DOCSLIB.ORG

The Liberal Third Option

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Liberal Third Option The Liberal Third Option: A Study of Policy Development A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fuliiment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science University of Regina by Guy Marsden Regina, Saskatchewan September, 1997 Copyright 1997: G. W. Marsden 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON KI A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada Your hie Votre rdtérence Our ME Notre référence The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distibute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substanîial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. This study presents an analysis of the nationalist econornic policies enacted by the federal Liberal government during the 1970s and early 1980s. The Canada Development Corporation(CDC), the Foreign Investment Review Agency(FIRA), Petro- Canada(PetroCan) and the National Energy Prograrn(NEP), coliectively referred to as "The Third Option," aimed to reduce Canada's dependency on the United States. This thesis examines the origins, objectives and operations of each of these pofjcies and assesses the reaction of the Canadian capitalist class to these initiatives. Despite the strong opposition by foreign-controlled capital and the majority of domestic capital to most of these nationalist economic policies, the Liberal government under the leadership of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau persisted in their implementation. The study argues that a number of domestic and extemal factors conspired to pressure the historicdy continentalkt Liberal Party and the anti-nationalist Trudeau into pursuing a more independent econornic course. This thesis shows that the CDC, FIRA, Petrocan and the NEP contributed to a significant reduction in foreign control of the Canadian economy during the period 1970- 84, particularly in the oil and gas sector. Still, the dependent nature of Canada's truncated industrial structure was not Gndamentally altered. Furthemore, Canada's trade dependency on the United States increased substantially and was deepened with the eventual negotiation of the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement under the Progressive Conservatives. Nonetheless, the Liberals were able to effectively diffuse,the pressure for more radical initiatives such as nationalization by pursuing the relatively moderate nationalist agenda of the Third Option. I would like to thank my thesis committee members Joseph K. Roberts, Lorne Brown and Phillip Hansen for their assistance and editing of the dr& forms of this thesis. 1 would like to extend special thanks to principal advisor Dr. Roberts who over the past five years displayed exceptional patience and understanding to a graduate student who found it far too easy to be distracted by what seemed to be more pressing issues at the tirne. The financial assistance 1 received from the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research at the University of Regina in the fom of a scholarship, fellowship and teaching assistantships was very much appreciated. 1 could not have completed this thesis without this invaluable assistance. 1 would aiso like to express my appreciation to the many university library workers who assisted me in finding the proper goverment documents, loading the microfilm machine, and fixing photocopier jarns. The dedication of university support workers should be commended given the many years of chronic govemment undefinding. 1 would like to thank my feUow students fiom the Political Science Department and other disciplines for the camaraderie and sometimes heated political discussions that helped shape my thinking on a number of issues. I have many fond mernories of my time spent at the University of Regina. Finally, 1 would like to express rny deepest gratitude to my fiancé Carla Beck for her patience and support over the 1st few years. More than anyone, she probably heard the phrase "1 have to work on my thesis" one too many times. 