until now the main source of their grain supply. In addition to these, some members of the family also began to take some interest in their lands in Dongola. The products of their date palms and wheat from small plots of land in al-Dabba were collected and sent over.to Kordofan.

The third source from which the Isma’iliyya had benefited was the zakat. The zakat is an obligatory due on every Muslim and is paid to — 2 hxyt al-mal in an Islamic state. In a non-Islamic state, people found

1. See map, Appendix B,: below. 2. See Qur’an, 9:103, 1:15^» 73:20. On how the zakat can best be distributed, see Qur’an 9%60o 119

themselves in a dilemma and could not comprehend the idea of paying it to such a government. Paying it directly through their religious shaykhs and faqihs was the easiest way out of this dilemma. In the first few years of the Condominium rule, the zakat was a very good source of income and economic power to all the shaykhs and faqihs throughout the Sudan. The income from this zakat was so recognizable that an intelligence report of 1908 had even suggested that those shaykhs and faqihs were actually collecting more money in this way than the government itself from taxes.^ In Kordofan, much of that income was going to the Isma’iliyya in the early days of Anglo-Egyptian rule. As time went by, the Isma’iliyya income from this source began to decline gradually. On the one hand economic pressures and new social attitudes made the people less enthusiastic to pay this zakat, and on the other, there was now more organized competition with the Isma’iliyya for the collection of this zakat, especially from the Mahdists under the new leadership of ’Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, and also from the Tijaniyya.

Another source of income, closely related to the zakat was that of the ziyarat (pious gifts of pilgrims), and al-nudhur (fulfilments of conditional vows and offerings) which were paid sometimes in cash, and at others in kind. Though payments for the ziyara of the qubba or the head of the order was by no means obligatory, it grew into a custom and no visitor would come there empty-handed. Though the income from this source was not sizeable, it was enough to maintain some of the shrines and to keep those who guarded them happy.

In addition to...all these sources, there was also the contribution of the wealthier members of the order for the big occasions, such as the hawliyya of the shaykh or thQ'Mawl'Ld of the Prophet.

1. See jS.J.i?.j No. 162, January 1908, Appendix C. 130

Though the income from all these different sources was fairly large, the Isma’iliyya did not manage it in such a manner as to make a central

financial establishment like Da’irat al-Mahdi or Da’irat al-Mirghani.

Instead of investing this income in capital expenditure, the Isma’iliyya used it in their daily maintenance of the tariqa duties, the upkeep of the khalifa's household, and the feeding of the numerous disciples who made their lodgings in the khalwas and zawiyas of that order. Up to 1906, although there was no central da'ira to organize the finances

of the Isma'iliyya, al-Makki, as the unchallenged head of the order and the family, was taking care of that fairly well. After his death, and

following the gradual disintegration of the family, there was a growing I tendency to tear the income from these sources apart, and for each household to insist on its share from it rather than pool it centrally.

The lack of such financial management and the absence of a central daHra to control their income, left the Isma’iliyya less capable of

developing their resources, and as time passed these grew more and more

inadequate. With a declining financial power, the political and social

influences of the Isma’iliyya were also in decline. They could no

longer cope with the increasing demands of a central tariqa and the * requirements of a big holy family, and therefore had to accept a secondary

position after the Ansar and the Khatmiyya in political and social

affairs.

Social and Political Change and the Isma’iliyya

The third influence on the development of the Isma’iliyya during this

period is related to the changing social and political trends in the Sudan 131

at that time and the response of the tapiqa and the members of the family to those changes.

The reconquest of the Sudan by the Anglo-Egyptian forces brought about two important developments which greatly affected the society: the first was that Sudanese people had come in contact with outside influence in a more effective way. Up to the first half of the nineteenth century, the only influences to which they were exposed came in small doses through Egypt and the Hijaz, and even those were stopped during the Mahdia. With the conquest, there was a dramatic change and

Sudanese society was once again exposed to foreign influence on a wider scale. Though the effects were not felt immediately, some tendencies i towards an impending change began to be apparent. Many young people started to appreciate the material benefits of modern education and

European technology. They began to look for inspiration and guidance towards a new "modern” type of leadership rather than their traditional tribal or religious shaykhs. The introduction of a new system of education, improvement of transport and the development of new economic tastes and trends had all fostered these tendencies and encouraged the emergence of some new social groups with modern attitudes and goals.

Modern education gave the young Sudanese access to new ideas and introduced them to new concepts. Better communications and new economic trends tempted many of them to urban centres and big towns where they could hope to get better opportunities for employment and greater chances for an improved and modern life. New social relationships and organizations were created which cut across tribalism and religious ties. Social clubs, thus, replaced zawiyas, takiyyas and khalwas as places for social gatherings in big towns. Economic interests were also beginning to take 133

the place of tribal and religious relationships as bases for social groupings. New social and political ideas, such as nationalism, progress and enlightenment, were also finding their way into the minds of those young men.

The second development arising from the conquest was of a psychological nature. The crushing defeat of the Mahdist-state and the imposition of a rule which was partly Christian in the Sudan, generated a feeling of frustration amongst the people who were brought up to believe that as Islam is the true religion of God, it should

dominate the world. The victory of the infidels was seen not only as evidence that something had gone wrong with the universe, but also as proof that they themselves had deviated from the right path. This

frustration was deepest among the religious people, and especially the

Sufis. They reacted in two ways: the first was a violent reaction

finding expression in the numerous religious uprisings against the government after 1900 which were inspired by the Sudanese popular beliefs about the NabL fIsa and a’l-Masih al-Daddal,^ The victory of

a Christian power over the Mahdists led many Sudanese to associate the

British administration with al-Masih al-Dagjal (anti-Christ) and brought to life the prophecy of al-Shaykh Farah Wad Taktuk: "At the end of time * the English will come to you, whose soldiers are called police: they will measure the earth even to the blades of the sedge grass. There

- 2 will be no deliverance except through the coming of ’Isa". The second

one was a passive reaction: that of accepting the blame for what had

1. These uprisings have been discussed in detail by A. Cudsi, "Sudanese resistance to British Rule,* 1900-1920", unpublished MSc dissertation, University of Khartoum, 1969. 2. Hillelson, Sudanese Arabic T e x t s p. 159. 133

befallen as a just punishment for not abiding by the rules of God.

The only cure for that was for the Muslims to purify their souls by

returning to God and following the path of righteousness. Accepting

their fate and seeing that they were no match for the superior armies

of Britain and Egypt, many Sudanese gave up the idea of jihad al-sayf

(the holy war) and comforting themselves with the belief that the Prophet

himself had ranked jihad al-nafs (earnest striving with the carnal soul)

as the greater jihad^ they turned to worshipping God with passionate

dedication. There was a renewed and vigorous revival of Sufi

attitudes and tariqa activities.

Two distinct tendencies can therefore be discerned from these

developments: the first was a gradual and continuous process of

secularization which undermined the religious orders and subsequently led to their decline and eclipse. People, especially young men, no longer looked to religion alone for an explanation of all aspects of their lives. But parallel to that there was also a growing tendency

among the Sudanese to return to Islam, to trust their faith in God and be satisfied with His designs.

Among the Isma’iliyya, these conflicting tendencies found expression

in a division, which had already been manifested during the Mahdia, between two of Sh, Isma’Il’s sons - al-Makki and Ahmad al-Azhari. The early * years of the Condominium rule showed how these two branches of the family had reacted to these tendencies, and how they continued to drift apart

in this respect. Though they both gained importance during this period,

1. A tradition by the Prophet to this effect is often^quoted by many Sufis. See Abu’l Hasan al-HijuIrl, Kashf al-Mdhjufy trns. A. Nicholson, p.200. Qur’an 29:69 is also commonly quoted in this respect. 124

it m s continually becoming apparent that the Azharls, -with more readiness to adjust to modern society, were attracting more attention, were more appealing to the younger generation and were thus gaining more national prominence. Al-Makkl and the tariqa, on the other hand, though still strong and famous in Kordofan, had failed to adjust readily to such changes and could not attain to similar status on the national level.

After their retreat to El-Obeid in 1902, the Isma'Iliyya tended to be more conservative and more inclined to adopt a traditional and reactionary attitude of Islam which suspected anything new as bCd'a^

(innovation*heresy) and rejected any modernization as a threat to their

accepted way of life. When Bashir b. al-Makki was advised to send his 2 eldest son, al-Makki, to take a modern education, he adamantly refused to do so regarding it as being contrary to their traditional style of

education. It was not until late in the Condominium rule that the

descendants of al-Makkl had come to appreciate the importance of modern

education and to benefit from it. Another leader of the Isma’iliyya,

Ibrahim b. al-Makkl, the head of the order in El-Obeid (1908-1917) was

considered by the authorities there to be a hindrance to the government 3 plans for reforms and improvements.

Another area in which the Isma’iliyya did not appreciate the need

for change and modernization was in relation to the role of women.

Although a number of them had been educated during and after the Mahdia,

1. With reference to the tradition "kuttu ]bidTct dalala, wa kullu dalala fi'l nar’1, See also Bernard Lewis, ’’The Significance of Heresy in Islam”, Islam and History, pp.217-36, 2. See genealogical tables appendix below. 3. Wo.1 6 9 , August 1908. 125

none of them was allowed to aspire to a status similar or even close 1 2 to that of ladies like ’Alawiyya or Maryam of the Mirghaniyya. They all remained confined to their traditional inactive role in the taviqa^ * except during the big occasions when they could take part in the festivities, mainly in the preparation of food and the encouragement of the participants in the various functions and rituals.

The Isma’iliyya reluctance to reform and modernize was also reflected in the subsiding spiritual vigour and mystical power of the taviqa during this perioda There were now very few and insignificant karccmat performed by its successive khalifas and as the time went by the feelings of awe and reverence to those khalifas were diminishing0 In fact, after the death of al-Makkl, the head of the order ceased to be the main centre of spiritual attraction which emotionally drew the followers to the taxiqa.

The qubba of Sh. Isma’il, rather than the living head of the order, became the centre of inspiration; and the madad (help) was sought from it more than from the Khalifa* Thus, to preserve the unity and cohesion in the tariqa, there was an increased attention to this qubba and to the rituals • associated with it, more respect for the sacred relics of Sh* Isma’il, - - 3 and more glorification for his work and his karamat.

The Isma’iliyys also chose to be dormant even in literary activities.

A tradition of writing on religious subjects started by Sh. Isma’il and then followed by his son al-Makki, was allowed to die out after that, and the only efforts made in this field by Bashir b. al-Makki, were a

1. Daughter of Hashim b. Muhammad ’Uthman; known as bint Masawwa’; became famous amongst the Ban! ’Amir in the eastern Sudan, died in 19^9 and has a shrine in Massawwa’. See Voll, Khatrrtiyyaj Appendix II. 2. Another daughter of Hashim; with-her husband gained fame in Sinkat; died in 1951. See Chapter III, p.93n, above* 3. See Chapter V, p.lUl, below. 1ZB

reproduction of Sh, Isma’il’s and al-Makkl's works, the mere copying q of which was considered to he an act of bzraka,

;Unlike the Khatmiyya and the Ansar, the Isma’iliyya also failed to appreciate the importance of the para-military youth organizations known as at-shabab, and did not offer any alternative which could have appealed to their young followers who were beginning to lose interest in their traditional organizations, rituals and mysticism. They also failed to provide for the rise of educated and prominent men outside the family to a position of leadership through the Isma'Iliyya. Thus, unlike the above mentioned two organizations, the Isma’iliyya could not attract those young educated men who were destined to become the future leaders of the country.

In politics the tariqa was also very reluctant to take any initiative and its leaders were satisfied with a secondary position in this field.

The Isma’iliyya, therefore, did not attempt to patronize any political party and even refused to tie itself to one or the other of the then two rising political groups of the Ansar (Mahdists), and the Ashiqqa'

(Mirghanis). The failure of the Isma’iliyya leaders to see the nature of the new political trends and to comprehend their importance, left them in a dilemma and they could not even unite themselves as one pressure group behind their head. With no unifying ideology and no clear directives, the Isma’iliyya leaders and followers were left to decide their political affiliations according to their personal individual judgments and in response to local issues rather than a comprehensive national outlook. In the early years of the Condominium rule, therefore,

1. All the copies reproduced from these works therefore finished with the names of their copier and a form of request from God to help him as a reward for this act of copying. E.g. $ 12?

al-Makki collaborated -with al-MIrghani, and his family at that time were in close contact with and highly respected by the government officials.

But this co-operation between al-Makki and the Mlrghanlyya soon gave way to competition and rivalry, which sometimes broke into open conflict,^

This conflict could be one of the main reasons which forced al-Makki to leave Omdurman, though his tariqa was growing there. After his departure, his khalifa in Omdurman, MIrghani, was left in an even weaker position against the growing pressure of the Khatmiyya. It was this situation rather than any conflicting national issues that affected the attitude of MIrghani and the Isma'Iliyya of Omdurman towards the

Ashiqqa and the Khatmiyya. In Kordofan, the Isma'Iliyya found no competition at first, but after 1910 this situation changed - especially with the beginning of 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi's restoration to political and religious power. 'Abd al-Rahman hoped to get his support for this revival mainly from Kordofan and Darfur. With better organization and greater financial resources, the Ansa"r grew up to be the main competitors of the Isma'Iliyya and a threat to their, until then, unquestionable predominance in those areas. This situation then became the main issue which decided the political attitude of the Isma'iliyya in El-Obeid towards the Ansar and the Mahdists.

Those views based on local situations were also reinforced by personal relationships and attitudes. MIrghani, the head of the

Isma'Iliyya in Omdurman, was known to have been a very close friend of e. J 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi and was more inclined to his way of thinking in « politics. On the other hand, Bashir, the senior member of the Isma'Iliyya

10 See p.110, above. 128

in El-Obeid, and Muhammad Salih Suwar al-Dhahab, the head khalifa of • * the Khatmiyya there, were on the best of terms and were said to have been at one time colleagues as clerks in the Grand Court of Islam in

Omdurman during the Mahdia. They too were more inclined to have closer attitudes in political affairs.

Divided as they were on regional issues and with different personal inclinations, the leaders of the Isma’Iliyya tariqa could not form an * effective political group, and as such made very little and continually diminishing impact on national political affairs.

With the tariqa in decline, internal strife and inability to cope with modern developments in the Sudan, there was no temptation for the youngsters of the family of Sh. Isma’il to take any active role in it.

Thus, although the tariqa has continued to be respected in Kordofan until the present day, it was the Azhari branch of the family which was beginning to gain more national importance and prestige, and to revive the fame of Sh. Isma’il's family under a new name, al-Azhari, in a new geographical location, Omdurman, and under new circumstances, political activities.

Following in the steps of Ahmad al-Azhari, his descendants chose to be more susceptible to change and more open to modernization. Benefiting

from Ahmad's earlier contacts with Egypt and his good reputation there, * many of the young members of the family joined al-Azhar university and returned to the Sudan as Shari1a jurists. For a long time, a number of these filled the posts of qadis and muftis in various parts of the country.^

lo Most prominent of these was Isma’il b, Ahmad al-Azhar I, see E. Hill, Biographical jKotionary^ £ 0l8^._ ^For others, see Husayn S.A. al-Muffci, Tatawur niHBkam al-qada' fi al -Sudan. • & *

x 129

The Azharis also readily accepted modern education and sent their children to benefit from it. They also preferred modem life in the capital to the provincial environment of El-Obeid. This also became a further attraction to the youngsters of the family who continued to move into the big towns, and to draw closer to the attitudes and ways of thinking of this Azhari branch. What attracted more fame and prestige to the Azharis during this period, however, was their attitude in politics and their leaders’ understanding of the nature of the new issues and emerging forces in this field. The continued residence of the Azharis in Omdurman allowed them to have first-hand information on current affairs and kept them always in touch with new developments on the national level. Their contacts with Egypt and modern education introduced them to new concepts and ideas such as nationalism and the quest for independence. They also came to realize that clubs and political parties, rather than the traditional religious and tribal ties, were the new and more effective methods of political organization. With this background, the Azharis were more suited to engage in the nationalist movements and more equipped to tackle the new political trends and comprehend the new methods.

