The Year in Elections, 2014 Faculty Research Working Paper Series
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Civilian Control Over the Military in East Asia
Civilian Control over the Military in East Asia Aurel Croissant Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, Heidelberg September 2011 EAI Fellows Program Working Paper Series No. 31 Knowledge-Net for a Better World The East Asia Institute(EAI) is a nonprofit and independent research organization in Korea, founded in May 2002. The EAI strives to transform East Asia into a society of nations based on liberal democracy, market economy, open society, and peace. The EAI takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the Korean government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. is a registered trademark. © Copyright 2011 EAI This electronic publication of EAI intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. Unauthorized posting of EAI documents to a non-EAI website is prohibited. EAI documents are protected under copyright law. The East Asia Institute 909 Sampoong B/D, 310-68 Euljiro 4-ga Jung-gu, Seoul 100-786 Republic of Korea Tel. 82 2 2277 1683 Fax 82 2 2277 1684 EAI Fellows Program Working Paper No. 31 Civilian Control over the Military in East Asia1 Aurel Croissant Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, Heidelberg September 2011 Abstract In recent decades, several nations in East Asia have transitioned from authoritarian rule to democracy. The emerging democracies in the region, however, do not converge on a single pattern of civil-military relations as the analysis of failed institutionalization of civilian control in Thailand, the prolonged crisis of civil– military relations in the Philippines, the conditional subordination of the military under civilian authority in Indonesia and the emergence of civilian supremacy in South Korea in this article demonstrates. -
The Financial and Economic Crisis of 2008-2009 and Developing Countries
THE FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC CRISIS OF 2008-2009 AND DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Edited by Sebastian Dullien Detlef J. Kotte Alejandro Márquez Jan Priewe UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, December 2010 ii Note Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the UNCTAD secretariat. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Material in this publication may be freely quoted; acknowl edgement, however, is requested (including reference to the document number). It would be appreciated if a copy of the publication containing the quotation were sent to the Publications Assistant, Division on Globalization and Development Strategies, UNCTAD, Palais des Nations, CH-1211 Geneva 10. UNCTAD/GDS/MDP/2010/1 UNITeD NatioNS PUblicatioN Sales No. e.11.II.D.11 ISbN 978-92-1-112818-5 Copyright © United Nations, 2010 All rights reserved THE FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC CRISIS O F 2008-2009 AND DEVELOPING COUN T RIES iii CONTENTS Abbreviations and acronyms ................................................................................xi About the authors -
What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa?
A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 46 • August 30, 1985 What Does the Case of Mozambique Tell Us About Soviet Ambivalence Toward Africa? by Winrich KUhne Developments in southern Africa since early 1984 have ambivalence-was Moscow's subdued response to the raised a range of new questions about Soviet policy signing on March 16, 1984 of a "nonaggression and and Soviet relevance in this region of the continent. In good neighborliness" accord by the leaders of Mozam the military sphere, Soviet assistance has enabled bique and South Africa. Under the terms of the neither Mozambique nor Angola to quell or even Nkomati Accord, Mozambique undertook to curb substantially diminish domestic guerrilla challenges drastically the activities of the African National Con that have blocked economic growth. There have also gress (ANC), while South Africa promised to end been growing doubts about the effectiveness in prac assistance to the dissident Resistencia Nacional tical terms of orthodox state-centered Marxist-Leninist Mo5jambicana (known as Renamo or the MNR). models of development-especially in agriculture, the Although there is no doubt that Nkomati was seen most important socioeconomic sector of African states. by the Soviets as a negative development, Moscow did Meanwhile, an increasing number of Soviet analysts not retaliate by cutting aid to the government of Presi and strategists are questioning how 'much emphasis dent Samora Machel or recalling advisors. On can or should be placed on ideology in cultivating rela December 26, 1983, with Nkomati already an in tionships with Africa. -
Printable PDF Version
CEO Appearance: Supplementary Estimates B 2019-20 Binder Table of Contents Fact Sheets Lead Exercising the Right to Vote Elections Canada’s (EC) Response to Manitoba Storms EEI-OFG Efforts by EC for Indigenous electors PPA-OSE Official languages complaints during the general election (GE) and EC CEO-COS response/proposed solutions Enhanced Services to Jewish Communities RA-LS/EEI- OFG/PPA-OSE Initiatives for target groups PPA-OSE/EEI-OFG Vote on Campus EEI-OFG Regulating Political Entities Activities to educate third parties on the new regime RA-LS/PF Enforcement and Integrity Measures to increase the accuracy of the National Register of Electors (NRoE) EEI-EDMR Social media and disinformation RA-EIO/PPA Election Administration Cost of GE IS-CFO Social media influencer campaign (including response to Written Q-122) PPA-VIC/MRIM Comparison of costs of EC’s and Australia’s voter information campaigns PPA-VIC Security of IT Equipment IS COVID-19 and election preparation IS Background Documentation Lead Placemat – Election Related Stats PPA-P&R Proximity and accessibility of polling stations (improvements for the 43rd GE) EEI Media lines on Voter Qualification/Potential Non-Citizens on the NRoE PPA-MRIM Recent responses to MP Questions (2019) PPA-P&R Registration of Expat Electors-43rd GE EEI Statement on “Enforcement of the third-party regime by the Commissioner of PPA-P&R Canada Elections” Copy of Elections Canada Departmental Plan 2020-21 IS-CFO Copy of Supplementary Estimates IS-CFO *Binder prepared for the appearance of the Chief Electoral Officer before the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs on the Subject of the Supplementary Estimates “B” 2019-20 on March 12, 2020. -