1 would like to dedicate this thesis to my mother Merle Marsden who passed away in 1993 der a valiant battle with lung cancer. Too often she spent many hours typing university essays that 1 had lefi to the last minute to complete. Her faith in me and enthusiastic encouragement of my university studies were very much appreciated. Abstract Acknowledgements Table of Contents List of Tables Chapter 1 - Introduction 1.1 Background to the Study 1.2 Furpose of Study 1.3 Methodology 1 -4 Outline of Study Chapter 2 - The Rise of Economic Nationalism 2.1 The Liberal Party in Canada 2.2 The Economic Context 2.3 The Political Context 2.4 NDP and the Wde 2.5 Cornmittee for an Independent Canada 2.6 The Decline of U. S Hegemony Chapter 3 - The Canada Development Corporation 3.1 Origins and Objectives of the CDC 3 -2 Reaction to the CDC 3.3 The CDC in Operation 3.4 Conclusion Chapter 4 - The Foreign Investment Review Agency 4.1 Origins and Objectives of FIRA 4.2 Reaction to FIRA 4.3 FIRA in Operation 4.4 Conclusion Chapter 5 - Petro-Canada 5.1 Origins and Objectives of Petro-Canada 5.2 Reaction to Petro-Canada 5.3 Petro-Canada in Operation 5.4 Conclusion iii 6.1 Origüxs and Objectives of the NEP 6.2 Reaction to the NEP 6.3 Impact of the NEP 6.4 Conclusion Chapter 7 - Results of the Third Option 7.1 Effectiveness of the Third Option 7.2 An Aborted Industrial Strategy 7.3 The Unraveling of the Third Option Chapter 8 - Conclusion Bibliography Table 1 - Levels of Control of Capital Employed in Non-Financial Industries - 1992 24 Table 2 - Number of Takeovers Involving a Foreign-owned or Controlied Acquitting Company 25 Table 3 - Popular Opinion on Foreign Investment 34 Table 4 - CDC Board of Directors 50 Table 5 - Status of Applications, 1974-1985 70 Table 6 - Cl&s and Disallowance Rates, Acquisitions, 1974-85 by Industry Sedor 72 Table 7 - CIaims and Disallowance Rates, New Businesses, 1976-85 by Industry Sector 73 Table 8 - Cla- and Disailowance Rates, Acquisitions, 1974-85 by Country of Apparent Control 74 Table 9 - Clairns and Disallowance Rates, New Businesses, 1974-85 by Country of Apparent Control 75 Table 10 - Exploration Expenditures by Major Oil Companies, 1976-8 1 9 1 Table I I - Major Oil Company Performance: Net Income, 1976-8 1 92 Table 12 - Petro-Canada's Capital Expenditures, 1976-8 1 93 Tabie 13 - Petro-Canada - Assets and Acquisitions 94 Table 14 - Canadian Attitudes Towards Energy Policy, 1980-83 124 Table 15 - The Largest Oil and Gas Producing Companies, Dec. 198 1 126 Table 16 - Major Corporate Acquisitions 127 Table 17 - Foreign Assets in Canada 13 6 Table 18 - Foreign Manufacturing Assets in Canada 137 Table 20 - International Investment Position with the United States, 1965-85 Table 21 - Direct Investment Abroad by Country Table 22 - Merchandise Exports - Major Trading Areas Table 23 - Merchandise Imports - Major Trading Areas Table 24 - Distribution of Canada's Domestic Exports, 1970-84 Table 25 - Distribution of Canada's Merchandise Imports, 1970-84 Table 26 - Current Account Surnmary, 1968-84 Table 27 - Total Expenditures on R&D as a Percent of GDP by Country, 1971-85 No seif-respecting nation can or should accept the proposition that it shouId always be economicafly dependent upon any other nation. Let us recognize once and for al1 that the only basis for a sound and healthy relationship between Our two proud peoples is to find a pattern of economic interaction which is beneficial to both Our countries and which respects Canada's right to chart its own econornic course.' - Richard Nixon, April 14, 1972 1.1 Background to the Study No other advanced industrial society has experienced the high levels of foreign control as has Canada. The consequences of the branch-plant economy have been well documented and include: technological dependency, the blocking of exports, excessive reliance on resources, an underdeveloped industrial structure, balance of payments problems, adverse employment effects, loss of taxation revenue through intra-fhn pricing, loss of sovereim and an exacerbation of regionalism.2 Kari Levitt argued in 1970 that foreign control of the economy transformed Canada into "the world's richest underdeveloped country. "3 Indeed, foreign ownership has been at the centre of a long-running debate conceming the location of Canada within the world capitalist economy. Within left academic circles, the dependency school of thought, including Levitt, exerted a dominant influence during the late 1960's and 1970's. This school emphasized the chronic levels of foreign (primarily American) ownership, Canada's truncated industrial structure, and the overdevelopment of the financid component of the indigenous capitalist class at the expense of the industrial component. Latin American dependency theory was implicitly, though sometimes explicitly, appropriated in order to determine Canada's place in the world hierarchy, which according to this view was one of satellite in the Amencan empire.4 The dependency perspective was given political expression in the form of the lefi-nationalist Waffie faction of the New Democratic Party? 