The nature of political change in the Sudan during this period has been discussed in various works to which reference can be made for further details.^" The most important aspects of this change were the development of a nationalistic spirit and a growing awareness of the need

1. See P.M. Holt, Modem History, Chapters IX and X; Muddathir ’ Abd al -Rahim, Imperialism and Nationalism3 Chapter IV, pp.89-13^-; and Warburg, Islam Nationalism and Communism^ Chapters I and II, pp. 21-89. 130

for political organizations. Political activities, however, developed amongst the educated elite and continued, primarily, to engage the enlightened section of the population. Although those continued, for some time, to depend for support on the blessing of the traditional religious and tribal leaders, it was becoming evidently clear that those new politicians had their new approaches and tactics to match their new political issues.

The Isma’iliyya failed to adapt quickly to these new changes and, in this field, they were still lagging behind. Their involvement in political activities and national affairs were, therefore, minimal and even when it became necessary for them to do so, their participation was half-hearted and their role was marginal. In 19195 when the heads of the religious orders saw fit to sign a declaration of loyalty^ to the British

Government in the face of growing Egyptian nationalism, the signature of

MIrghani, the head of the Isma’iliyya tariqa then, came at the tail of the list in that document. Hot only did the Isma’iliyya leaders fail to take an active role in national politics, but they also declined to give any clear guidance to their followers to help them in their political allegiances. Disagreements between Isma’iliyya leaders on political issues, were reflected also amongst the followers; and the tariqa, in 2 this respect was never united behind its head on any issue.

In contrast, the Involvement of the Azharis in political activities and national affairs was evident and more positive. They did this, not through the establishment of a mass organization, nor by the patronizing

1. This is often referred to as Sifr al-wxla1 ^ and was handed to the Governor-General on 23 April 1919.- See Milner Papers, Oxford, for an official translation of this document. 2o See Chapter V, p.lU6 , below. 131

of a political party, as did the Mahdists and the Mirghanls, hut their fame and reputation -were raised mainly through the emergence of some national figures from their members. One of these was Isma'il h. Ahmad al-Azhari (1869-19^-9) who in addition to his distinguished career as an

Islamic qadi and mufti^ had also gained for himself and his family some reputation as a national figure, and did not hesitate to take an active role in political affairs. His involvement in politics was detected as early as 1911 by Butler, who registered in his diary on the 31st of

October 19119 "interviewed Ismail El Azhari, Kadi of Sennar. A clever powerful man. Was sent away from El-Obeid because he took an important 2 part in the Morghani trika dispute". More evident was his involvement through the Board of Ulema, of which he was a member, and through his involvement in the support of the government against the Egyptian nationalistic tide of 1919° He was one of the signatories of sifr al- wla' (the declaration of loyalty), and he was one of the distinguished members of the delegation to congratulate King George V that year.

Another member of the Azharis whose involvement in this field was more significant, and whose fame even more closely associated with his career as a politician, was a great grandson of Ahmad al-Azharl, also with the name of Isma’il al-Azhar! (1900-1969)° Isma'il's involvement in politics started as early as his student days at the American University of Beirut, where he had tried unsuccessfully to stand for the presidency of the students' unionD His years of study there (1927-30) were very

1. See R. Hill, Biographical Dictionaryj p.l8U. 2. Sud.Govt.Archives (Durham), U00/10, Butler's diary, October-November 1911. 3. For detailed information on Isma'il al-Azhar1 , see his memoirs in the Sudanese daily paper al~Ayyam3 3 June to 6 September 1957. See also his obituary in The Times, London, 27 August 1969° Also Warburg, Is lam > Nationalism and Communisms Chapter 2. 132

informative. He came in touch with many students from various parts of the Arab world and was influenced by many ideas to which he was 1 exposed through his reading of the papers and his discussions with fellow students. When he returned to the Sudan in 1931, he began to take an active role in politics. That year he was elected Chairman of the Graduates Club in Omdurman.'*" In 1938 he became the first Sudanese president of that club, and then in the same year was elected as one of four presidents of the Graduates Congress1^nr which he helped to found to unify all the graduates of the different schools in the Sudan under one organization. Through his activities in this Congress and in association with its members, al-Azhari built his political career and brought himself up to hold the balance between the two major political organizations patronized by the Mahdists and the Khatmiyya, He became the first prime minister of the Sudan in 195^ 9 and saw the country through the final stages leading to independence in January 1956,

Before his death in 19&99 Isma'il al-Azhari had managed to establish himself at the head of a political party - the National Unionist Party -

and gained a political reputation which gave the family under this name

a new fame and prestige.

To conclude, the Isma'Iliyya, in the early years of the Condominium

had passed through two phases. The first under the wise and unchallenged

leadership of al-Makki, both the tariqa and the family were making use of

1. This was originally a social club first established with the help of Sayyed 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi in 1919 to counter balance the growing pro-Egyptian tendencies amongst the graduates of Gordon Memorial College , higher schools, army officers and such educated Sudanese. The Club developed later into one of the great centres of political activity. 133

his good leadership, of the favourable attitude of the government to them and of the state of affairs in the western Sudan to restore their prestige and revive their fame. In the second phase, mainly after the death of al-Makkl in 1906, a number of factors combined to bring about a division in the family and a decline in the tariqa. Internal strife and lack of good leadership forced the Isma'Iliyya to turn into a highly localized tariqa and greatly reduced its importance and national * standing. At the same time, another branch of the family of Sh. Isma'il, under the different name of al-Azharl and with new social and political attitudes, was beginning to gain fame and prestige during this second phase. 134

CHAPTER V

ORGANIZATION AND PRACTICE OF THE ISMA'ILIYYA

In its initial stages the Isma'Iliyya started as a small group of

followers around Sh. Isma'il in El-Obeid. By 1917, though still not

comparable with the Ansar and the Khatmiyya in this respect, the order had branches in various parts of the Sudan, with an elaborate structure

and regulations to control its members and with its own ritual

ceremonials. This process of transformation passed through different phases and was influenced by a variety of factors, some of.which the

Isma'Iliyya shared with all other similar religious orders as an

inevitable result of their natural expansion, but some factors were

particular to the Isma'Iliyya and its social and political environment.

This chapter attempts to look into these organizations, practices and

rituals, their development through these phases and some of the factors that influenced these developments.

The Developmental Phases

Sh. Isma'il started this religious association with a limited number

of disciples who were attracted by his baraka and who considered him to

be a wait endowed with special links with God and capable, through these,

of helping them in this and in the other world. They joined him of

their own free will to teach and guide them in the path of righteousness

and to cure them of their physical and spiritual ailments. In return,

Sh. Isma'il received their unquestioned obedience, and his authority

and judgment were placed above any doubts or disputes. His relationship

with them was direct, face-to-face and personal. They were all looking 135

up to him for direct guidance and personal assistance, and they were all linked together by a common devotion and desire to attain, by methods of spiritual discipline, a vision of Reality. In this respect, Isma'il and his group were a continuation of the tradition of the faqih system of the Funj Sultanate of Sennar where all the followers were equal hiran (singular, huwdr) or fuqara (singular, faqir) each humbly serving the Shaykh and the group and none of them 1 expecting any distinctive rank or special treatment. There was no hierarchy, there were no ranks and there were no barriers between the puttdr and his Shaykh. Some of Isma'il's disciples, however, managed to gain his special favour and closer attention - like al-Faqih Abu

Zumam - but this was in no way reflected in a structural or hierarchical order, nor did it in any way affect the direct, face-to-face, personal relationship between Sh. Isma'il and his followers.

In I8l6, when Sh. Isma'il became a follower of Muhammad 'Uthman al

Mirghani, he came in touch with a new experience. As an ordinary disciple and then as a rmrshid in the Khatmiyya tariqa., he began to appreciate some new forms of relationships between the adepts and their shaykhs?, and to see a hierarchy in which the followers were elevated to what could be termed mardtib (stages). ' Those maratib were based mainly on the closeness of the person to the shaykh.on the one hand, and on his efforts in worshipping on the other. Muhammad 'Uthman divided these Into three stages, each of which is in turn divided into two . 2 sections. He explained how these stages could be attained, the

1. Y.B. Badri, in "al-Makk wal-faqih", Sudan Society, No.5 , Vol.5, 1972, p.5, describes the group of hiran. called awlad al-maratib as some sort of hierarchy under al-faqih. Those, however, were mainly his bodyguard. 2. See M.U. al-Mirghani, al-zuhiir al-fariqa fi-tarrif huquq al-taviqa al-Sddiqa,, p.8 9 . * 136

responsibilities attached to each one of them, and the duties of the followers towards those who held them. According to his explanation, the stage of shaykh al-tahqlq is a stage granted by God alone to those * who, through their spiritual purification and by His Grace, are chosen for that honour. But that of shaykh al-tabarruk is a stage granted by the head of an Order to any of his disciples authorizing him to act as his deputy, often called a khallfaj naqlb or a murshid.1

Sh. Isma'il, however, did not commit himself to these divisions, and although the influence of Muhammad 'Uthman's ideas can be traced

- » 2 in some of Sh. Isma'il's writings in this respect, he did not actually implement them in his tariqa during his lifetime. - He felt no need for that at the time. His followers were still both numerically and geographically manageable. Unlike the Khatmiyya who were scattered in many parts of the Sudan, Sh. Isma'il's followers were gathered in one geographical area; and unlike Muhammad 'Uthman, who was continually travelling, Isma'il was settled in El-Obeid. The conditions which forced Muhammad 'Uthman to implement these stages in his order to maintain some links between him and his dispersed disciples through his shuyukh al-tabarruk did not arise for the Isma'Iliyya. Sh. Isma'il maintained his direct face-to-face personal relationship with the members of his order. Although he talked about the spread of his tariqa into 3 many countries and among different peoples, he did not in fact experience any real expansion of the order beyond the boundaries of Kordofan, and did not envisage anything further than that during his lifetime. For

1. Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani, al-zuhur al-fd'iqa fi ta'rlf huquq al-tarlqa al-sadiqa3 pp.90-1 0 2 . 2. See Sh. Isma'il, al-’Uhud al-Wdfiya9 pp.3, h and 13, and Mashariq, pp.60-8 . 3. See Sh. Isma'il, Miftdh bah al-dakhul3 p.5* 137

those manageable disciples, therefore, he did not need any system of delegation or any form of hierarchy. Furthermore, Sh. Isma’il believed that he had a Divine mission to guide his follower's to God through his order; that he was personally chosen for that duty even though he did not go out in the world looking for it; it was rather forced on him."*'

Therefore, he could not run away from it nor could he delegate it to anyone else. Accordingly, apart from appointing his only khalifa, his son Muhammad al-Makki, Sh. Isma’il did not attempt to establish any kind of administrative structure, nor did he try to delegate his authority through any organizational links. He saw no alternative to the personal contact between him and his follower so long as he was living; and even after his death, his writings, he thought, would be the best to deputise 2 for him. He consequently spent much of his time trying to reduce his ideas to writing, thus giving the tav%qa its theoretical basis and a bank of literature leaving all the practical administration and organization to his son and khalifa3. Muhammad al-Makkl. Until his death in 1863, therefore, Sh. Isma’il1s contribution to the Order in this aspect was very small. The developments introduced by al-Makkl came in two phases: one starting before the death of his father up to the outbreak of the Mahdia, and the second starting after the end of the Mahdia up to his own death in 1906.

In the first phase the change was not dramatic and the process of development followed the pattern common to all other similar religious orders. In their natural desire for expansion, both numerically and geographically, they were faced with the problem of their tendency to lose their central control and cohesion. In order to maintain their

1. Sh. Isma’II, al- rUhud at-Waftya3 pp.6-7. 2 . Tb'id* j p.. 7 • . 133

unity, they developed some methods of liaison to ensure the spiritual and administrative links between the head of the Order and the followers. Even before the death of Sh. Isma’il, the tariqa was already stretched to the point of tension, and al-Makkl had to develop some means by which he could keep in touch with the regional centres. The death of Sh. Isma’il presented the Order with another problem. His charisma, his baraka and his special connections with God had been very central to attracting the followers to the Order. His death removed this power of attraction and other methods had to be developed to attract and maintain membership in the Order. The first step in this direction was the building of a dome (qubba) for the shaykh to be a focal point of veneration- to which ziyara (pilgrimage) was encouraged.1 The ziyara had its manners (adab) and rituals which were continually developed and added to. The spiritual ties of the followers with their shaykh were also kept by fixing the anniversary of his birth (mawlid) and death

(hawliyya) to be celebrated centrally, and all the members from the various regions would participate. Then the transfer of baraka. and spiritual qualities from Sh. Isma’il to his son and Khalifa al-Makki, was also emphasized. People were reminded immediately after the death of Isma’il that he had chosen his son al-Makki as his deputy in all matters related to his sons, his finances and all that concerned the family, and that he had appointed him as his heir and Khalifa of his tariqa during his life and after his death. And to stress this fact even further, Isma’il had allowed al-Makki to precede him in prayer as . - 2 vmam for twenty years.

1. Ziyara: pilgrimage to the shrine of a holy man as distinct from haqj, pilgrimage to Mecca. 2. See al-Nashra al-Saniyya (the obituary of Sh. Isma’il), ms. Sud. Govt. Archives, 1/182/1310. 1 3 3

The first phase of al-Makki’s Khilafa3 therefore, witnessed a gradual development of administrative links and spiritual ties between the headquarters of the Order in El-Obeid and the affiliated regional groups of followers, as well as some new developments in forms of rituals. These developments were particularly evident in areas where the members of the family of Isma’il had settled as traders, especially in the Huba Mountains. In such places as Kundukur, Kundukair and 1 Kadugli, people gathered round one of the members of Sh. Isma’il* s family or a relative by marriage and established a local centre with some spiritual and administrative liaison with El-Obeid. Those links, however, did not get enough time to develop gradually into a proper structure of a centralized tariqa organization. When the Mahdia broke out, therefore, the Isma’iliyya were, but not dramatically, beginning to change. Sayyid al-Makki whom the Mahdi met was a head of a religious order rather than a local faqih. People gathered around him not only to be educated in the Qur'an and other orthodox Islamic studies, but also to perform certain rituals and practices of the tariqa*Yusuf

Mikha’il in his memoirs gives a description of how Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi • • used to come with some of his followers to participate in these ritual 2 and Sufi practices.

It was the second phase of al-Makki’s Khildfa after the Mahdia, which witnessed the greater change and development that transformed the

Isma’iliyya into an organized religious order, not very much different

from the presentday tariqa. Like all other religious orders during the

Mahdia, the Isma’iliyya was disbanded and its practices suspended. By

accepting the overlordship of the Mahdia, it had forfeited much of its

1. See map Appendix B, below. 2. Y. Mikha’il, Memoirs^ trans. S.M. Nur, pp.63-5. 140

claim to spiritual leadership; and "by moving with the Mahdi to

Omdurman, al-Makki had weakened the social and religious ties with his followers whom he had left "behind. Without those ties and without its founding saint to give it renewed spiritual support, the

Isma'Iliyya had to depend on other methods for revival after the Mahdia.

