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Les Think Tanks, Les Sciences Sociales Et La Généralisation Du Discours Expert Au Canada Et Aux États-Unis

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Les Think Tanks, Les Sciences Sociales Et La Généralisation Du Discours Expert Au Canada Et Aux États-Unis UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL LES THINK TANKS, LES SCIENCES SOCIALES ET LA GÉNÉRALISATION DU DISCOURS EXPERT AU CANADA ET AUX ÉTATS-UNIS THÈSE PRÉSENTÉE COMME EXIGENCE PARTIELLE DU DOCTORAT EN SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGIE ET SOCIÉTÉ PAR JULIEN LANDRY Juin 2017 UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL Service des bibliothèques Avertissement La diffusion de cette thèse se fait dans le respect des droits de son auteur, qui a signé le formulaire Autorisation de reproduire et de diffuser un travail de recherche de cycles supérieurs (SDU-522 – Rév.07-2011). Cette autorisation stipule que «conformément à l’article 11 du Règlement no 8 des études de cycles supérieurs, [l’auteur] concède à l’Université du Québec à Montréal une licence non exclusive d’utilisation et de publication de la totalité ou d’une partie importante de [son] travail de recherche pour des fins pédagogiques et non commerciales. Plus précisément, [l’auteur] autorise l’Université du Québec à Montréal à reproduire, diffuser, prêter, distribuer ou vendre des copies de [son] travail de recherche à des fins non commerciales sur quelque support que ce soit, y compris l’Internet. Cette licence et cette autorisation n’entraînent pas une renonciation de [la] part [de l’auteur] à [ses] droits moraux ni à [ses] droits de propriété intellectuelle. Sauf entente contraire, [l’auteur] conserve la liberté de diffuser et de commercialiser ou non ce travail dont [il] possède un exemplaire.» REMERCIEMENTS Cette thèse est la culmination d'un long parcours facilité et enrichi par plusieurs individus qui ont contribué à mon cheminement et ma réflexion. Je tiens d'abord à remercier mon directeur Yves Gingras pour son soutien, son temps et ses sages conseils. Je remercie aussi François Claveau, Julien Prud'Homme, Frédéric Bouchard et le Centre interuniversitaire de recherche sur la science et la technologie (CIRST) pour les occasions de développement professionnel qu'ils m'ont offert. Je dois aussi beaucoup à Johan Giry avec qui j'ai longuement discuté et beaucoup appris. J'exprime ma reconnaissance envers la Chaire de Recherche du Canada en Histoire et Sociologie des Sciences, le CIRST et le Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture (FRQSC) pour leurs contributions financières. Mon séjour à l'UQAM et au CIRST fut aussi facilité par le soutien administratif de Martine Foisy. Merci aussi à mes amis, ma famille et ma belle-famille pour leur appui. Enfin, merci à Kaitlin avec qui cette aventure fut mémorable. TABLES DES MATIÈRES REMERCIEMENTS ,................................................................................................... iii TABLES DES MATIÈRES .......................................................................................... v LISTE DES ABRÉVIATIONS, SIGLES ET ACRONYMES .................................... xi RÉSUMÉ .................................................................................................................. xvii INTRODUCTION HISTOIRE SOCIOPOLITIQUE DES THINK TANKS ET DE L'EXPERTISE EN SCIENCES SOCIALES ......................................................................................... 1 0.1. L'invisibilité du social dans l'histoire des think tanks canadiens .................. 6 0.2. De la crise du libéralisme classique à la généralisation de l'expertise ......... 10 0.3. Le traitement théorique des laboratoires d'idées .......................................... 11 0.4. La théorie des champs comme mise en scène .............................................. 22 0.5. Plan de la thèse ............................................................................................. 27 CHAPITREI L'ORGANISATION DES SCIENCES SOCIALES ET DES INSTITUTS DE POLITIQUES PUBLIQUES ................................................................................ 35 1.1. Les sciences sociales à l'épreuve des sociétés modernes ............................ .41 1.2. L'ère progressiste et les instituts de politiques publiques américains .......... 50 1.3. L'expertise en aval de la Première Guerre mondiale ................................... 62 1.4. Le théâtre de la Grande Dépression et le champ politique américain .......... 71 1.5. La réorganisation de la droite économique .................................................. 81 1.6. La constitution d'un consensus keynésien ................................................... 86 vi 1. 7. Le déploiement de l'appareil technocratique américain ............................... 91 1.8. La fin des idéologies .................................................................................. 103 CHAPITRE II LA MONTÉE DES THINK TANKS AUX ÉTATS-UNlS ...................................... 