1 UWiLL Ub L11G 11uu- 17r v~ aiiuriibi YWI OFYUCI VU WU.^. .--..-.------ - -- challenge the dominant dependency anaiysis. The finance capital school argued that the Canadian capitalist class was mature and that Canada was an irnperialist power in its own Rght.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Peter Dobell Anglo
    Policy Matters Peter Dobell What Could Ca n a d i a n s Expect from a Minority Go v e r n m e n t ? Nov. 2000 Vol. 1, no. 6 Enjeux publics ISSN 1492-7004 Policy Matters Biographical notes Peter Dobell is Founding Director of the Parliamentary Centre, which he launched in 1968 after serving for 16 years in the Canadian foreign service. The Centre aims to strengthen legislatures in Canada and around the world. 2 Enjeux publics Novembre 2000 Vol. 1, no. 6 What Could Canadians Expect from a Minority Government? Introduction 4 Past Experience 4 Changes in Procedure and Practice 10 Prospects 16 November 2000 Vol. 1, no. 6 Policy Matters 3 Peter Dobell Introduction In the last 26 years Canada has had six majority parliaments at the federal level while experiencing only one eight-month period of minority government. By contrast, during the previous 17 years — from June 1957 to July 1974 — there were five minority parliaments, interspersed by just two majority governments. Indeed between 1962 and 1968, there was a string of three successive minority governments. Even though five political parties have contested the two federal elections since 1993, a situation which makes the achievement of a majority a challenge, the Liberal party has twice during this period succeeded in winning majorities, assisted on the political right by vote splitting between the Pro g re s s i v e Conservatives and the Reform party, and on the left by the decline in support for the NDP. In 1997, however, the margin of victory for the Liberal government was slight.
    [Show full text]
  • 6 CHAPTER III the FACTUAL BACKGROUND 19. This Chapter
    6 CHAPTER III THE FACTUAL BACKGROUND 19. This chapter sets out the backgroundto the 1964Stanfieldproposal,the context in which it occurred and the subsequenthistory of discussionsrelating to the "Stanfield line." 20. This factual backgroundis based on infonnation availableto Newfoundland and Labrador from sources in the National Archivesof Canada,from provincial archives and from other government sources. There has not been any general discoveryof documents between the parties. 21. What was in issue at the time of the Stanfieldproposal and later was not the division of resource revenuesbetween Canadaand the Atlantic Provinces,or even the management of explorationand development,butthe rightto fullownershipandjurisdiction ofthe offshore and its mineral resources. It was in the context of attempts to have Canada recognize provincial ownership andjurisdiction of the offshore and its resources that interprovincial boundaries were discussed. I. The ConstitutionalFramework 22. At Confederation in 1867, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and the Province of Canada (consistingofOntarioandQuebec)joined to fonn the DominionofCanada. Later,Manitoba (1870), British Columbia (1871), Prince Edward Island (1873), Alberta (1905) and Saskatchewan (1905) joined the Union. In 1949, Newfoundland and Labrador became the tenth province. 23. Under the Constitution Act, 1867, the federal government had a number of specific powers relating to the offshore: including the power to pass laws in relation to trade and commerce; 7 militia,militaryandnavalserviceanddefence;beacons,buoys,lighthousesandSableIsland; navigation and shipping; and sea coast and inland fisheries.9 24. Neither the territorial limits of the provinces in respect of the offshore nor interprovincial offshore boundaries were set out in the Constitution. 25. The ConstitutionAct, 1867didnotprovideforextendingorchangingprovincialboundaries. This was correctedby section3 ofthe ConstitutionAct, 1871underwhich Parliament could alter provincial boundaries with the consent of the legislaturesof the provinces affected.