To re-attract its old followers, it could no longer depend on the charisma of Sh. Isma'il, "but it had to renew their faith in the continued strength and vitality of the tariqa. To ensure continuity, methods had to he developed to recruit new members and for the order to surive it had to make some rules to regulate the relationship among its members, between the followers and the head of the tariqa and between the tariqa • • and the community. Then in order to facilitate and strengthen the ties between the head of the tariqa and its members, now dispersed all over

Omdurman and the western Sudan, a form of administration had to be organized.

The Isma'Iliyya attempted to regain the confidence of its followers first by reasserting their beliefs in the saintly powers of

Sh. Isma'il and secondly by reassuring them of the transmission of those

saintly privileges and baraka to his son and Khalifa3 al-Makki. To stimulate the zeal of the followers, the qubba was renovated, a harts

(guard) was appointed to keep it clean, to guard its sanctuary, to instruct the visitors on the pilgrimage observances, and to collect the offerings and gifts. The followers were strongly urged to make regular visits to the tomb for the blessing, to invoke the assistance of God through the Walt, or simply to renew their spiritual ties with him.

The mosque - adjacent to the qubba - also became a focal point for the 141

followers to gather regularly for prayers and to maintain their contacts with the Shaykh. Then there was a renewed enthusiasm for the collection and preservation of the relics of Sh. Isma'il, especially his writings.

His works were therefore very carefully gathered together and copied by his grandson Bashir b. al-Makki. Those with some other items possessed by Isma'il came to acquire a great sentimental value and were kept in much respect. Furthermore, the anniversary of his death was also fixed to be celebrated by all his followers.

Al-Makki's position as the true heir of the spiritual powers and baraka of the saint was also emphasized and in this respect the favourable attitude of the Condominium Government towards him was a great help. The fact that he was chosen as one of the religious notables and the respect shown to him by the Government officials and some of the army officers was portrayed as convincing proof that God had bestowed

His grace upon him, so that he could easily obtain audience of the rulers

(wa-laqiya,l qabul), and could therefore mediate with them and arbitrate on behalf of his followers. His powers to perform miracles were widely asserted. Many of these were collected in a special book called - 1 al-nafa^at al-miskiyya f i rl Kavamat al-Makktyya. Prophetic dreams which suggested the ultimate victory of the disciples of al-Makki over all others, such as the one related by a certain 'Ubayd Nasir, were * widely spread and held to be proof of al-Makki's sainthood. 'Ubayd related that he had seen al-Makki in a dream leading people in the Friday prayer. After finishing his sermon, al-Makki ordered the congregation to stand up for prayer stating that only those who really believed in him

1. I could not obtain this book, though reference has often been made to it. - See al-nash'a al-Makkiyya (obituary of al-Makki), ms. Sud, Govt. Archives, 1/82/1321. 142

would be able to do so. Only some - of whom 'Ubayd was one - managed to obey the order, but the rest failed to stand. 'Ubayd who was not a follower of al-Makki prior to this incident, was then convinced after that dream and came to be one of h^.s devoted disciples,^

Furthermore, in order to induce the followers to return to their tariqa and to recruit more, al-Makkl wrote a treatise, enumerating its 2 good qualities and virtues, called Kitab al-ahadith al-Saniyya,..3 by which he hoped to convince them that the Isma'Iliyya was mainly based on the Qur'an and the Sunna and thus offered a most direct and easy way leading towards God.

By 1902, as a result of all those efforts and some other factors

3 which favoured its developmenty the Ismal'Iliyya tariqa regained much of its vitality and was already becoming one of the two most important k tariqas in the country. By this time also al-Makkl, for a variety of reasons referred to earlier,"* decided to return with his tariqa to

El-Obeid to give it a headquarters. Encouraged by the continued success and expansion, he also began to send a number of propagandists (singular, da*i) to various parts of the western Sudan and the Northern Province where he hoped to recruit new followers. To maintain close links with those whom he had left behind in Omdurman, and to keep in touch and to control those whom he was sending around, a structure had to be devised. Then to preserve the uniformity of practice within the tariqa some regulations had to be made to govern the various activities of its members.

1. Ms. letter from 'Ubaid Nasir to al-Makki, Sud.Govt .Archives, Khartoum, 1/82/1333. 2. Muhammad al-Makkl, Kitab al-afyadith al-Saniyya fi'l tyath wa rl targhib faid al-^ariqa al-Ismafiliyya3 ms. Sud.Govt. Archives, Khartoum, 1/82/1331. 3. See Chapter IV, pp.105-20, above, U. See Report on the tariqas , S.I.R., No.95, June 1902. 5. See Chapter IV, p.llOn,' above. 143

Starting with Omdurman, al-Makkl, therefore, appointed some regional representatives (singular, khalifa) to whom he delegated some of his authority so that they could take care of the affairs of the order and look after the welfare of its members in their local centres. On the other hand, al-adab al-jaliyya ft ma yalzam al-mufrit fl’l tariqa al-

IsmaTIliyya' provided those regional centres, with the same code of conduct as that applicable to the members in El-Obeid. Through those usages it was hoped that a continued active involvement in the affairs of the tariqa would be maintained among its members; and that through the disciplinary procedures in them, the relations between the members, between members and khalifas and between them all the community could be regulated. Since members' activities both as individuals and as groups, reflected on the reputation of the Order, they were advised to maintain good relationships between themselves: help each other, show respect to their leaders and maintain a regular and orderly presence In the zawiya for the dhikr

To keep pace with those developments, the headquarters of the

Order in El-Obeid started to develop some systematic procedures through which al-Makki was able to keep in touch with and exercise some control over his regional khalifas. A system of official correspondence was therefore set up, al-Makki kept an official seal and appointed his son al-Bashir to what developed, for a brief period, into the important post of katim asrar wa hamil akhtam al-khalifa (keeper of confidential records and bearer of the khalifa’s seals). His duties were mainly administrative and as such he had very little to do with the religious

1. The author of these regulations is not given in the manuscript, nor is the date. Judging by what is written in it, it seems -to have been written or dictated by al-Makki towards the end of Sh. Ishma'il's life but were not applied, earnestly until after the Mahdia, See al-Rdab al-jaliyya3 ms. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum) 1/82/133^. 144

hierarchy of the taptqa. A further illustration of this growing bureaucratic trend could be seen in the development of al-Makkl's reception room into an administrative centre for the Order to which all the secular affairs were transferred, thus leaving the khalwa mainly for the religious activities and rituals. The administrative role of this room was also closely linked with its social function. High- ranking government officials and other important guests were entertained by the head of the Order in that room and there also he held receptions for non-religious occasions„ Thus, just as the qubba, the mosque and the zdwiya had each a certain role to play in the spiritual life of the tariqa, al-MakkiTs reception room was beginning to acquire an important position in its social and administrative set up and came to be known as al-dlwan to distinguish it from the khalwa and other rooms.

Under al-Makki, and especially during the period 1898-1906, the

Isma'iliyya was transformed into a centralized religious order and the basic framework for its organization was laid down. A central authority was established with al-Makki being venerated as the inheritor of the position of Isma'il al-Wali, whose sainthood had already been recognized.

A hierarchical structure was constructed to link the central office of the Order with its regional centres through spiritual as well as administrative ties of varying degrees, A system of recruitment was developed and propagandists were sent around for that purpose. A set of disciplinary principles was also made to govern the behaviour of the members. And the rituals of the tariqa were defined and its shrines rebuilt, which gave the Isma’iliyya its own distinctive character. By

1902 it had already grown into one of the most highly organized tai’lqas 14 5

of the Sudan and an Intelligence Report of that year found it more important than the Sammaniyya Order in this respects although the latter had more followers.^ By 190U its head, al-Makkl, felt quite confident to go on pilgrimage and leave the affairs of the Order in the hands of his son without fear of having any disruption during his absence. In

1906, a report of the Governor of Kordofan still found the head of the

Isma’iliyya to be one of the most influential religious figures in 2 El-Obeid.

After the death of al-Makki these organizations which he had developed did not find enough time to strike roots. The second khaVCfa of the Order, Isma'il al-Raqiq, lived for only two years after his father, and the khilafa went after him to his son Mirghani, who lived most of his time in Omdurman. The continued absence of Mirghani from El-Obeid, the spiritual centre of the tariqa and the differences which developed between him and the elders of the family had both weakened the central organization of the Isma’iliyya, Competition between the various branches of the family led to divided loyalties, and lack of a centralized control led to disintegration and lack of uniformity within the Order. During his period of office which extended up to 1950, Mirghani allowed the organizations of the Isma’iliyya to decay and some of the important 3 functions and offices to be discontinued. In the regional centres, the khalifas were left with very little contacts with the headquarters of the order and with their loyalties more divided. The zawiyas thus tended to be more independent with the minimum of ties to either El-Obeid or

1 . S.I.R.j No.95, June 1902. 2. See J.R. O ’Connel, "Annual Report,. Kordofan 1906", G.G. Reports, Khart oum, 1907• 3. The most significant of these was the office of Katim asvav wa hdmil akhtam al-khaVCfa 14 6

Omdurman. The decline in the organization of the Isma'iliyya was reflected also in their lack of interest in the modern trends which were adopted "by similar tcw-iqas such as the para-military organizations

called at-Shabab, the increased use of the press for the circulation of their literature and ideas, photography-*" to distribute the photograph of the shaykh to the followers, thus giving them some feeling of closeness to him, or any other new method of propaganda.

Thus by 193A the Isma'iliyya organizations were in decline and by the 1920s even its very existence was being threatened by the advancing

Tijaniyya tarZqa which had a better organization.^ By the 19^-Os, its * central authority was so weak that it was not only unable to form its own political party, but it could not even stand united behind the one which its head had chosen to join. When Mirghani asked his followers to join the Umma party they did not only refuse, but some of than in

El-Obeid were even offended when he asked them to hold a tea-party for

Siddiq al-Mahdi, the patron of the Umma. The rift between Mirghani, the head of the Order, and his relatives in this respect was reflected

in many other parts of the country among the followers, and each member

chose his own political party and affiliation.

Though greatly weakened during Mirghani’s period of office, the

tavtqa remained basically the-same in its structure, rituals and practice

as those had developed during the khilafa of al-Makki. We may now turn to consider the structure, rituals and practices as they came through the above-mentioned phases.

1. Photography was only very, recently becoming popular in the Sudan, and even though it is still unaccepted by strict Muslims, the distribution of photographs of Syd ’All al-Mirghani, Syd ’Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi and Sh.Ahmad wad Badr had for some time become very fashionable, and their photographs were kept in great honour by their followers. 2. See Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum) INTEL.2/32/271, 25 May 1925. 14?

The Structure of the Tariqa

The main offices in the structure of the tarZqa are those of the shaykh and the khaltfa.

The shaykh is the divinely guided founder of the order who, it is claimed, was ordered by God to establish it and give it its spiritual and moral authority. His own authority, it is claimed, had come to him by divine grace directly from God, and as such it was supreme-and unquestionable. He has absolute right to obedience and no question or proof was to be asked of him, for he is considered to be the trustee of

God. He is also considered to be the source from whom all the khattfas of the Order derive their powers, and to whom all those taking the covenant (}ahd) declare their allegiance. It is he who guides the people in the path of righteousness, who cures their souls and who assists them in their lives and comes to their rescue In times of difficulties. In the Isma’iliyya tart-qa there is only one shaykh, and in fact the title shaykh itself^is reserved only for al-Shaykh Isma’il al-Wall its founder, and is given to no one after him. He is often referred to simply as at-Shaykh or sometimes as at-Ustadh, During his lifetime Isma'il had formed the Order, given it a name and established its authority. After his death, he is still regarded as playing the important role of the saint who could still be invoked for support and assistance. His tomb is now the centre of attraction to all his followers. The celebrations of his death anniversary (hawl-iyya) is amongst the most important functions of the Order.

In its early phases the Isma’ailiyya had about seven more offices under the shaykh which were mainly concerned with the spiritual welfare and religious practices and disicpline in the tarZqa* As described in 148

al-Rddb'^ those offices were; (l) The khaVtfa, sometimes referred to as al-Khallfa al-rrutawalVt or khalifat al-Ustadh\ (2 ) the wazlr who was the deputy of the khaVtfa; (3) the naqib al-Umana’; (H) the wakll al- naqib\ and (5) the sven umana'j whose duty it was to carry out the day- to-day observation and reporting on the functions of the Order and the

activities of the ordinary members to their wakil and naqib, There was

(6 ) an officer responsible for the sanctity of the mosque and for the

organization of the rows and their correct adjustment in prayers, called al^uaHs', and finally (7 ) the officer responsible for the implementation « of punishment and disciplinary duties on the members, calledal-rdfi.

The officers of the Order could meet every day in their daily

five ritual prayers, or in the evening when they came for their dhikr

and discuss the business of the tariqa. With the natural expansion of * the Order outside El-Obeid, more Umandr were needed to carry out these

functions.

The death of Sh. Isma’il and the erection of a qubba on his grave, brought about another officer to the Order, that of haris al-darih whose • ♦ duty was to look after its sanctuary, its cleaning and to ensure that

the pilgrimage observances were properly followed so that the visitors might return with the maximum bffkii from it.

The adoption of the drums (al-noba) for the dhikr by al-Makki brought

about some new duties such as the bearing of standards, the beating of the

drums, the chanting of canticles (anashid) and the orchestration of the dhikr. But with the exception of this last function for which a certain

officer called shaykh al-dhikr, is appointed, all these duties have no

fixed officers and no fixed post in the hierarchy of the Order, and are

carried out by whoever is present and capable of doing the job.

1, Al-adab al-jaliyya3 ms, SudoGovt. Archives, (Khartoum), 1/82/133^. 14 9

This structure of the Order was dissolved during the Mahdia, and when it was revived after that it had to undergo a great deal of change to suit the new conditions in which the tariqa was transformed. More

emphasis was beginning to be laid on the secular and administrative

affairs of the Order. The centres of the tariqa were growing bigger

and geographically lying farther apart from the headquarters in El-Obeid, thus demanding a more elaborate administrative structure and a more

senior officer to represent the head of the Order. The first significant

development in this connection was the appointment of Mirghani - a grandson

of al-Makkl - as a khaltfa to the centre in Qmdurman in 1902. After that a number of khalifas were appointed to represent al-Makki in various parts of western Sudan, and especially in the Nuba mountains.

So many khalifas were appointed during this period that there was

confusion as to whom the term referred to. This was even further

complicated by the fact that in their efforts to gain more followers,

the khaVtfas themselves were given the authority to recommend new members to the office of khaltfa, To differentiate between these 'various khalifas3 additions were sometimes used. Thus, the head of the Order

is referred to as al-Khallfa al-Kahir (the grand khalifa) or as Khalifat al-saqoada (khalifa of the prayer mat). Then in each big centre there is

a khalifat al-khulafdr, the most important of them being those in El-

Obeid and Qmdurman. Then there are the regional khalifas who are:

either a senior khalifa bi-ndba or a junior khalifa bila noba, There is,

however, very little difference between khalifat al-khulafar3 khalifat al- noba and the khalifa biUx noba with regard to their authority, their

responsibilities or in their relationship with khalifa al~~sajjada, They

are all invested with the khilafa in exactly the same manner and by the 150

same procedure.'1' Their duties are also the same: mainly to provide a zdwiya for the followers, to hold the dhikr of the tariqa, to celebrate its important occasions and to represent the Order at religious and official gatherings. Because of its financial and social obligations, recruitment to the khiUdfa is often made from among the same social group in the community - that of the upper-middle class. The only differences between these khalifas seems to be set by the number of their followers and the sizes and importance of their zdwiyas.