111 2.1. L'ère de la désillusion ................................................................................ 115 2.2. La radicalisation du mouvement néolibéral ............................................... 124 2.3. L'organisation du mouvement conservateur .............................................. 133 2.4. L'ascension de la droite économique ......................................................... 145 2.5. La subordination de la gauche intellectuelle .............................................. 153 2.6. La configuration des think tanks américains .............................................. 165 CHAPITRE III LE DÉBUT DU XXE SIÈCLE ET L'ARÈNE DE LA RÉFORME SOCIALE AU CANADA ........................................................................................................... 175 3.1. La préhistoire des sciences sociales canadiennes ....................................... 178 3.2. De la réforme morale à la réforme sociale ................................................. 183 3 .2.1. La pureté sociale et la charité organisée ............................................. 187 3.2.2. Le social gospel et la doctrine sociale de l'Église ............................... 189 3.2.3. La réforme urbaine, la santé publique et la gouvernance .................... 194 3.2.4. L'arène de la réforme comme lutte de classement.. ............................ 197 3.3. Les organes de la réforme et les sciences sociales ..................................... 200 3.4. La réforme de la fonction publique ............................................................ 211 3.5. Du réformisme à l'expertise en sciences sociales ...................................... 217 vii CHAPITRE IV LA CONQUÊTE DE L'ÉTAT CANADIEN ............................................................ 229 4.1. La fonnation d'une élite intellectuelle ....................................................... 234 4.2. L'organisation des sciences sociales académiques ..................................... 245 4.3. La crise économique et l'entrée dans le champ politique ........................... 249 4.4. Les mandarins de la fonction publique ....................................................... 255 4.5. La Deuxième Guerre mondiale et la naissance de l'État keynésien ........... 262 4.6. Le terreau du technocratisme libéral .......................................................... 270 CHAPITRE V L'APRÈS-GUERRE ET L'ANALYSE DES POLITIQUES PUBLIQUES AU CANADA ........................................................................................................... 279 5.1. L'expansion des universités et des sciences sociales canadiennes ............. 285 5.2. L'après-guerre et l'expertise extragouvemementale .................................. 298 5.2.1. La capacité d'analyse des professions ................................................. 299 5.2.2. La capacité d'analyse de la communauté entrepreneuriale ................. 303 5.2.3. La diversification des problématiques de recherche organisées ......... 312 5.3. L'évolution de la capacité d'analyse de l'État ........................................... 315 5.3.1. Planification et conseils gouvernementaux ......................................... 316 5.3.2. Des généralistes réseautés aux experts anonymes .............................. 321 5.3.3. La capacité d'analyse des provinces ................................................... 329 5.4. L'émergence des think tanks canadiens ..................................................... 331 5.5. Vers une généralisation de l'expertise ........................................................ 337 CHAPITRE VI LA FIN DU CONSENSUS DEL' APRÈS-GUERRE ET L'ASCENSION DES THINK TANKS CANADIENS ................................................................................ 343 6.1. La fragilisation du consensus de l'après-guerre ......................................... 348 viii 6.2. L'épuisement du système de planification technocratique ......................... 355 6.3. L'émergence des think tanks activistes ...................................................... 362 6.3.1. La Canada WestFoundation ............................................................... 363 6.3.2. L'Institut Fraser ................................................................................... 366 6.3.3. L'Institut canadien de politique économique ...................................... 370 6.3.4. Le Centre canadien de politiques alternatives ..................................... 372 6.3.5. La National Foundation for Public Policy Development .................... 374 6.4. La structuration politique des think tanks militants ................................... 375 6.5. Niches d'engagement et think tanks spécialisés ......................................... 376 6.6. Les think tanks et les débats nationaux ...................................................... 395 6.7. L'organisation sociale des laboratoires d'idées ...... .-.................................
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