    [Show full text]
  • Core 1..196 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 10.50)
    CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 144 Ï NUMBER 025 Ï 2nd SESSION Ï 40th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Friday, March 6, 2009 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) Also available on the Parliament of Canada Web Site at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 1393 HOUSE OF COMMONS Friday, March 6, 2009 The House met at 10 a.m. Some hon. members: Yes. The Speaker: The House has heard the terms of the motion. Is it the pleasure of the House to adopt the motion? Prayers Some hon. members: Agreed. (Motion agreed to) GOVERNMENT ORDERS Mr. Mark Warawa (Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of the Environment, CPC) moved that Bill C-17, An Act to Ï (1005) recognize Beechwood Cemetery as the national cemetery of Canada, [English] be read the second time and referred to the Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development. NATIONAL CEMETERY OF CANADA ACT He said: Mr. Speaker, I would like to begin by seeking unanimous Hon. Jay Hill (Leader of the Government in the House of consent to share my time. Commons, CPC): Mr. Speaker, momentarily, I will be proposing a motion by unanimous consent to expedite passage through the The Speaker: Does the hon. member have unanimous consent to House of an important new bill, An Act to recognize Beechwood share his time? Cemetery as the national cemetery of Canada. However, before I Some hon. members: Agreed. propose my motion, which has been agreed to in advance by all parties, I would like to take a quick moment to thank my colleagues Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Debates of the Senate
    CANADA Debates of the Senate 3rd SESSION . 37th PARLIAMENT . VOLUME 141 . NUMBER 23 OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Wednesday, March 24, 2004 ^ THE HONOURABLE DAN HAYS SPEAKER CONTENTS (Daily index of proceedings appears at back of this issue). Debates and Publications: Chambers Building, Room 943, Tel. 996-0193 Published by the Senate Available from Communication Canada ± Canadian Government Publishing, Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0S9. Also available on the Internet: http://www.parl.gc.ca 583 THE SENATE Wednesday, March 24, 2004 The Senate met at 1:30 p.m., the Speaker in the Chair. I first encountered Senator Graham when, in 1964, we were serving as executive assistants to ministers in the Pearson Prayers. government, he to the Honourable Allan MacEachen and I to the Honourable Arthur Laing. Both those ministers eventually became senators. We knew Senator Graham then as ``Big Al,'' SENATORS' STATEMENTS and so he has remained; always working for Cape Breton, for the Liberal Party and for a tolerant and balanced world society based on the intrinsic value of the individual. TRIBUTES By any standard, Senator Graham has made an outsized THE HONOURABLE B. ALASDAIR GRAHAM contribution. The Hon. the Speaker: Honourable senators, I have received a letter from the Honourable Senator Austin, Leader of the Hon. Senators: Hear, hear! Government in the Senate, pursuant to rule 22(10), requesting that additional time be provided for Senators' Statements today Hon. John Lynch-Staunton (Leader of the Opposition): for purposes of paying tribute to our soon to be retired colleague, Honourable senators, it is very tempting on this occasion to the Honourable Senator Graham.
    [Show full text]
  • A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993
    Canadian Military History Volume 24 Issue 2 Article 8 2015 A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993 Greg Donaghy Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh Part of the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Greg Donaghy "A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993." Canadian Military History 24, 2 (2015) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canadian Military History by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. : A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993 A Calculus of Interest Canadian Peacekeeping Diplomacy in Cyprus, 1963-1993 GREG DONAGHY Abstract: Fifty years ago, Canadian peacekeepers landed on the small Mediterranean island of Cyprus, where they stayed for thirty long years. This paper uses declassified cabinet papers and diplomatic records to tackle three key questions about this mission: why did Canadians ever go to distant Cyprus? Why did they stay for so long? And why did they leave when they did? The answers situate Canada’s commitment to Cypress against the country’s broader postwar project to preserve world order in an era marked by the collapse of the European empires and the brutal wars in Algeria and Vietnam. It argues that Canada stayed— through fifty-nine troop rotations, 29,000 troops, and twenty-eight dead— because peacekeeping worked. Admittedly there were critics, including Prime Ministers Pearson, Trudeau, and Mulroney, who complained about the failure of peacemaking in Cyprus itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C
    Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C. Dewar Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'études canadiennes, Volume 53, Number/numéro 1, Winter/hiver 2019, pp. 178-196 (Article) Published by University of Toronto Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/719555 Access provided by Mount Saint Vincent University (19 Mar 2019 13:29 GMT) Journal of Canadian Studies • Revue d’études canadiennes Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent KENNETH C. DEWAR Abstract: This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assis- tance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close asso- ciation with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. Keywords: political ideas, Canada, twentieth century, liberalism, social democracy Résumé : Cet article soutient que les lignes séparant les différents modes de pensée du centre gauche de l’éventail politique — libéralisme, social-démocratie et socialisme, généralement parlant — sont perméables et qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques.