The Isma’iliyya also vaguely used the terms khalifat ab (khalifa of the father) and khalifat maqcim (khalifa of a position) to make a distinction between the head of the Order and all the others.

Accession to the post of khalifat al-sajjada is by inheritance from father to the eldest living sonfts, Thus the first khalifa, al-

Makki, inherited the sajjada of his father Sh. Isma’il, then passed it to his eldest son Isma’il al-Raqiq who in turn handed it to his son,

Mirghani. Mirghani, however, died without a son and the Khildfa after him went to Isma’il’s next son in line, Taj al-Asfiya’, and then to the latter’s son, Al-Bakri, the present khalifa. The post of khaVtfat al- maqam is not inherited, although a number of families have, for a long time now, been associated with an Isma’iliyya khildfa which has been transmitted from one generation to the other. Appointment to the post is made by khalifat al-sajjada either through his own choice, by recommendation from another khalifa or from a group of followers electing one of them for the leadership of their zawiya.

Under the khalifa a number of lieutenants are also elected to help him in his religious and ever-increasing administrative responsibilities,

1. See pp.l6l-2, below for more details on investiture- rituals. 151

but the indiscriminate application of the term khalifa to any officer in the Order is now making it extremely difficult to distinguish between the various ranks which these lieutenants occupy. The Isma’iliyya again vaguely use terms like naqibs murshid and wakil without specifying where exactly they fit in the hierarchy of the Order.

There are also some ranks which are not strictly part of the hierarchy of the tariqa, but have gained a great deal of importance.

The most important of these is that of the mandub (emissary) who is chosen by khalifat al-sajjada from amongst his closest associates to do a specific job - often connected with the collection of money for the

Order or settling a problem among some followers. Because of its delicate nature, and since he represents the khalifa, the status of mandub has come to gain a great deal of respect and honour. The choice of the mandub is mainly decided by the nature of the mission for which he is intended to be sent, and thus it is not of a permanent nature, though certain individuals have come to be associated with specific types of these missions - like collecting the zakat and offerings for the Order

In certain areas - and have come to be permanently knowns as mandubs.

Other similar ranks are the munshidin (precentors), the tabl and noba beaters and the standard bearers, for which members qualify by their personal abilities, such as a good voice, the ability to memorize the elegies, and the desire to do the job.

Though many of the rules and qualifications for the various ranks in the tariqa have not been clearly specified, there are, however, some generally accepted conventions for electing members to them. Any member chosen for a rank of leadership in the Order is expected to be of high spiritual quality and have some status in the society. He must have some knowledge of the Qur’an, the Sunna and other related Islamic 152

subjects. He should also be very well acquainted with the dhikr and rituals of the tariqa and be able to read some Sufi books. His promotion in the ranks of the Order is primarily decided by his devotion and efforts for it. At every stage he has a dual responsibility of being able to recruit members and to lead them. He must be fit to perform both his religious obligation of guiding the followers in the way of their shaykh, and that of helping and assisting them in their worldly problems. He should also be able to portray the dual characteristics of dignity and humility: of being "the servant of the people", and at the same time their master.

Once appointed, a khalifa is then not very easily removed. This, in addition to the physical distances between some of the zawiyas and the headquarters in El-Obeid, could lead to disintegration in the Order, and a tendency towards independence among the khalifas. This is counteracted on one hand by the fact that khalifat al-sajjada retained some of the essential powers to himself which made the regional khalifas and zawiyas dependent for their existence upon his goodwill, while his post does not depend on theirs, he alone has the right of investiture and dismissal.

On the other hand, unity and harmony are preserved in the Order through

Its practices and its rituals.

Practices and Rituals

The rituals and practices of the Isma’iliyya also passed through some phases of development from a simple form of worshipping under Sh.

Isma’il to more and more elaborate ceremonials and complex procedures as the gap widened, through time, between him and his followers.'*' Under

1. See Gilsenan, Saint and Sufi in Modem Egypt_, p.76 for a description of this relationship between the development of these rituals and the passage of time after the death of the founder of the Order, See also p. 156, below. 153

!

Sh. Isma^il the Order was a very loose voluntary association in which the followers were integrated hy spirit and aim rather than "by any formal controls. Joining the Order was a very simple process and membership was obtained with the minimum of formalities. There was no bar to entry and no test which the aspirant had to pass in order to be a member. He was subject to no examination and was not required to show any special qualities to make him fit to join the group. He was only required to come forward with a true desire (niyya sadiqa), # take the covenant (al-'ahd) and he was a member. After that, the amount of work he wanted to put into the Order was his own affair, and there was no formal pressure on him to participate in any of the rituals or occasions of the tariqa9 which were, in any case, only very few and limited. The two most important ceremonies then were the initiation procedure {al-bayfa) and the dhikr.

As described in al-'Uhud,1 the bay ra is a very short and simple formality,

The initiate is required to make a ritual ablution on Monday at noon and immediately start his first stage by making his intention (niyya) of repentance to God and genuine desire to redirect his life from self to

God by following the path of Sh. Isma*!!. He then starts his introductory dhikr which he should take with ease. On the following Wednesday at noon, he makes another ritual ablution, takes the covenant (akhdh al-rad) and is then given the instructions of the dhikr by word of mouth (al-talqin).

The fahd is very similar, in word and structure to that of the

Qadiriyya and other tariqas which came after it in the Sudan. After his ablution, the initiate-prays two rakras and then sitssfacing his shaykh

1. Sh. Isnia'il, al-Whud at-Wafiydj, pp.12-3 and 30. See also Trimingham, The Sufi Orders 3 p.l86 for a description of the Qadiri procedure. 154

as though they are both in the act of prayer with the latter facing

the qibla, Then with their right hands clasped together (musafaha) • • and their eyes closed, the shaykh dictates and the initiate follows

him sentence by sentence, some specified litanies, Qur’anic verses

and then closes with the declaration of the Faith (al-shahada) and al-istighfar (asking for God’s forgiveness) and finally concluding

with the prayer for the Prophet, and the durdr for the shaykh, the chain

of his spiritual support, his family and his followers.

The dhikr, the central and most important function of the Order was

also very simple and straightforward under Sh. Isma’il. Purification

of the soul and unity with God were sought through simple disciplined worship and the recitation of some specified invocations, Qur’anic

verses and awrad (phrase-patterned devotions) of the Isma’iliyya without the use of any musical instruments, extraordinary rituals or special movements. The most important aspect of the dhikr was the ixxtqtn

(giving the secrets of the dhikr by word of mouth) and no aspirant could

take the dhikr on his own without the permission and guidance of his

shaykh^ and if he did, he could only fall an easy prey to the wiles of

the devil. It was important also to see to it that the acolyte was

gradually initiated in the precepts and guided easily (bi-hasab taqatih) until his soul was gradually fortified and strengthened.

The dhikr of the Order under Sh. Isma’il was basically a personal

duty and each individual follower was prescribed a specified dhikr task

(radad) in accordance with his own personal capacity. Ai-dhikr at-

khdss was the backbone of this practice and the hatqa (circle of dhikr

devotees), though much recommended, was not an essential part of

1. See Sh. Isma’il, al'-UhUd al-Wafiyaj p. 13. 1 55

the dhikr. At—dhikr at—khass, as described in a number of Sh. Isma'Il's • • 1 — works, :.is the repetition of some specially composed awrad a certain 2 number of times, and some extra prayers performed in addition to the

five ritual ones. These devotional duties are divided amongst the

seven days of the week and then amongst the different times of the days

so that the worshipper may continuously be engaged in the dhikr. The main emphasis is laid on the spiritual exercise through the recitation

of some Qur’anic verses, invocation of God's names and special prayers

devoted to the Prophet, rather than any ritual acts or movements. The

worshipper is free to stand up, sit or even lie down while reciting, so

long as he is continuously engaged in his dhikr. Only in al-dhikr al-

qatbi (the heart recollection), which Sh. Isma’il describes as the

basic and most important wird of his tariqa, are some special manners

prescribed. This dhikr at-qatbi is not particularly different from the

other awrad in words, although he suggests that it should be performed

with more dignity and respect. It is performed after the ,Ishdi, and

although each one can still do it on his own, it is considered to be more beneficial if the followers sit for it in a halqa where the dhikr

is recited loudly and when mention is made of the Names of God, half of

them audibly and the other half secretly. This should also be in such

a manner that the pronunciation is made with a deep voice coming from

inside the chest and with the Name clearly defined. Apart from the

special emphasis on this extra respect for it and more attention, which

is expressed in their sitting as though for prayer, and in closing their

1. See Sh. Isma’il, al-Hhud al-Wafiya3 Rawdat al-Salikin^ Miftdh bob al-dukhul. 2. See Sh. Isma’il, al-Vhud al-Wafiya, p. 13, the worshipper may choose to perform at-'adad ai-asghar3 2,000 times, at-awsat3 3,000, or aZ'-akbar, U,000 times. 156

eyes, imagining the presence of their shaykhj the halqa has no

additional practice or ritualQ

The gradual withdrawal of Sh0 Isma’Tl from active involvement in

the practical affairs of the Order made it necessary for it to resort

to some formal ceremonies and ritual behaviour to compensate for the

increasing spiritual separation of the shaykh from the followers.

Gilsenan suggests that there is, in fact, a relationship between the

development of these ceremonials and rituals and the degree of the

spiritual separation between the founding shaykh of the Order and his

followers. Thus he describes how these ceremonials and rituals

progressively grew in the Hamidiyya Shadhaliyya tariqa of Egypt in relation « • to the growing spiritual distance between its founder, al-Shaykh Salama t al-Radi, and his followers.

Following this analysis we may find a similar trend In the

Isma’iliyya tariqa0 Sh. Isma'il’s retirement, towards the end of his

life, from active participation in the Order, brought about new

additions to his simple form of the dhikr even before his death. The

attendance of the congregational dhikr was becoming obligatory and more

formal with the recitation of Sh. Isma'il’s poem at-Shidda becoming the most important function in it; and to omit that recitation could, in 2 effect, invalidate the whole dhikr.

An important development immediately after the death of Sh. Isma’il 3 was the adoption of the rioba (drums) in the Isma’iliyya, dhikr. Gradually

after that, the dhikr which with Isma'Il was a calm devotional act of

1. Gilsenan, Saint and Sufi in Modem Egypt9 p.76. 2. See at-adab aZ-jaliyya^ ms. Sud.Govt. Archives, 1/82/133^-. 3. The introduction of the noba is associated with a karama of Sh. Isma’il’s prophetic powers and another of al-Makki's baraka. See Chapter III, p.^+H, above. 157

worship, became a popular means of arousing collective religious enthusiasm. The traditional form of the dhikr - i.e. the recitation of the awrad - continued in the tariqa as dhikr aZ-awrad to distinguish it from the popular one, dhikr aZ-noba, and in both its variations the dhikr continued to be the most emphasized form of spiritual advancement in the tariqa. In Its traditional form - i.e. dhikr al-awrad - not * much has been added to the words or to the procedure of the dhikr after Sh.

Isma’il, but in its popular form - dhikr aZ-noba - it came to be associated with a number of ceremonials and ritual acts. The ZayZiyyas

(dhikr on specific nights) became the most important function, and twice a week on every Sunday and Thursday evenings a dhikr haZqa is held in every zawiya of the Isma’iliyya. The performance of the dhikr in these a _ i haZqas borrowed very much from the Sudanese Qadfciyya tariqa omitting much « • of its overt emotionalism and movements. Usually after the evening prayer has been completed, the members sit around talking to each other or drinking tea before one of the officials of the Order asked them to arrange themselves for the dhikr. They then sit in a circle with the noba in the middle and the chanters of canticles hZ-immshidin) nearest to the khaZifa. Before beating the noba the khaZZfa or, in his absence, shaykh aZ-dhikr opens the ZayZiyya by reciting some verses of the Qur’an then he proclaims aZ-tawhid3 nZa iZdh iZZa AZZdh" in a rhythmic tone and the others follow him for some time0 Then he rises up and begins the dhikr accompanied by the noba starting very softly and slowly, then gradually increasing the tone of the dhikr and its movement until they

1. For a description of the Qadiriyya dhikr, see Trimingham, Sufi Orders3 p.206. 1 S B

reach a peak, after which, with a sign of his hands, the leader slows the dhikr down gradually to a complete halt. Then the rrunshidvn take over with a religious poem or a Sufi hymn and continue for a short time before the dhikr is resumed again. The dhikr is finally concluded by the shahada and some verses of the Qur’an.

Closely linked with the dhikr and the halqa ceremonials is the procession which usually starts from the qubba, in El-Obeid, or from the zawiyya, elsewhere, to celebrate an occasion outside the usual place specified for the regular ZayZiyya, It consists mainly of two long rows with the khattfa in the middle of the first row and the standard bearers and his senior officers close to him on both sides. Between the two rows are the drum beaters and the rmmshtdtn. Since the procession reflects the outward appearance and the place of the Order in the society, much emphasis is laid on the appearance and behaviour of the members taking part in it. Proper and clean clothes should be worn and discipline in behaviour and step should be observed while in the procession. Much attention is given to this appearance and discipline so as to impress possible recruits to the Order. This procession started to gain importance particularly after the Mahdia, especially when it began to be seen as a true measure of the strength of the Order in society. In

1915s therefore, the Isma’iliyya were angry when their procession was not - 1 given its proper place in the public celebrations of MawZid aZ-NabZ.

Participation in the public celebrations of the birth of the Prophet

Mohammad also became an important ceremony of the Order. Contributions

1. Sud.Govt. Archives (Khartoum) Intel.2/32/261-9 May 1915. The Isma’iliyya complained to the Governor about the Khatmiyya being placed in the same position as that of the Isma’iliyya in the procession contrary to the earlier arrangements prior to that year. 159

are collected from all members and as many of them as possible are expected to take part in the festivities and dhikr in the Isma’iliyya tent (khayma) during the eleven days and particularly on the twelfth night of RabI*I in the Muslim calendar. The tent is nicely decorated and illuminated; madih (praise-songs), dhikr and Qur'an are continually chanted in it every evening until the celebrations are over.

An occasion which grew to be the most important ceremony of the

Order is that of the hawt'iyya. The death dates of the founder of the

Order, Sh. Isma'Il and each of his successive khaVtfas have been fixed to be celebrated every year in all the zawdyas of the Order in addition to the public celebration in the central zaw'iya in El-Obeid.

Contributions to this central celebration are gathered from all members and as much as possible the followers are also expected to participate in the ceremonies themselves to give the occasion its grandeur and importance.

In all these occasions of popular dhikr, celebrations and hccwt'iyyas serving food and tea have become an integral part of the ceremony. On a big occasion, usually one or more oxen and a number of rams are slain to .feed the visitors. It is also an occasion on which all members of the family participate: women take part in preparing the food, while men and children take part in the festivities of the occasion.

The holding of such feasts and the presentation of great quantities of food in them, have always been considered an important social and religious duty for every reputable holy man or family to perform.