Lithuania Political Briefing: the Polls Indicate a Change of Governing Coalition After the Parliamentary Elections Linas Eriksonas
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 32, No. 1 (LT) September 2020 Lithuania political briefing: The polls indicate a change of governing coalition after the parliamentary elections Linas Eriksonas 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 The polls indicate a change of governing coalition after the parliamentary elections On 11 October Lithuania will hold the first round of the parliamentary elections. The second round will take place two weeks later, on 25 October. The increasing number of infected cases by COVID-19 coincided with the final month of the election campaign. It put restrictions on the way the political campaign has been led by the participants of the elections such as obligatory wearing of the masks when meeting the voters, preventing the effective use of face- to-face contact and door-to-door canvassing in political campaigning. Below is an overview of the political landscape within which the elections are taking place, outlining the voter preferences for and their sympathies towards the main political parties and indicating the possibilities for different yet highly unpredictable electoral outcomes. The results of the latest polls are briefly discussed, identifying the main difficulties in using the poll data for a more reliable prediction of the election results. The Lithuanian political scene is roughly divided into two halves. The governing coalition represents one half. It is led by the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union with two minor coalition partners (Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance and the Social Democratic Labour Party). -
Coup D'etat Events, 1946-2012
COUP D’ÉTAT EVENTS, 1946-2015 CODEBOOK Monty G. Marshall and Donna Ramsey Marshall Center for Systemic Peace May 11, 2016 Overview: This data list compiles basic descriptive information on all coups d’état occurring in countries reaching a population greater than 500,000 during the period 1946-2015. For purposes of this compilation, a coup d’état is defined as a forceful seizure of executive authority and office by a dissident/opposition faction within the country’s ruling or political elites that results in a substantial change in the executive leadership and the policies of the prior regime (although not necessarily in the nature of regime authority or mode of governance). Social revolutions, victories by oppositional forces in civil wars, and popular uprisings, while they may lead to substantial changes in central authority, are not considered coups d’état. Voluntary transfers of executive authority or transfers of office due to the death or incapacitance of a ruling executive are, likewise, not considered coups d’état. The forcible ouster of a regime accomplished by, or with the crucial support of, invading foreign forces is not here considered a coup d’état. The dataset includes four types of coup events: successful coups, attempted (failed) coups, coup plots, and alleged coup plots. In order for a coup to be considered “successful” effective authority must be exercised by new executive for at least one month. We are confident that the list of successful coups is comprehensive. Our confidence in the comprehensiveness of the coup lists diminishes across the remaining three categories: good coverage (reporting) of attempted coups and more questionable quality of coverage/reporting of coup plots (“discovered” and alleged). -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
The Truth About Voter Fraud 7 Clerical Or Typographical Errors 7 Bad “Matching” 8 Jumping to Conclusions 9 Voter Mistakes 11 VI
Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A sin- gular institution—part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group—the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S VOTING RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS PROJECT The Voting Rights and Elections Project works to expand the franchise, to make it as simple as possible for every eligible American to vote, and to ensure that every vote cast is accurately recorded and counted. The Center’s staff provides top-flight legal and policy assistance on a broad range of election administration issues, including voter registration systems, voting technology, voter identification, statewide voter registration list maintenance, and provisional ballots. © 2007. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.org). It may be reproduced in its entirety as long as the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is credited, a link to the Center’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed. The paper may not be reproduced in part or in altered form, or if a fee is charged, without the Center’s permission. -
Factiva RTF Display Format