    [Show full text]
  • Hill Times, Health Policy Review, 17NOV2014
    TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR, NO. 1260 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY MONDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 2014 $4.00 HEARD ON THE HILL BUZZ NEWS HARASSMENT Artist paints Queen, other prominent MPs like ‘kings, queens in their people, wants a national portrait gallery little domains,’ contribute to ‘culture of silence’: Clancy BY LAURA RYCKEWAERT “The combination of power and testosterone often leads, unfortu- n arm’s-length process needs nately, to poor judgment, especially Ato be established to deal in a system where there has been with allegations of misconduct no real process to date,” said Nancy or harassment—sexual and Peckford, executive director of otherwise—on Parliament Hill, Equal Voice Canada, a multi-par- say experts, as the culture on tisan organization focused on the Hill is more conducive to getting more women elected. inappropriate behaviour than the average workplace. Continued on page 14 NEWS HARASSMENT Campbell, Proctor call on two unnamed NDP harassment victims to speak up publicly BY ABBAS RANA Liberal Senator and a former A NDP MP say the two un- identifi ed NDP MPs who have You don’t say: Queen Elizabeth, oil on canvas, by artist Lorena Ziraldo. Ms. Ziraldo said she got fed up that Ottawa doesn’t have accused two now-suspended a national portrait gallery, so started her own, kind of, or at least until Nov. 22. Read HOH p. 2. Photograph courtesy of Lorena Ziraldo Liberal MPs of “serious person- al misconduct” should identify themselves publicly and share their experiences with Canadians, NEWS LEGISLATION arguing that it is not only a ques- tion of fairness, but would also be returns on Monday, as the race helpful to address the issue in a Feds to push ahead on begins to move bills through the transparent fashion.
    [Show full text]
  • Canada's Resource Curse: Too Much of a Good Thing Daniel Drache
    ______________________________________________________________________________ Canada’s Resource Curse: Too Much of a Good Thing Daniel Drache Professor, Department of Political Science and Associate Director of the Robarts Centre for Canadian Studies, York University, [email protected] Canada’s Resource Curse: Too Much of a Good Thing Daniel Drache1 Professor, Department of Political Science and Associate Director of the Robarts Centre for Canadian Studies, York University, [email protected] Abstract Canada has been both blessed and cursed by its vast resource wealth. Immense resource riches sends the wrong message to the political class that thinking and planning for tomorrow is unnecessary when record high global prices drive economic development at a frenetic pace. Short-termism, the loss of manufacturing competitiveness (‘the dutch disease’) and long term rent seeking behaviour from the corporate sector become, by default, the low policy standard. The paper contends that Canada is not a simple offshoot of Anglo-American, hyper-commercial capitalism but is subject to the recurring dynamics of social Canada and for this reason the Northern market model of capitalism needs its own theoretical articulation. Its distinguishing characteristic is that there is a large and growing role for mixed goods and non-negotiable goods in comparison to the United States even when the proactive role of the Canadian state had its wings clipped to a degree that stunned many observers. The paper also examines the uncoupling of Canadian and American economies driven in part by the global resource boom. The downside of the new staples export strategy is that hundreds of thousands of jobs have disappeared from Ontario and Quebec.
    [Show full text]
  • The Limits to Influence: the Club of Rome and Canada
    THE LIMITS TO INFLUENCE: THE CLUB OF ROME AND CANADA, 1968 TO 1988 by JASON LEMOINE CHURCHILL A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2006 © Jason Lemoine Churchill, 2006 Declaration AUTHOR'S DECLARATION FOR ELECTRONIC SUBMISSION OF A THESIS I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This dissertation is about influence which is defined as the ability to move ideas forward within, and in some cases across, organizations. More specifically it is about an extraordinary organization called the Club of Rome (COR), who became advocates of the idea of greater use of systems analysis in the development of policy. The systems approach to policy required rational, holistic and long-range thinking. It was an approach that attracted the attention of Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Commonality of interests and concerns united the disparate members of the COR and allowed that organization to develop an influential presence within Canada during Trudeau’s time in office from 1968 to 1984. The story of the COR in Canada is extended beyond the end of the Trudeau era to explain how the key elements that had allowed the organization and its Canadian Association (CACOR) to develop an influential presence quickly dissipated in the post- 1984 era. The key reasons for decline were time and circumstance as the COR/CACOR membership aged, contacts were lost, and there was a political paradigm shift that was antithetical to COR/CACOR ideas.