Emphasizing this, Hillelson suggests that in the Sudan, ’’Three forms of action, pertaining to the affairs of this world are much lauded in the saints: to offer lavish hospitality to travellers and pilgrims, to 160

intercede....on "behalf of the oppressed, o., and to give asylum to

fugitives...” A good example of such lavishness is seen in the

description of a Kamadan breakfast to which a famous saint, Hasan wad • • Husuna was said to have entertained some guests: "It was served by • 120 gorgeously dressed slave girls, adorned with precious jewels,

carrying dishes of kisva, Each of these was followed by another still more gorgeously dressed, who carried a plate and after each of these

followed another with a gourd. The food served to the narrator

consisted of two cocks, and inside each cock there were two pigeons and two small birds”. Hillelson explains this in the light of a growing

tendency amongst the holy men in the Funj Kingdom, to assert their position in the society as compared with the rulers. Thus he suggests that it was in keeping with the wealth and influence enjoyed by these men that they surrounded themselves with the outward semblance of royal 3 state, ceremonies and pomp of the court.

The holding of such feasts and the distribution of food should,

however, be considered in the light of a broader religious and social

context. The slaying of animals as sacrifice (karama)9 and the

preparation of great quantities of food for visitors, have come to

acquire some social and religious connotations and to be associated with

wider and more important meanings than mere hospitality and socialization.

The parallel between the duty of feeding the visitors of a holy man or

his shrine, and that of feeding the pilgrimage in Mecca (al-rifada) 9 can

1. See S. Hillelson, "Tabaqat Wad Dayf Allah", S.N,RtJ VI, 1, 1923, p.228. 2. Ibid.; p.230. 3. Ibid,, p.229. h. See D.B. MacDonald, "Karama", E,IK9 Vol.II, part 2. 1.6 I

hardly he overlooked„ Al-V'ifH.da was a highly regarded honour reserved

for Quraysh and could only he performed hy Bani Hashim, the ancestors of the Prophet. Ho hook of the Sira would fail to mention this and explain how Hashim, the Prophet's grandfather, got his name from the action of breaking the hread (hasham) for the preparation of food."1"

Apart from their religious significance and their social functions as opportunities when friends and neighbours could meet, these celebrations also served the purpose of gathering the followers together and giving the khaZZfa a chance to meet his officers and discuss with them the affairs of the taxn^qa in their different regions. The increasing * number of hawliyyas and the tendency of each hash (branch of the holy « • family) to celebrate the hawZZyya of its head, did not lead to « disintegration in the Order, since the main emphasis is still laid on the

central hawViyyas which are celebrated by the khaZZfat aZ-sajjada in

El-Obeid.

An important development also after the death of Sh. Isma'il is the ceremony of investiture in the khZZafa, The only khaZZfa appointed by Isma'il was his son al-Makki, for whom he did not have any ceremony.

As described in aZ-nashra, he only proclaimed that decision in front of legal witnesses (shuhud TuduZ) and put it in a written document which was

signed by him in front of those witnesses. This was not very different

1 . The most commonly used term is wa summZ Hashim Za'nnahu hasham at- tharZd, He was said to have made the tharZd by mixing broken bread with cooked meat and rice. It is significant to note that only this exact mixture is presented on Sudanese religious occasions and is called the fatta. See Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahab, Mukhtasav sZrat aZ-RasuZ. 2Q See at-nashfa (obituary of ShB Isma'il), ms. Sud.Govt. Archives, 1 /82/1310. 1 6 2

from the procedure of the igaza^ -which was currently in use at that time

amongst the Sufis and probably very much in line with that of Muhammad

^Uthman al-Mirghani to Isma'ril_himself„ In fact, the expression used to 2 describe the procedure in both is the same0 After the death of Sh. Isma’il,

and especially during the second phase of al-Makki's khildfa, a number of new

khalifas were appointed. Since the appointments were not made by the

founding saint himself, and in order to give the act an air of respect and

some degree of solemnity, the investiture of a new khalifa became a more

elab-orate ceremony with its special rituals. A special dhikr is made

for the occasion in which the new khalifa swears obddience to the shaykh

(akhdh al-bayfa) and a special turban is also brought to be wound by

Khalifat al-Saggada around the head of the appointed khalifa. The new

khalifa is also required to show his ability to lead the followers by leading

the dhikr in the presence of Khalifat al-Saggadao In the case of the

Initiation of a new zawiya a special dhikr is also performed led by its new

khalifa in'front of Khalifat al-Khulafdf in the region or in front of the

Khalifat al-Saggada himself, if possible,,

On the whole, these ceremonial practices and rituals of the Isma'iliyya

are not strikingly different from the other Sudanese Sufi orders, all of which have borrowed, in varying degrees, from the Qadiriyya in this respect.

But, as they are, in some of the details, these ceremonials and practices have developed to give the Isma'iliyya its own personality and through

conformity to them, the tariqa maintained some uniformity and cohesion.

1. For more details on this procedure see Izz al-Din al Amin, "Ijazat 'ulama* qaryat Kutranj", BSS, No.2, Vol.11, April 1971, pp.80-107. 2. The expression used in both is, "Wa dhalik bi-muqtada mukataba 'alayha Khitmuh amam shuhud 'Udul". See al-Nashraj Sudanese Govt. Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1310. 163

To conclude, the religious association over which Sh. Isma’il presided was, until his death, primarily a group of hirdn (disciples) under the guidance of their faqth, hoping through his mediation to find their way to salvation. In this association they maintained a great deal of equality in status, easiness in their relationship with Sh.

Isma’il, and with each other, and simplicity in the methods of their worship. The geographical and numerical expansion of this group and I the historical phases through which it passed, brought about some changes in these direct and easy relationships, and also to the simple form of worship. The change reflected mainly three stages of development: an early stage in which there was a gradual expansion of the Order and a gradual development in its structure and rituals; followed by a second phase after the Mahdia in which there was a need for change, which entailed a more dramatic development in these structures and rituals; then a third stage, after the death of al-Makki, which saw conflicts and divisions in the Order and a decline in its structures and ceremonials. By 191^, the Order to which Sh. Isma'il had given his name, though still keeping much of its original practices and forms of worship, had greatly changed, both in form and practice. 164

To close this account on the Isma’iliyya, reference may be made to a pattern which has been observed about Sudanese holy families and 1 their revivals This account shows how one of these families whose reputation and fame were fading away, had been revived under a new name and a new leadership,, Through the efforts of Sh„ Isma’il and his new tariqa, the family of Bushara al-Gharbawi, which once thrived o in Dongola, is now being revived under the name of the Isma’iliyya,,

The process started by Sh0 Isma’il continued after him to give the family more reputation under one of his grandsons - al-Azhari, thus starting a new branch for it„

The tariqa which Sh0 Isma’il had established and the books he had o written, though not original in ideas and adding very little to 'the

Sufi thought, were, in fact, very useful and effective in their local setting* Their impact on the people of Kordofan is felt up to the 2 present day„ Of particular importance is the effect of his tar%qa in the process of Islamization in the Nuba mountains0 It proved more attractive and appealing to the Nuba, and through it more people were converted to Islam than through the traditional methods of teaching in the Khalwas or the jihad of Abu Sufiyya» In many parts of these Nuiia mountains, and especially in the Dalanj and Kadugli areas, the

Isma’iliyya now claims the greatest number of followers„

lo PeMo Holt, "Holy families”, Princeton NoEo Papersj No0H, 19679 p d 0 o 20 Many of his contemporaries seem to have been impressed by the quantity and quality of his writings„ Of those was a Qadi of Kordofan Province who praised Sh0 Isma’il in a long po

A'ajim (sing. A'jami) Unable to speak Arabic; of non-Arab origins: 1+7.

Abkar (sing. Bikr) First born; Abkar al-Mahdi - the first followers of the Mahdi: 72.

Adah Manners, etiquette, observances, usages: 130 fAdad Specified number of times: 15!+. a%-*adad al'asghar - the smaller number at'-,adad al-aMsa£ - the medium number al-'adad al~akbar - the greater number fAdat (sing, rAda) Lit., customs - taboos: ^7 , 1^8.

Adhkar See dhikr: 61. fAhd Covenant: ll+7, 153.

Alqab (sing, laqab) Titles of distinction and honour: 83.

Anashid Canticles: ll+8.

Al-*aqciTid (sing. faqida) The creeds: l+3n.

Asas, Lit. the foundation - the basic litanies: 62

'Aslcki Sorghum porridge: 98.

Awtiyair,(sing, wali) Saints, protlg^s of God: 93.

Awrad (sing, wird) Phrase-patterned devotions, litanies: 59, 6l 63, 67, 151*, 155, 157.

Baba Lit.father - title of respect: kj.

Bid ra Innovation which amounts to heresy: 12h.

Baraka Benediction, blessing or holiness: 38(n), 1+2 1+6, 1+7, 1+8, 82, 90, 93, 128, 13l+, 138, ll+0, ll+l, ll+8. Bay'a Oath of allegiance: 87, 88, 153. akhdh dl-bay *a - took the oath of allegiance: 162.

Bayt al-mal The treasury in an Islamic state: 118. 1 6 6

Bihasab taqatih According to his ability: 15U. * • Da ri Propagandist: 1^2.

Da rira Litocircle - body which administers the finances of a big family and runs its commercial activities: 121.

Damin Guarantor: 117. * Darb ai^noba Beating the drum for the dhikr: 82, 83.

Dearth Shrine of a saint: 1^8. m • Dhikr A spiritual exercise designed to render ..God^'s presence in one's being:6l; the rhythmical repetition of God's names to attain spiritual realization: 82, 1^3, lU8, 150, 152, 153-59, JL62; dhikr at-awrad - the daily set repetition of phrase-gatterned devotions: 157; dhikr ai^noba - the popular communal exercise of dhikr accompanied by the beating of the drums: 15X^ at-dhikr at-qaVbi - the heart recollection: 62, 155; al-dhikr al-khass - the private or elected d h ik r: 15k 9 155*.*

Diwan (i) Register of saints: 55; (ii) Reception room: Ibki (iii) Book of poetic works, diwan jamif alshathat - the anthology of ecstatic utterances: U8n.

Du1 a* Prayer, supplication: 15^.

Dura Sorghum: 1 8 .

Faqih [faqir3 faki] Traditional Qur'anic teacher in a small khalwa, a local religious man (to be distinguished from faqih - one who is trained in fiqhy i.e. canonical system: 12, 13, 15, 26, 33, 3^, 38, Ul, U3, 51-^, 63, 65, 69-72, 75, 78- -82, 86, 89-92, 103, 10U, 112, 117, 118, 135, 138, 163.

Al-Fath at-Rabbani The Divine relevation: 56n.

Fatta A mixture of rice, bread, lamb broth and some meat: l6ln.

Fiqh Religious law, canonical system: 51, 53. 16 7

Al-Gharb The vest: U6.

Hadrat (sing, hadra) Lit0 Presence - collqquia of saints: 55. « • * * Halqa Circle of dhikr devotees: 15^-8. • Haris Guard: li+O, lH8 . ' ‘

Hasham Broke into piece: l6ln.

< Hashiya Glossary: 53. • Hawtiyya Anniversary of a saint1*s death: o 119, 138, iUt9 159, l6l.

Hi jab Amulet: 103. m Hivan (sing, huwar) Disciples: 118, 135, 162. o » Ijaza Licence testifying to the holder's link ■with a certain shaykh, madhhab or tariqa: 162. o Ikhtisar Abridgment: 53.

rIlm Knowledge, science; rilm laduni - knowledge which is inspired into the hearts of saints directly from God: 52; rilm al^hadith - the art of investigating the authenticity of the Traditions of the Prophet and the chain of witnesses who reported them: 91.

Imam Leader in public prayer: 91, 97, 138; imam at-*asr - the spiritual leader of the age: _ imam al-Muslimin - the spiritual and temporal leader of the Muslims: 71.

At-rIshaf The night ritual prayer: 155-

Istighfav Asking forgiveness from God, the repetition of the formula, "I ask forgiveness of God": 15U.'

Jallaba A party or group of traders, pedlars; in the Southern and the Western Sudan - traders of riverain origins, especially Ja'aliyyin: 73, 77, 78.

Jihad Holy war: 7^-, l6U. jihad at-nafs - earnest striving with the carnal soul: 123. 168

Jihadiyya Mercenaries of black origin: 31, 77.

Al-Jizya The poll-tax levied on the People of the Book (the Christians and Jews) in a Muslim state: 72.

Karama (i) Grace, miracle, the gift of performing wonders and miracles: ^-1, ^8 , 57, 58, 83n. (ii) Sacrifice: 160.

Khala' Open space: 19.

Khalifa Deputy, the leader of a religious order or a branch of it: 38n, 59, 63, 8H, 99n, 112, 117, 120, 125, 126, 127, 136, 137, 1^0, 1^2 , 1^3, ll+5, 1^7, 1U9, 150, 152, 157-9, 161, 162; Khalifat Rasul Allah - the successor of the Apostle of God: 71» Khalifat abb - the successor to the leader­ ship of an order after his father: 150; Khalifat maqam - Representative of the head of the order: 151; Khalifat al-sajjada - the inheritor of the prayer-mat of the founder of the order: 150, 152, 161, 162; al-KhaUfa al-Kabiv - the grand Khalifa: 1^9; Khalifat al'-Khulafaf - the most senior Khalifa: 1^9, 162.

Khalwa (i) Small Islamic school, usually in rural areas, where Qur'an, Arabic and such related subjects are taught: 51, 5^-, 63, 65, 81, 82, 86, 89, 93, 10U, 16U; (ii) Retreat, seclusion, place of retreat or seclusion for the purpose of worshipping: 59, 6l, 63, 6*+; (iii) Lodge: 120, 121, lUU.

Khayma Tent: 158.

Khilafa Succession to the leadership of the order or the office of representative of the head of the order: 7^, 139, 1^5, 1^6 , 150, l6l, 162.

Kisra Baked flat wafers made of sorghum flour: 160.

Khor Seasonal stream: 1 8. 1 8B

Laylat al-Qadr The Wight of Power: 60.

Layliyya Session of dhikr on certain specified nights; term by which these sessions are known in some orders: 157, 158.

Madad Help, support: 125.

Madhhab (pl„ madhahib) Legal school of thought in Sunni Islam: 53n, 71, 91n.

Madih Praise songs: 159. • Ma rmur An administrative officer: 102, 103. i Mandub Emissary: 151.

Maratib Stages: 67n, 135.

Mawlid Birth anniversary:110, 119, 138; Mawlid al~Nabt - the celebrations in the first twelve nights of Rabl'1’ I in the Muslim calendar in honour of the birth of the Prophet: 158.

Mudir Governor: 117; Mudtriyya - Province: 16.

Mufti A canon 'lawyer authorized to promulgate a fatwa or a formal legal opinion on religious matters: 71, 8ln, 93, 128, 131.

Mujaddid Reformer, innovator, renewer: 1+6, 92.

Mukhtasar Abridged: 53, « Al-Munajah Meditation: 62.

Munshidin Precentors, chanters of canticles: 151, 157, 158.

Muqaddirm Introduct ion: 6l .

Murid An aspirant, a novice: 6l,

Mur s hid Director: 55, 60, 135, 136, 151.

Musafaha Handclasp: 15I+. 0 o Nasab Genealogy,, . pedigree: * 90, 91.

Nisba Epithet of origin, affiliation: 93. 170

Niyya Sadiqa True intention, genuine desire: 153. « • Al-Noba The drum: 82, 83, 1^8,/151, 156, 157.

Nudkur (sing, nadhr) Fulfilment of conditional vows, offerings: 121.

Qadi A Muslim judge: 71, 8ln, 131; Qadi al-"Isldm (in the Mahdia) - the chief judge of the grand court in Omdurman: 96.