Mauritanians Doubt Existence of CIA Prisons in Their Country 525 words 9 July 2007 Voice of America Press Releases and Documents English CY Copyright (c) 2007 Federal Information & News Dispatch, Inc. VOA English Service DATELINE: Dakar Many Mauritanians says they do not believe claims made by an American journalist, and denied by their government, that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency maintains secret interrogation cells in their country. Many also say they do not support military cooperation with the United States. Naomi Schwarz has more from VOA's West Africa bureau in Dakar. The affair began with a tiny mention in a long article in an American magazine, The New Yorker. The author says a senior intelligence official, unnamed, told him the United States had opened a new detainee center in Mauritania in late 2005 to house and interrogate terrorism suspects. The claim has been reprinted in Mauritanian media. It has caused a huge reaction there. Local journalist Salem Bokari says some people believe the claims, but the vast majority is extremely skeptical. But he says people want a government investigation to find out whether or not they are true. On Friday, before the National Assembly, Mauritania's justice minister formally denied the existence of any secret U.S. prisons in the country. The government has said its relationship with the U.S. military is limited to training and information sharing. Bokari says most Mauritanians hope the relationship stays minimal. Page 1 © 2007 Factiva, Inc. All rights reserved. He says Mauritanians do not support the government of President George Bush, because they feel he has not done much for the third world and for Muslims around the world. -
Law Relating Amyotha Hluttaw
The Union of Myanmar Chapter I The State Peace and Development Council Title, Enforcement and Definition The Law Relating to the Amyotha Hluttaw 1. (a) This Law shall be called the Law relating to the Amyotha ( The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 13 /2010 ) Hluttaw, The 13th Waxing Day of Thadinkyut , 1372 M.E. (b) This Law shall come into force throughout the country ( 21st October, 2010 ) commencing from the day of its promulgation. Preamble 2. The following expressions contained in this Law shall have the meanings Since it is provided in Section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic given hereunder: of the Union of Myanmar that the State Peace and Development Council shall (a) Constitution means the Constitution of the Republic of the carry out the necessary preparatory works to implement the Constitution, it has Union of Myanmar; become necessary to enact the relevant laws to enable performance of the legislative, administrative and judicial functions of the Union smoothly, to enable (b) Hluttaw means the Amyotha Hluttaw formed under the performance of works that are to be carried out when the various Hluttaws come Constitution for the purpose of this Law; into existence and to enable performance of the preparatory works in accord (c) Chairperson means the Hluttaw representative elected to with law. supervise the Hluttaw session until the Hluttaw Speaker and As such, the State Peace and Development Council hereby enacts this the Deputy Speaker are elected when the first session of a Law in accord with section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union term of Hluttaw commences; of Myanmar, in order to implement the works relating to Hluttaw smoothly in (d) Speaker means the Hluttaw representative elected as the convening the sessions of the Amyotha Hluttaw in accord with the Constitution Speaker of the Hluttaw for a term of the Hluttaw; of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. -
Twitter and Millennial Participation in Voting During Nigeria's 2015 Presidential Elections
Walden University ScholarWorks Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies Collection 2021 Twitter and Millennial Participation in Voting During Nigeria's 2015 Presidential Elections Deborah Zoaka Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations Part of the Public Administration Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Walden University College of Social and Behavioral Sciences This is to certify that the doctoral dissertation by Deborah Zoaka has been found to be complete and satisfactory in all respects, and that any and all revisions required by the review committee have been made. Review Committee Dr. Lisa Saye, Committee Chairperson, Public Policy and Administration Faculty Dr. Raj Singh, Committee Member, Public Policy and Administration Faculty Dr. Christopher Jones, University Reviewer, Public Policy and Administration Faculty Chief Academic Officer and Provost Sue Subocz, Ph.D. Walden University 2021 Abstract Twitter and Millennial Participation in Voting during Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Elections by Deborah Zoaka MPA Walden University, 2013 B.Sc. Maiduguri University, 1989 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Public Policy and Administration Walden University May, 2021 Abstract This qualitative phenomenological research explored the significance of Twitter in Nigeria’s media ecology within the context of its capabilities to influence the millennial generation to participate in voting during the 2015 presidential election. Millennial participation in voting has been abysmally low since 1999, when democratic governance was restored in Nigeria after 26 years of military rule, constituting a grave threat to democratic consolidation and electoral legitimacy. The study was sited within the theoretical framework of Democratic participant theory and the uses and gratifications theory. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.