    [Show full text]
  • The NDP's Approach to Constitutional Issues Has Not Been Electorally
    Constitutional Confusion on the Left: The NDP’s Position in Canada’s Constitutional Debates Murray Cooke [email protected] First Draft: Please do not cite without permission. Comments welcome. Paper prepared for the Annual Meetings of the Canadian Political Science Association, June 2004, Winnipeg The federal New Democratic Party experienced a dramatic electoral decline in the 1990s from which it has not yet recovered. Along with difficulties managing provincial economies, the NDP was wounded by Canada’s constitutional debates. The NDP has historically struggled to present a distinctive social democratic approach to Canada’s constitution. Like its forerunner, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP has supported a liberal, (English-Canadian) nation-building approach that fits comfortably within the mainstream of Canadian political thought. At the same time, the party has prioritized economic and social polices rather than seriously addressing issues such as the deepening of democracy or the recognition of national or regional identities. Travelling without a roadmap, the constitutional debates of the 80s and 90s proved to be a veritable minefield for the NDP. Through three rounds of mega- constitutional debate (1980-82, 1987-1990, 1991-1992), the federal party leadership supported the constitutional priorities of the federal government of the day, only to be torn by disagreements from within. This paper will argue that the NDP’s division, lack of direction and confusion over constitution issues can be traced back to longstanding weaknesses in the party’s social democratic theory and strategy. First of all, the CCF- NDP embraced rather than challenged the parameters and institutions of liberal democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberals: a House Divided Introduction
    The Liberals: A House Divided Introduction “I will fulfill my mandate and focus entirely on governing from now until February Focus 2004. At which time my work will be done and at which time my successor will be In an unprec- chosen. And then, at the age of 70, I will look back with great satisfaction as I take edented move against a sitting my rest with Aline, secure in the knowledge that the future of Canada is unlim- Canadian prime ited.” — Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, August 21, 2002 minister, a signifi- cant number of Struggle for Power media and political organizers, the buzz Liberal Party mem- The summer of 2002 will be remem- about his future grew louder and louder. bers appeared The Martin camp was particularly ready to vote bered for both the hot weather and the against Jean equally hot political battle waged within active in promoting their man for the Chrétien in a the ranks of the Liberal Party of next leadership campaign. They built a planned leadership Canada. Open political warfare raged powerful organization and raised sub- review next year. inside the heart of Canada’s most stantial funds. Incensed by this pressure The split in the to leave, Chrétien and Martin had a Liberal camp was successful political machine. A party highlighted this that traditionally rallied around its falling out, and Martin left cabinet. spring when Paul leader appeared ready to tear itself apart Liberals were increasingly divided Martin, one of the over the question of leadership. and feared an open battle at a planned main contenders to After the Liberal victory of 2000, convention to review Chrétien’s leader- replace the PM, attention was drawn to the question of ship in February 2003.
    [Show full text]
  • Docket 119 Synthesis Iof Comments on the Review.Pdf
    i ii Synthesis of Public Comment on the Forthcoming Review by the Federal Governments of Canada and the United States of the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement A Report to the Governments of the United States and Canada January 2006 The views expressed in this synthesis are those of the individuals and organizations who participated in the public comment process. They are not the views of the International Joint Commission. INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION JOINT MIXTE COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE Canada and United States Canada et États-Unis INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION JOINT MIXTE COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE Canada and United States Canada et États-Unis Herb Gray Dennis Schornack Chair, Canadian Section Chair, United States Section Robert Gourd Irene Brooks Commissioner Commissioner Jack Blaney Allen Olson Commissioner Commissioner International Joint Commission Offices Canadian Section United States Section 234 Laurier Ave. West, 22nd Floor 1250 23rd Street, NW, Suite 100 Ottawa, ON K1P 6K6 Washington, D.C. 20440 Phone: (613) 995-2984 Phone: (202) 736-9000 Fax: (613) 993-5583 Fax: (202) 467-0746 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Great Lakes Regional Office 100 Ouellette Avenue, 8th Floor Windsor, ON N9A 6T3 or P.O. Box 32869, Detroit, MI 48232 Phone: (519) 257-6700 or (313) 226-2170 Fax: (519) 257-6740 Email: [email protected] Acknowledgements The International Joint Commission thanks the people from the Great Lakes, the St. Lawrence River and beyond who took part in the public comment process and whose voices are echoed in this report. ISBN 1-894280-60-1 This report is available online at www.ijc.org.
    [Show full text]