Qibla The direction which a worshipper faces while in ritual prayer - always towards Mecca: 15^.

Qubba Domed tomb of a saint: 119, 125, 138, iHo, Ihh, lJ+8, 158.

Rakra The cycle of words and acts surrounding a prostration in ritual prayer: 62.

Al-Rifada The honourable duty of feeding the pilgrims of Mecca: l6o, l6l.

Risala Tract: l+3n, 53.

Sad* Rhyming: 65.

Sanad Chain of spiritual support: 6l.

Al-Shabab Lit. the youth - a para-military organization for the youths of the tariqa: 126, lU6 .

Al-Shafa* a To intercede on behalf of the oppressed: 87, 103.

Al-Shahada Testimony, to witness, the act of professing the Islamic faith by declaring "There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is the Prophet of God": 15U, 158. *

Shark Explanation, c ommentary: 53. « Shari 'a The body of formally established Islamic law based primarily on God'rs commandments found in the Qur'an and Traditions: 71, 91, 92, 96, 117, 118.

Sharifi One who claims descent from the Prophet Mohammad: 1+3. 171

Shaykh Lit. old man: (i) head of an Arab family, clan, tribe or village: 13, 18, 78, 85, 86, 89, 113; (ii) head of a religions order; holy man: 15, U9, 51, 53n, 56, 58, 66, 71, 93, 98, 105, 107, 108, 115, 117, 119, 135, 1^6 , 11+7, 152, 156; (iii) a form of respectful address: 101, 121.

Shuhud fudul Legal witnesses:" l6l .

Silsila Chain of spiritual descent: 6l.

Al-Sira The Biography of the Prophet: U8n, l6l.

Sifr al~wala The declaration of loyalty: 130n, 131.

Sunna Custom, tradition of custom, saying or act of the Prophet Muhammad: 151.

Tab I Kettle drum: 151. • Al-Tahajjud The all-night prayer: 62.

Takiyya A lodge for the poor and vagrant faqihs, maintained by charitable donations: 121.

Takqin Teaching the secrets of the dhikr by word of mouth: 153, 15^.

Taqiyya Head cap: 121. + Tar' Flew away: 39 •

Tariqa A way, Sufi path, religious order: • -passim throughout 0

Al-Tawassul Supplication: 62.

Tawhid Testimony of the unity and unicity of God: 53.

Tharid Food composed of bread, rice, broth and meat mixed together: l6ln.

tUlamat (sing. falim) Muslim theologians and scholars who are concerned and occupied with the interpretation of the canonical systems as derived from a close study and a strict adherance to the Qur'an and Hadith: 33, U3, 71, 72, 81, 82, 91, 93, 9U, 96, 98, 106; - 1Ulama’ al-rusum = scholars of: 67. 172

*Ulwn See Him: h6 .

Umma Community: 71 •

Al-Ustadh The teacher.: U6 , 1^7-

Usui Roots, fundamental principles: 51.

Wadi Valley: 18.

WakZl Custodian, officer in a religious order: 151.

Wali A saint, a protege of God: ^-8 , 13^, 1^0.

Wasata Mediation, arbitration, go-between: 87.

Zakat Alms - tax paid by every capable Muslim as a religious duty; or offerings to the poor. It is used for charitable or religious purposes: 118, 151.

Al-Zaman The time, the age: U6 .

Zawiya Lit0corner: (i) centre for the religious activities of a tarlqai smaller and distinct from the mosque: 116, 117, 1^3, lUU, 1U5 , 150, 152, 157, 159, 162; (ii) lodge: 120, 121.

Ziyarat (i) Pilgrimage to the shrine of a saint as distinct from Sad3 j pilgrimage to Mecca: 138; (ii) pious gifts of pilgrims: 119. a 3 Q APPENDIX A a. Q_ I X 17 Q

paternal descent 5 c •3“ Q maternal descent 00 3 c 3 3" Q a Q_ (6) Sh. Isma'il‘s line of descent O Q >< Q

x cw* Q x: 3 q_ o_ O *TI

crrs. zr °l m 3.< CPc v» u~ £ Ql Q Sitt i 0 al Banat TO Q •3“ 3 Q Sitt D al -N a fa r

Makka al Dar - Jara

D_00 C_ Araya a M ilayka — a_ i brahim x Q

Am ira •— •X o Sh. Isma'il — Muhammad 3 © > Q Bushara cr CL Q_ © Hajj Q_ Hajj Zubayr Hamad Muhammad Z a l-S ag h ir Q 'Abdullahi cr 0 Jara ’ Al iya — Makka a!-dar 'Alim — Hajja Zahra' Zaynab i a rr a al-Rahim Khadi $ i Q Nasir

Fadli

Mansur > cr CL ’ A liya — CP J ~ O' Genealogical Table g w Isma’il T Umm-Balla— © © 3 APPENDIX A Makka al~Dar. paternal descent 17 4

maternal descent a l-B a q ir— © Khalifas of the Tariqa

Umm al-Makarim— | Muhammad Tayb al-Asma’ Mirghani -

a l-Z u ja j- al-M ahT B ruk-

M aym una- Abu al-Ghayth. Umm H an i’-

Makka al-Dar- Muhammad_ -a l-M a k k i Ibrahim - © Mirghani. M l... | ©g) | Isma'il __ Mus|fa 1 a l-RRaqiq a q iq ■Tajal — Asfiy5 — I 0 al -M ahjub al-Bakn 0 © R uqayya- 3 N a f Isa - Ql al - B akri __ © ‘Ayisha ■

al-Murtada- Muhammed_ 'Ulthman K arrar- a l- Makkitvt -- Bashir- Muniir — 'A liy a Abu al-Fadt al-Hanafi-

Abd al-Rahim- Musa

Haram

Isma'il Ahmad Isma'il - Ahmad a l-A zh a ri a l-A z h a ri a l-A z h a r i

Isma'il 'Abd al-Qadir al-Kurdufant Ayisha

Genealogical Table II 175

Appendix b

S/ ^KHAR o

0 B a r a

U m m - ah-Tmeid Ramod EL-OBEID Ja lla b iy y a ^%J.KORDOFAN > ABU M A R A Z ® 'Umm Arada |

ahSaata* *al-jikka -- - )/ BOO^

- j S F ^ V / a . A. /

Kundukaira* 5 AL-DAL

Kunduk’ur*

cap ital

® large town ® town 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 v illa g e miles

ykS" w ad

khor A m ountain

Kordofan Province. APPENDIX C 178

THE WORKS OF SH. ISM&1IL IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER

At least nine of Sh. Isma'il1s works, shown here with a star * against each, have been published. The rest are still in manuscript in the hands of various members of his family. Some of these have been acquired by the Sudanese Government Archive (Khartoum), and are kept mainly under the classification 1/83/1308-133^ and 1/15/187-189•

It Is very difficult to make a comprehensive list of these works now since those who keep them are very reluctant to part with them.

This list has been complied mainly from (a) al-nashra (the obituary of

Sh. Isma'il, Sudanese Government Archives (Khartoum), 1/82/1310;

(b) an incomplete and oPfcen erroneous list in Sh. Isma'ilfs Mashariq

Shumus at-Anwav (Beirut, 1973); and (c) his aZ-'dhud aZ-wafiya (Khartoum, undated).

1237 (1821/2 )

Kitab: (book) Muzil aZ-iZtibas fi baTd 'ayn aZ-tasZim tiha*ula*i 1 ‘ al-nas.

2. Kitab: al-waridat aZ-Zaduniya fi ZaTib aZ-farifin bi'Z-dunya aZ-daniya*

3. Kitab: aZ-sirat al-mustaqim iZa hadrat aZ-'aZi aZ-fazim. • • « • 4. Kitab: Munyat aZ-tuZZab fi tafsir qawZihim *iZm aZ-zahiv hijab. 9 * • 5. Kitab: Tahdhir aZ-saZikin fi akt aZ-dunya bi 'Z-din.

6. Kitab: at-qawZ aZ-muhaq fi aZ-nahy ran makhafat aZ-khaZq. • 7. Kitab: *Aziz ai-muram fi Zafzat min tawhid al-aqioam. • •

8. Kitab: Siraj aZ-zalam fi fawarid al-qiyam.

9. Kitab: Tabyin aZ-haqiqa fi’Z-ijtima' ’aZa ta'am at-'aqeiqa. * * 10. Kitab: TakhZis al-ikhwan min huZuZ aZ-khusran. 177

1238 (1822/23)

11. Kitab: Tahrid at-ahbab rata luzum aZ-bab. • * • 12. RisaZa (tract): 'Ayn aZ-yaqin fi nush aZ-muridin.

13. Risata: Lisan aZ-KamaZ fi adhwaq aZ-riyaZ.

1239 (1823/24)

14. aZ-Uryuza (entitled) aZ-farida at-manzima fi masa'iZ at-'aqida (in verse).

15. aZ-TawassuZ (supplication) (entitled): aZ-yatiahir aZ-mfakhiva fi qadd hawa*yyaZ-dunya waTZ-dkhira. • • 16. at-Sharh (explanation) (entitled): aZ-fuyudat aZ-zahiva fi haZZ atfaz at-yawahir at-fakhira.

17. RisaZa: aZ-Zam' at-badi ran kashf haqiqat aZ-khatim wa'Z imam at-hadi.

18. K i t a b J a m i fjnatani aZ-kaZim wa wayiz aZ-nazm fi mafrifat sayyidi at-imam aZ-mahdZ wa'Z-khatim.

19. Qasida (poem): fi madh sadatina at-qawm yasiZ aZ-saZik biha ’aZa dhirwat aZ-rawm.

20. RisaZa: Kayfiyyat intizam aZ-rVasa Zi'abna* aZ-dunya ahZ aZ-siyasa. -**■ * 21. RisaZa:ja-Z^bayan aZ-kamiZ fi ma'rifatjxZ-kawkab aZ-fadiZ aZ-imam aZ-Mahdi wa rZ-khatim at-ShfimiZ Zi asrar aZ-tdti' wa'Z^maziZ.

22. RisaZa: Tufyfat aZ-a fyan fi murasaZat aZ-ikhwan.

23. AZ-iyaza aZ-Kubra fi aZ-tariqa at-Isma'iZiyya aZ-fukhra.

1240 (1824/25)

■ *24 Ai-mawZid (entitled); aZ-noaridat aZ-muZtamasa min aZ-hadrat at- muqaddasa.

25. RisaZa: MuziZ aZ-ishkaZ fi haZZ raqarid aZ-'amaZ. w 26. RisaZa: Munqidhat aZ-'uqaZa' 'an ta’khir aZ-sadaqa ZiZ-mayyit wa'Z-du'a.

27. Qasida: at-yawahir aZ-zakiyya fi madh sayyidna Muhamad Khayr aZ-bariyya 178

1241 (1825/26)

28, Kitab: Shark at-uryuza a'l-musammah bi 't-farida dt-manzuma ft mas’aH t al-raqida.

1242 (1826/27)

29, Kitab: Rahmat al-wahhab ft tahdhib al-ahbab, m m 30, Kitab: Iy^ah al-maqat fi nahy at-qawm ran at-yam* fi al-akhdh bayn dl-riyal,

31, Kitab: Wasiyyat at-muhibbin fi darar dl-rirasa ti’t-satikin. • • t 32, Tafsir: Verses nWa nufikh fi at-sur fasuHq man fi at-samawat was man fi at-ard,, , tf up to the end o£ the Sura (Qur'an

1254 (1838-39)

33, Risata: At-Kawkab at-Sha'it fi tayqiz at-qafZ*dan dunyah at- baVtd at-ghdfit,

34, Kitab: At-Sahm at-Kharraq timan i 1 tar ad dhwat awtiyar al-malik at-Khattdq,

1260 (1844)

*35. Al-rUhud at-wafiya at-yatiyya fi kayfiyyat Sifat al-tariqa at-Isma Htiyya.

*36. entitled): Kitab at-buyut.wa’t-dawa'ir fi at-Kashf ran ma fi at-damarir,

1261 (1845)

37, Risata: Muwaddihat at-muram fi dafr ma yatawahham fih ba rd at- 'awam. # * * * * 38. Khutbat rId al-fitr. • • 39. Khutbat rId al-nahr. • * 40, Khutbat at-istisqal 1261 (1845) (aont'd)

*41 Kitab: Mashariq Shumus at-anwar wa maghavib hissiha fi man rnaway ruyTtn at-fUtum wa'Z-asrar. *

*42. Kitab: Miftah bdb at-dakhut fi hadrat Attah w a rZ-Rasut. • • o *43. Kitab: Rawdat at-satikin wa nrCnhat edit at-dunya wa'Z-din. * * 44. Kited): Diwan at-shathat • • 45o . Kitab: Ruh takhtis at-murminin Tan sutuk tariq at-rmkhsirvn. • • *

1265 (1848/49)

*46. Madih (entitled): HadaHq al-mushtaq fi madh habib at-Khaltaq. • • • 47. Du’a* Khatm at-Qurran (in prose and poetry).

Undated

*48. Kitab: At-barq at-satV.

*49. Kitab: Minhat at-wahhab fi madhat-ndbi al-awwccb. • • 50. His famous odes entitled at-Shidda and at-Munfariya. BIBLIOGRAPHY

General Notes

Io In placing the names of -writers -who have -works "both in

Arabic and English, two main difficulties have been encountered:

a) When the writer has a compounded surname, such as 'Abbas

Ibrahim Muhammad *Ali should he be placed under M or AY

b) When the writer has used two different forms of his name,

e.g. 'Uthman Sid Ahmad Isma'il for works in Arabic, and

O.SoAo Ismail for those in English, should he appear under

U, 0 or I?

To avoid any confusion, we stuck to the Arabic form with the

writer placed under his first name, the name rigorously

transliterated and the English form shown in brackets where

necessary. Therefore, 'Uthman Sid Ahmad will appear under U as

follows: 'Uthman Sid Ahmad Isma'il (0.SoAo Ismail).

II. Arabic names to which the definitive article al- is prefixed, will

be found under their initial letter; thus al-Makki will appear

under the letter M.

III. The b. between two names stands for ibn (son of). 181

II0 Manuscripts and Archival Material, Comprising

a) The works of Sh„ Isma'il (see separate list, Appendix C)

and other documents directly related to the Isma'iliyya,

classified in Sudan Government Archives (Khartoum) under

Miscellaneous as follows:-

1/82/1308 Al-Makkl's petition to the ma'mur of Omdurman in 1898 __ _ 1/82/1309 The sanad and the iyaza of the tariqa 1/82/1310 At-Nash(a (the obituary of Sh, I&ma'il) 1/82/1311 Sho Isma'il, Rahmat al-Wahhab 1/82/1312 Sh. Isma'il, al-Fartda al-manzuma 1/82/1313 Anonymous author, A study of the metres of Arabic poetry 1/82/131U Sh. Isma'il, al-Sahm al-Sharraq 1/82/1315 Sh, Isma'il, al-rUhud al-Wdfiya 1/82/1316 Al-Makki ??, al-Nafa,rCh al-'anbariyya ft al-Khutab al-minbartyya * 1/82/1317 Sh. Isma'il, al-Fuyu^at al-zahira 1/82/1318 Sh. Isma'il, Muwad^ihat at-muram 1/82/1319 Sh. Isma'il, Takhits at-ikhwdn 1/82/1320 Sho Isma’il, Duta! Khatm at-Qur ’an 1/82/1321 Al-Nash^ al-Makkiyya (the obituary of al-Makkl) 1/82/1322 Sh. Isma'il, Rahmat al-Wahkab (another copy) 1/82/1323 The addb (manners and etiquette) of the tartqa 1/82/132^ Sh. Isma’il, Wasiyyat al-muhibbtn 1/82/1325 A tract written*in praise of Sh. Isma'il - anonymous author 1/82/1326 A poem by al-Makkl 1/82/1327 Copies of some writings by the famous mystic al-Junaydo 1/82/1328 Poem in praise of Sh. Isma'il by his son, al-Baqir< 1/82/1329 Copies of some works in 1/82/1330 Poem by al-Makkl 1/82/1331 Al-Makkl, al-ahRdtth at-saniyya ft at-hath wa't- targhtb ft al-tavtqa al-Ismdftliyya 1/82/1332 Letters from Sultan 'All Dinar to al-Makkl 1/82/1333 A letter from ’Ubayd Hasir to al-Makkl relating a dream in which he suggests a karama of al-Makkl 1/82/133^ A collection of unclassified documents, mostly related to al-Makkl 1/15/187 Sh. Isma'il, al-Kayra 1/15/188 Sh. Isma'il, Dtwan al-Shathat 1/15/189 Sh. Isma'il, al-Mawlid l/lU/175 Ahmad al-Azhari's genealogy, at-iqtibas ft ittisal nasabina b i 1i- 'Abbas 1/11/87 The Constitution (dustur) of the Association of Sufi Orders in the Sudan 182

b) Intelligence Reports: monthly reports which contained

some information on the affairs of the Sudan. Numbers 1

to 59 appeared in Intelligence Reports Egypt (IRE); then

after that from Number 60, Sudan affairs appeared

independently as Sudan Intelligence Reports (SIR).

i) Intelligence Reports Egypt (IRE)

No.l, April 1892: An account of the Ashraf revolt in Gmdurman. Nooil, 1893: Report on the Sudan by Col.D.H. Stewart No.12, March 1893: The movement of Muz 11 al-Dalal in Kordofan against the Khalifa 'Abdullahl. No.32, November 189^: Father Rosignoli's statement concerning the Mirghani family in Omdurman. No.37» April 1895; App.D: On the SanusI activities and those of Rablh Zubayr in the Western Sudan. No.38, May 1895s App0 : On the activities of Rablh Zubayr in B o m u and on Islamic activities there. No.U39 January 1896, App.A: Account of some pilgrims on the nature of SanusI movement and that of Rablh Zubayr. No.UU, February-March 1896, App.D: On the affairs of the Western Sudan and the favourable conditions for trade there. No, 50, August 1896: On the growing weakness of the Mahdist rule in Kordofan-Darfur, and the fear of a possible SanusI influence. No.579 November and December 1897: The.Mlrghaniyya in Kassala. ii) Sudan Intelligence Reports (SIR)

No,60, 18999 Apps. 95 and 9 6 : Correspondence between Kitchener and Ibrahim rAlI, a claimant to the throne of Darfur. No.60, 1899s App.97: Proclamation of the Sirdar to the shaykhs of Kordofan and Darfur. No.85, 1901: Case of Shaykh al-MudawwI. No.95j June 1902: Reports on the tavtqas No.l59j October 1907: Government dissatisfaction and distrust of the leaders of the Isma'Iliyya in El-Obeid. No.169, August 1908: As No.159. iii) Sudan Intelligence Files (SUDINT) I/18/89 Mahdism (reports on Mahdist influence in the country). 2/3/260 CS/SCR/89C. Harold to Intelligence Office (Khartoum) concerning the formation of the "Board of of Ulema". 1 83

2/27/218) "Religious fanatics", a collection of 220) reports on a number of religious faqZhs 221) whom the British administration viewed 2/28/223) with concern. 22*0 229) 231) 2/32/260- 26 b Contain correspondence elucidating the Sudan Government policy towards the religious tariqas. 2/32/271 Threat to Isma’iliyya from the spread of of the Tijaniyya. 2/^3/361 A history of West African pilgrims in the Sudan *+/7/55 Fallata settlers in the Sudan. 6/J+/13 The Milleniumist sect.

Reports and Official Publications i) Reports on the Finance, Administration and Conditions

in the Sudan; Short (G.G. Reports). These are annual

reports published in Khartoum by the Sudan Government

between l899-1913a They provided a good summary of

affairs in the country in those years, and contained the

annual reports of the various provinces. See reports

of Kordofan province.

ii) Kordofan and the region to the West of the White Wiie9

compiled in the Intelligence Department, Anglo-Egyptian

Government Handbook Series, No.2, December 1912.

d) Sudan Archives in the School of Oriental Studies, University

of Durham; short (Sud.Arch.Durham), numbers:

97/5/11 al-Tahir b. ’Abd Allah, Kitab ma!arif furu* usul at-*Arab w a 'l-hasab wa'l-nasab Wingate Papers 192/2 H.E. the Governor-General’s speech to the Ulema, November 1917<> 195/7 Majdhubia Tariqa in the Red Sea Province. 237/11 Sudanese delegation to congratulate King George V, 1919* *+9^/11 Isma’il al-Azhari, Mufti El-Sudan. 184

S. Butler's Papers UOO/U Butler's Journal, Kordofan 1911. *122/12 Butler's Memoirs, Kordofan 1910.

III. People Interviewed in El-Obeid and Khartoum in 1915/76 1. Syd Mustafa al-Bakrl b, Taj al-Asflya’, present head of the Isma’Iliyya tarZqa 2. Syd Abu al-Facp. b. al-Hanafl, grandson of al-Makki h. Sh„ Isma'il, 3. Hajj 'Abd al-Hafiz 'Abdalla, grandson of al-Makkl - maternal, took active part in politics in El-Obeid in the 1930s and *+0s. *W Hajj Ahmad al-Faki ’Abdalla, merchant and has many contacts with IsmS’Iliyya trade and religious activities in Kordofan and Nuba Mountains, 5o Ism&’Il al-Musbah al-Makkl, grandson of al-Makkl - maternal, ex-PUS, Ministry of Finance in the Sudan. 60 MakkI Hasan Abbo, grandson of al-Makkl, ex-Director of Police in the Sudan. 7® Dr. ’Uthman Sid Ahmad IsmS'Il al-Blli, of the Bidayriyya Dahmashiyya of Dongola,

IV. Unpublished Works 1. Alexander Solon Cudsi, "Sudanese Resistance to British Rule 1900-1920”, MSc, Khartoum, 1969. 2. Hasan Muhammad al-Fatlh Qarlb Allah, "al-Tasawuf fi al- Sudan ila nihayat ’asr al-Fuj", MA, Khartoum, 19&5- 3. Muhyl al-Dln Muijammad Salih, "Mashyakhat al-’Abdallab", MA, Khartoum, 19&9. *4-. Salih Muhammad Nur (S.M. Nur), "A Critical Edition of the Memoirs of Yusuf Mlkha’Il , PhD, London, 1963. 5. John Obert Voll, "A History of the Khatmiyya Tarlqa in the Sudan", PhD, Harvard, 1969.

V. Bibliographical Works 1. ’Abd al-Rahman al-Nasri, A Bibliography of the Sudan* 1938-1958**OUP, 1962^ 2. ’Abd al-Rahman al-Nasri, Theses on the Sudan* Khartoum, 197**-. 3. R. Hill, A Bibliography of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan from the Earliest Times to 1937, Oxford, 1939. *4. P.M. Holt, "The Archives of the Mahdia", SNR* XXXVI, 1955, 71-80, 5. B. Lewis and P.M. Holt, Historians of the Middle East* London, 1962. 6. Muhammad Ibrahim Abu Salim, al-Murshid ild watha,:tq al-Mahdiyya, Khartoum, 1969. 7. J,0, Voll, A Historical Dictionary of the Sudan* New Jersey and London, 1978. 185

VIo General Works, Books and Articles 1 0 'Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad ’All, "Anglo-Saxon Teutonic Images of the People of the Sudan", Afzdcan Studies Seminar, Khartoum, May 1969, Paper no0.6„ 20 ’Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad ’All, "Contemporary British Views on the Khalifa’s Rule", SNR, LI, 1970, 31-^6. 3o 'Abdullah! 'All Ibrahim, al-Sira1 bayn al-Mahdi wa ,l-m,Utamdf, Khartoum, 1968 0 ba 'Abdalla al-Tayyib [Abdalla El Tayib], "The Changing Customs of the Riverain Sudan", SNR, XXXVI, 1955, IU6-I580 5. 'Abd al-Qadir Mahmud, al-Fikr al-Suft ft al-Sudan, Khartoum, 1969. 60 'Abd al-Qadir Mahmud, al-Tawa * if al-Sufiyya fi al-Suddn. Khartoum, 1971° 70 'Abd al-Majid 'Abdln, Ta'rikh al-thaqafa al-'Arabiyya ft al-SDdan, Beirut, 195^- 8 0 'Abd al-Mahmud NRr al-Dayim, Azahtr al-riydd ft manaqib al-Shaykh Ahmad al-Bashir, Cairo, 195^- 9o 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad hQ Khaldun, The Muqaddima, transg F. Rosenthal, 3 vols0, London, 1958® 10o C.C. Adams, "The Sanusis", MW, XXXVI, 1, January 19^-6, 21-it-6. 11o Ahmad b 0 al-Hajj Abu 'All, Makhtutat kdtib al-Shuna ft al-sultana al-Sinnariyya wa 'l-idara al-Misriyya (ed.) al-Shatir Busayll 'Abd al-Jalll, Cairo, 1961° 12. Ahmad ’Abd al-Rahim Na^r, TaTrtkh al-'Abdallab min Khilal riwayatihim al-Samariyya, Sudan Research Unit, Khartoum, 1969. 13o Ahmad 'Abd al-Rahim Na§r, "British Policy towards Islam in the Nuba Mountains", SNR, LII, 1972, 23-320 l^o 'All Muhammad Barakat, al-Siyasa al-Brttaniyya wa istirddd al-Sudan, Cairo, 19770 15o 'All (Abu al-Hasan) b. 'Uthman al-Jallabi al-Hujwiri, Kashf al-MahgUb, trans. R nA. Nicholson, Gibb Manorial Series, London, 193&. 160 A a J • Arberry, An Introduction to the History of Sufism, London, 19^9- 17. A 0J. Arberry, Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam, London, 1950® l8® AoJ. Arberry, "The Divine Colloquy in Islam", BJRL, XXIX, 1956, 18-M. 19° A.J. Arkell, "King Badi wad Nol Granting Land", SNR, XV, 1932, 2^0-50. 20Q A 0J. Arkell, "The History of Darfur 1200-1700", SNR, XXXII, 1951, 207-38, and XXXIII, 1952, 2M+-75. 210 'Awn al-Sharif Qasim, Mawsufat al-thaqafa al-Islamtyya, Khart oum, 1975 0 220 Go Baer (review) M. Gilsenan's, "Saint and Sufi in Modem Egypt", BS0AS, XXXVIII, 1975, 157-8o 23. K.M. Barbour, "Population Shifts and Changes in the Sudan since 1898", MES, 11, No.2, January 1966, 98-122Q 2U0 HoB. Barclay, "A Sudanese Religious Brotherhood, al-tarlqa al-Hindiyya", MW, LIII, 2, April 1963, 127-137o 25o H 0B 0 Barclay, Burri al-Ldmab, Ithaca, New York, I96U. 26. HoB® Barclay, "Muslim Prophets in the Modem Sudan", MW, LIV, 196k, 250-255- 27- M 0B 0 Bary, Dervish in the Sudan, California, 196U. 186

28® S. Biobaku and M.A- al-Hag, "The Sudanese Mahdia and the Nigerian Chad Region", Islam in Africa, (ed-) I.M. Lewis, OUP, 1966, 425-441- 29o AoR.C. Bolton, "El-Manna Ismail, fiki and emir in Kordofan", SNR, XVIII, 1935, 1-35. 30o D-W. Brittinger, Black and White in the Sudan, Illinois, 19U1® 31. W.G. Browne, Travels in Egypt, Syria and Africa, London, 1799- 32. J, Bruce, Travels to Discover the Sources of the Nile in the Tears 1768-1773, selected and edited by C.F. Beckingham, Edinburgh, 1964, 33. E.A.W. Budge, The Egyptian Sudan, 2 vols®, London, 1907. 34. Wo Wo Cash, The Expansion of Islam; an Arab Religion in the non-Arab World, Edinburgh, 1928. 35o JoH. Churi, Sea Nile, the Desert and Nigritia, London, 1853. 36. O0G0 Crawford, "Notes on: H® MacMichael's A History of the Arabs in the Sudan", SNR, V, 1922, 64. 37. OoG. Crawford, "Tagia umm Qerein", SNR, XXVI, 1945, 333-334. 380 OoG. Crawford, The Fung Kingdom of Sennar, Gloucester, 1951. 39- OoG. Crawford, "The Ashraf of the Sudan", SNR, XXXVI, 1955, 180-182o 40. A.W.Mo Disney, "The Coronation of the Funj King of Fazoghli", SNR, XXVI, 1945, 37-42o 41. R-J. Eles, "The Kingdom of Tegali", SNR, XVIII, 1935, 1-35. 42. d'Escayrac de Lauture, Comte, Le D&sert et la Soudan, Paris, 1853, pp0447-448, trans. P.M. Holt, 3oX.1977. 43. EoE. Evans-Pritchard, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica, Oxford, 1949. 440 H.Jo Fisher, "Conversion reconsidered: Some Aspects of Religious Conversion in Black Africa", Africa, Vol.43, No.l, January 1973- 45. L. Gardet, "Dhikr", El, ii, 2, 1965, 223-7* 46- Mo Gilsenan, "Some Factors in the Decline of Religious Orders in Modern Egypt", MW, LVII, 1967, ll-l80 47- Mo Gilsenan, Saint and Sufi in Modem Egypt, Oxford, 1973- 48. K 0D0D0 Henderson, "A Note on the Migration of the Missiria Tribe into South-west Kordofan", SNR, XXII, 1939, 49-77. 49- J. Heyworth-Dunne, Religious and Folitical Trends in Modem Egypt, Washington, 1950. 50. R0 Hill, Biographical Dictionary of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Oxford, 1951. 51- R. Hill, Slatin Pasha, OUP, London, 1965. 52o R. Hill, On the Frontiers of Islam, Oxford, 1970® 53- S. Hillelson, "The People of Abu Jarld", SNR, 1, 1918, 176-230. 54- S- Hillelson, "Tabaqat wad Dayf Allah", SNR, VI, 1923, 191-230® 55- So Hillelson, "David Reubini, an Early Visitor to Sennar", SNR, XVI, 1933, 55-66® 56® S. Hillelson, Sudan Arabic Texts, Cambridge, 1934. 57. S- Hillelson, "Aspects of Muhammadinism in Eastern Sudan", JRAS, IV, 1937, 557-577. - 58. S. Hillelson and W® Sterry, "The Charm of Salih ibn Hussaina", SNR, 1, 1918, 53- . . . 18?

59. T. Hodgkin, "The Islamic Literary Tradition in Ghana", Islam in Tropical Africa3 (ed.) I.M. Lewis, OUP, 1966, HI2-H660 60. P.M. Holt, "Sudanese Nationalism and Self-determination", The Middle East in Transition (edD) W 0Z0 Laqueur, New York, 1958, 166-1860 6l0 P.M. Holt, The Mahdist State in the Sudan 1881-983 Its Origin3 Development and Overthrow 3 2nd edition, Oxford, 1970° 620 P.M. Holt, A Modem History of the Sudan3 London, 1963= 63o P.Mo Holt, "The Sons of Jabir and their Kin: a Clan of Sudanese Religious Notables", BSOAS3 XXX, 1, 1967 a 1^2-157= 6 ka P.M. Holt, "Holy Families and Islam in the Sudan", PNEP3 No.U, 1967o 65= P.Mo Holt, "Modernization and Reaction in the Nineteenth Century Sudan", Studies in the History of the Near East3 (ed.) P.M. Holt, 1973o 660 E 0R0 Hussey, "A Fiki Clinic", SNR3 VI, 1923, 35-39 = 67. Ibrahim al-Darubl, al-Baz al-ashhab ft hayat al-Sayyid al-Shaykh rAbd al-Qddir al-Kaylani3 Baghdad, 1955= 680 Ibn Khaldun, see ’Abd al-Rahman Muhammad ibn Khaldun. 69= Isma’il ’Abd al-Qadir al-Kurfufanl, Saradat al-Mustahdt bi-Strat al-imam al-Mahdt, (edQ) Muhammad Ibrahim Abu Salim, Khartoum, 19720 70. Isma’il ’Abd al-Qadir al-Kurdufani, al-Tiraz al-manqush bi-bushra qatl luhanna malik al-Hubush3 (ed.), Muhammad Ibrahim Abu Salim and Muhammad Sa'Id al-Qaddal, Khartoum, 1971= 71. To Izutso, The Structure of the Ethical Terms in the Koran3 Tokyo, 1959. 72o Izz al-Dln al-Amln, "ijazat ’ulama’ qaryat Kutranj", Bulletin of Sudanese Studies3 2, 11, April 1971 > 8O-IO80 73. Izz al-Dln al-Amln, Qaryat Kutranj wa atharuha al-Him- ft al-Sudan3 Khartoum, 1975. 7^0 H 0C0 Jackson, Behind the Modem Sudan3 London, 1955. 75= Jalal al-Dln al-Siutl, al-Itqan ft fulum al-Qurfdn3 Cairo, 19^1. 760 Jamil Mo Abu al-Nasr [J„M. Abun Nasr]., The Tijaniyya: A Sufi Order in the Modem World3 OUP, 1965 = 77= D 0P 0 Kauazor, "The Afitti Nuba of Gebel Dair and their Relation to the Nuba proper", SNR3 VI, 1923, 1-3^= 780 F0A 0 Klein, The Religion of Islam3 London, 1971. 79= J 0M 0 Landau, "Prolegomena to a Study of Secret Societies in Modern Egypt", MES3 Vol.l, No.l, 1965s 135-1860 8O0 GoD. Lampen, "A History of Darfur", SNR3 XXX, 1950, 177-209= 8lo I = Mo Lewis, "Sufism in Somaliland", BS0AS3 XVIII, 1956, 1^5-60. 82. IoMo Lewis (ed.), Islam in Tropical Africa3 OUP, London, 1 9 6 6 . 83= Martin Lings, A Sufi Saint of the Twentieth Century3 Shaykh Ahmad al-rAlawiJ 2nd edition, 1971= 8U. DoP. Little, Essays on Islamic Civilization3 Leiden, 1976. 85. F0C0S. Lorimer, "The Megadhib of El-Damer", SNR3 XIX, 2, 1936, 335-3Ulo 86. DoB. MacDonald, "Hadra", shorter El, 1953,,. p.125 = 188

87 o Ho MacMichael, The Tribes of Northern and Central Kordofan3 Cambridge, 1912. 88= Ho MacMichael, "Nubian Elements in Darfur", SNR3 I, 1918, 30-48o 89= Ho MacMichael, A History of the Arabs in the Sudan3 2 volSo, Cambridge, 19220 90 o Ho MacMichael, "Sudanese Arabs in Nigeria", SNR; VI, 1923, 109-110o 91. Ho MacMichael, The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan 3 London, 193^. 920 Muhammad ’Abd al-'Aziz al-Zurqani, Mandhil al-tirfan ft rulum al-Qurrdn3 Cairo, 195^= 93= J.W. MacPherson, The Maulids of Egypt3 Cairo, 19^1. 9^= Makki [Mekki] Shibeika, Ta rrikh muluk Sennar al-Sudan, Khartoum* 19^7« 95 = Makki [Mekki'J Shibeika, Mamlakat al-Funj al-Tsldmiyya3 Cairo, 1964. 96= Makki [Mekki] Shibeika, Nadi al-NiI bayn thawratayn: al-Mahdiyya wa 'I- fUrabiyya3 Khartoum, 1965 = 97= Bo Go Martin, Muslim Brotherhood in Nineteenth Century Africa3 Cambridge, 1976= 98= Muddather TAbd al-Rahim [Muddathir Abdel Rahim] , "Early Sudanese Nationalism’*, SNR3 XLVTI, 1966, 39-6^-. 99 o Muddather 'Abd al-Rahim, Imperialism and Nationalism in the Sudan3 1898-19563 OUP, 1969= 1 0 0 o Muijammad 'Abd al-Majid al-Sarraj, Irshad al—sdrt li- tarajim ELI-rIsa b0 Bushara al-Ansdrt, Khartoum, 1955 = 1 0 1 o Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim, Ta*rikh al— fUruba fi al—Sudan, Cairo, 1935= 102. Muhammad Ibrahim Abu. Salim, Mafhum wildyat al-'ahd ft al- Mahdiyya, Khartoum, 1963. 103. Muhammad Ibrahim Abu Salim, al-Fung w a rl-ard3 Khartoum, 1967. IOU. Muhammad al-Makki b. Hasan b. 'Abdalla, al-Thimdr al-naqiyya fi iqtifdT dthdr al-sufiyya, Cairo, 1967. 105. Muhammad al-Nur b. Dayf Allah, Kitctb al-pabaqat ft Khusus al-awliydT wa'l-salilfln wa tl-,ulamdt w a rl-shurrd ft al-Sudan (ed.) Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Khartoum, 1970. Parts of this book have also been translated in H. MacMichael, A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, Vol020 106. Muhammad 'Uthman al-Mirghani, Majnfur al-awrad al-Kabvr, Cairo, 1939= 107 o Mustafa Muhammad Mus'ad, "The Downfall of the Christian Nubian Kingdoms", SNR3 XL, 1959, 12^-128. 108. Mustafa Muhammad Mus'ad, al-Islam warI-Nuba fi al-rusur al-wusta3 Cairo, i960. 109 O Muhammad b« 'Umar al-Tunusi, Tashhidh al-adhhan bi-strat bilad al-*Arab warl-SUdan, fed.) Khalil M» 'Asakir and Mustafa Muhammad Mus'ad, Cairo, 1965. 1 1 0 . Go Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan3 IV, Wadai and Darfur, trans. A.G.B. and H0J0 Fisher, with R.S. O'Fahey, London, 1971• 111. S.F. Nadel, The Nuba3 London, 19^-7. 112. Nahid Abd al-Raziq Daftar, "The Medallion of Caliph al- Mutawakkil", The Numismatic Chronicle3 7th series, Vol.XVII, 1977, 170-171. 113. Najm al-Din Ja'far Muhammad al-'Askari, al-Mahdi al-Mawrud al-muntazar rind rulamd ahl al-sunna w a tl-Imdmiyya3 Beirut, 1977. - 11^. Na'um Shuqayr [N. Shuquair], Tarrikh al-Sudan al-qadim wa'l- hadith wa jughrafiyatuh, 3 vols., Cairo 1903. 189

115= ' W„ Nicholson, The Mystics of Islam3 London, 191^. 116° ¥° Nicholson, Studies in Islamic Mysticism3 Cambridge, 19^9° 117= Nic51a Ziyada [Nicola Ziadeh] , The Sanusiay, Leiden, 1958° 118° R0So 0 TFahey, "Religion and Trade in the Fur Sultanate", Sudan in Africa3 (ed„), Yusuf Fadl Easan, Khartoum, 1971, 87-97° 119° R°S. O'Fahey, "Kordofan in the Eighteenth Century", SNR, LXV, 1973, 32-^2. 1200 R°S. O'Fahey, "Saints and Sultans: the Role of Muslim holy men in the Keira Sultanate of Darfur", Northern Africa: Islam and Modernization (ed°), M° Brett, London, 1973, H9-56q 121. R.S. O'Fahey and J° Spaulding, "Hashim and the Musabba'at", BSOAS, XXXV, 2, 1972, 316-333° 122. RoSo O'Fahey and J° Spaulding, Kingdoms of the Sudan, London, 197^° 123° X° Pallme, Travels in Kordofan3 London, l8Uk° 12^° H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs3 2nd edition, London, 1967. 125* Capt° R°N0 Peel, A Ride through the Nubian Desert3 London, 1852° 126o A°E.D. Penn, "Traditional Stories of the 'Abdallab tribe", SNR3 XVII, 193k, 59-82° 127° Jo Petherick, Egypt, the Sudan and Central Africa3 London, l86l. 128. Qasim al-Samarra'1, The Theme of Ascension in Mystical Writings3 Baghdad, 1968° 129° P°J°A° Rigby, "Sociological Factors in the Contact of the Cogo of Central Tanzania with Islam", Islam in Tropical Africa3 (ed.), I°M° Lewis, OUP, 1966, 268-295° 130° AoE. Robinson, "Abu El-Kaylik, the King-maker of the Funj of Sennar", American Anthropology3 XXXI, 2, 1929* 232-26^° 131° AoE. Robinson, "The Regalia of the Fung Sultans of Sennar", Journal of the Royal African Society3 XXX, 361-376° 132° E°I°J.fRosenthal, Islam in the Modem National State3 Cambridge, 1965° 133° J°¥° Sagar, "Notes on the History and Customs of the Nuba", SNR, V, 1922, 137-156° 13^-. G°N° Sanderson, "The European Powers and the Sudan in the later 19th Century", SNR, XL, 1959* 79-100. 135° G°N. Sanderson, "Sudanese Nationalism and the Independence of the Sudan", Northern Africa: Islam and Modernization (ed°), M. Brett, London, 1973, 97-109° 136° al-Sayyid al-Bushra, "Towns in the Sudan in the Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Centuries", SNR, LII, 1971, 63-70. 137° H° Shaked, "A Manuscript Biography of the Sudanese Mahdi", BS0AS, XXXII, 3, 1969, 527-5^0. 1380 al-Shatir Busayli" 'Abd al-Jalil, Ta'rtkh wa fadardt al- Sudan al-Sharqi wa 1 l-awsat win al-qam al-sdbi ’ ’ashar ila al-tasif rashar al-rrnlddt, Cairo, 1972° 139° al-Shatir Busayli 'Abd al-Jalil (ed°), Makhtutat Kdtib al- Shuna, see Ahmad b° al-Hajj Abu 'All° lUOo ¥.B.K» Shaw,*"Darb al-Arba'In", SNR3 XII, 1929, 6U-71. 190

l*4l. E° Sell, Essays on Islam, London, 1901° 1*42. E = Sell, "Islam in Africa", MW, I, No = 2, April 1911, 136-1146. 1*43 = C.G. and B°Z° Seligman, Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, London, 1932. 1*4. R° Slat in, Eire and Sword in the Sudan, London, 1896. 1*4. M.G. Smith, "The Jihad of Shehu Dan Fodio: Some Problems", Islam in Tropical Africa (ed.), I.M. Lewis, OUP, 1966, *408-*42*4. 1*46= R = C° Stevenson, "Some Aspects of the Spread of Islam in the Nuba Mountains", SNR, XLIV, 1963, 9-20° 1*47 = L. Stoddard, The New World of Islam, London, 1921. 1*1-8 „ Al-Tahir Muhammad 'All, al-Adab al~SUfi al-Suddni, Beirut, 1970= 1*4-9= Taj al-Anbiya' 'All al-Dawwi, "Social Characteristics of big Merchants and Businessmen in El-0beid", Essays in Sudan Ethnography 1° Cunnison and ¥. James, London, 1972, 201-216° 150. Talal Asad, "Seasonal Movement of the Kababish Arabs of northern Kordofan", SNR, 196*4, *48-58 = 151. AoB. Theobold, Ali Dinar, last Sultan of the Fur 1898-1914, London, 1965= 152. J°S° Trimingham, The Christian Approach to Islam, London, 19*48 = 153= J.So Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, London, 19*+9= 15*4. J.S. Trimingham, "Islam and Secular Nationalism in Africa", MW, LVI, Noo*4 (October 1966), 303-307. 155= J.So Trimingham, "The Phases of Islamic Expansion and Islamic cultural Zones in Africa", Islam in Tropical Africa (ed.), I.M. Lewis, OUP, 1966, 127-1*43 = 1560 J=S= Trimingham, The Influence of Islam upon Africa, London, 1968= 157= J=S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, OUP, 1971= 158° 'Umar 'Abd al-RSziq. al-Nagar, "The Historical Background to the Sudan Road", Sudan in Africa, (ed.) Yusuf Fadl Hasan, Khartoum, 1971* 98-108° 159= 'Umar 'Abd al-Raziq al-Nagar, Pilgrimage Tradition in West Africa, Khartoum, 1972. l60° 'Uthman Sid Ahmad IsmS+il [0°S°A. Ismail], "Histriographical tradition of African Islam", Emerging Themes of African History, (ed.) T. Ranger, London, 1968, 7-13= l6l° 'Uthman Sid Ahmad Isma'il, al-Dtn wafl-Siyasa wa nashfat wa tatwur al-Khatmiyya wa Tl-Ansar, Khartoum, 1970= 162° J.0, Voll, "The British, the Ulama' and popular Islam in the early Anglo-Egyptian Sudan", International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol°2, 1971, 212-218° 163= J°0. Voll, "Mahdis, ¥alis and the new Men in the Sudan", Scholars, Saints and Sufis, (ed°) Nikki R. Keddie, London, 1972, 367-3814° 16*4. G° ¥arburg, The Sudan under Wingate, London, 1971. 165. G= ¥arburg, "Religious Policy in the northern Sudan: 'Ulama' and Sufism I898-I9I8", JI0S, Vol°VII, 1971, Asian and African Studies, 89- 1660 G° ¥arburg, Islam, Nationalism and Corrmunism in a Traditional Society, the Case of the Sudan, London, 1978° 167= A°J° ¥ensinck, "Al-Khadir", El, ii, 2, 861-865= 191

168° Co Armine Willis, "Religious Confraternities in the Sudan", SNR, IV, 1921, 115-19*4 = 169. Yusuf BSbikir Badri, "al-Makk wa’l-faki fi al-saltana al-zarqS1", Sudan Society, Vol„5s No05s 1972, I-I80 170o Yusuf Fadl Hasan, The Arabs and the Sudan, Edinburgh, 1967= 171o Yusuf Fadl Hasan (ed°), Kitab al-Tdbaqat, see Muhammad al-NUr b° Dayf Allah. 172= Yusuf Fadl Hasan (ed.), Sudan in Africa, Khartoum, 1971. 173° Yusuf Fadl ijlasan, Muqaddima ft tarrtkh al-mamaVtk al- Islamiyya ft al-Sudan al-Sharqt, Khartoum, 1971. 17*4 0 Yusuf Lablb Rizq, al-SUdan ft fahd al-hukm al-thunWi al-awwal 1898-1924, Cairo, 1976= 175. Zaki Mubarak, al-Taqawuf al-Islamt ft al-adab w a fl-akhldq, 2 vols., Cairo, 1938°