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Mr. Winthrop, of Massaubusetts

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Mr. Winthrop, of Massaubusetts SPEECH OF MR. WINTHROP, OF MASSAUBUSETTS, o~ THE TARI FF, DEL!VERED IN • THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, JUNE 25, 1846. WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY J. <t G. S. GIDEON. 184.6 ) I SPEECH. HousE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THR UNITED STATES, 25th June, 1846.-The House bein.,. jn Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and having under consideration a bill to reduce the duties on imports and for other purposes1 Mr. WINTHROP said that, if he had suc(:eeded in getting the floor at an earlier hour yesterday, he should have been tempted to reply at some length to the honorable member from Louisiana, (:Mr. HARMANSON ,) who addressed the committee in the course of the morning. I confess (said l\'Ir. W .) that I was a good deal astonished to hear so wholesale an attack upon the existing Tariff from that particular quarter. I had thought that if there were any pro­ duct of our country which required and received the highest measure of pro­ tection, it was the staple product of the honorable member's own State. I had thought that if there were any port in the Union, which had profited more than another, of the vast internal trade which the existing Tariff bas aided in building up, it was the port of his own proud metropolis. But the honorable member founded his objections to the existing Tariff_, very prudently, on certain alleged injurious influences in other parts of' the country, and not on any which had come within the sphere of his. own observation and experience. And one of the topics of his severest ani­ madversion was the enormous dividends of the Eastern manufacturers. Now, I will not weary the committee with details, which have often been recited, to prove that the average profits of the Eastern manufacturers have been as low as those of persons employed in any t0tber line of busi­ ness, and probably a ·good deal lower than those of the Louisiana sugar planter. But I do desire to present to those who are continually harping on this string ,-not excepting the Secretary of the 'I'reasury, who has touched it somewhat rudely in his annual report,-a plain practical test of the truth and justice of this charge. The manufacture of cotton is not, like the culture of cotton, necessarily a local business. There is excellent water power, and an abundance of hu­ man labor, all over the conntry. Numerous cotton mills have already beeo established in the Southern States. In Virginia, in North Carolina, in. Georgia, the hum of the spindle is beginning to be a familiar sound. Eveo in South Carolina, I believe, it is not altogether unheard. My honorable friend from South Carolina, (Mr. HoLl\rns ,) smiles. Sir, I remember seeing i'n a newspaper, for which I was indebted to his own politeness, a call for a meeting, to be holden on the 17th of June, in one of the districts of South Carolina, last year, for the double purpose of celebrating the battle of Bunker Hill and taking measures for building a cotton mill! The persons who called that meeting, it seems, understood the patriot.ism, as well as the policy_, of establishing domestic manufactures. They had not forgotten the resolu­ tions which passed the British Parliament a few years before tbe battle oi Bunker Hill was fought, "'I'hat the erection of manufactories in tbe colo­ nies doth tend to diminish their dependence on the mother country." I heartily hope that this spirit will spread. I believe it is spreading, and that,. half a century hence, our country will be as remarkable as a cotton· spinning country, as it is now as a cotton-growing country. 4 But what I wished particularly to say was this;-that if it be not quite convenient, just yet, for our Southern friends to try the experiment of these enormous dividends on their own ground, they can easily have an opportu­ nity elsewhere. The stocks of these New England factories, which are so much complained of for doing so good a business, can .be had on the Boston Exchange every day in the week. They may be purchased, either at public auction or at private sale, by any one who wishes to buy. And, what is more remarkable, sir, not a few of them may be bought below par. I have here a price-current of a few weeks ago, which gives the rates of the actual sales of the day, and from which it appears that almost any of these stocks may be had at a small advance, many of them at par, and not a few below it. Here they are: The Appleton mills, the Lawrence mills, the Thorn­ .dike mills, the Lowell mills; you may take shares to suit yourselves, and come in for scot and lot in all their exorbitant earnings. Before yon determine to Jo so, however, you will, perhaps, be disposed to propound to yourselves some such questions as these: Can it be true, that stocks which can be purchased at such rates, can yield, uniformly and certainly, dividends so enormous? The Yankees are sharp enough, Hea­ ven knows, at a bargain; would they be likely to sell, for a thousand dol­ lars, that which would give them a regular and reliable interest on two or three thousand? Must it not be, on the other hand, that the great profits wl1ich are so much harped upon, are only the exceptions to the general rule; and that the average earnings are, after all, only a fair interest on the investment? And is there, too, any real monopoly about a business which any one can take a share in, who pleases? Can we, while 1t is in our power to build cotton mills for ourselves, or to buy into those which are already established, complain of the system which protects them from a ruinous fo­ reign competition, ~s so very grievous and grinding an oppression? If the honorable member from Louisiana would ponder a little upon these interrogatories, I am sure he would be less violent in his denunciation of these enormous dividends. But I have not come here, this morning, to reply to the honorable mem­ ber from Louisiana, or any one else, bnt rather to say something on my own account. It is well understood that the bill under consideration was order­ ed to be reported to the House by a vote of 5 to 4 in the Committee of Ways and Means. As the majority of the Committee did not think fit to accom­ pany the bill with any written explanations of the views with which it. was prepared, it would, of course, have been innppropriate for the minority to ma~e any report. But as one of that minority, I desire to take this occasion to give rny reasons for opposing the bill in committee, and for continuing that opposition in the House. Undoubtedly, Mr. Chairman, the first great object of all our tariffs should be to J?rovide revenue for the support of the Government. The.re are no terms 111 which this principle cnn be asserted, too absolute and too unquali­ fied to meet my ready and cordir.J assent. I agree to the proposition in the form in which it has been stated by the Secretary of the Treasury in his '.lnnual report~ " that no more money t=:hould be collected from duties on imports than 1s necessary for the wants of the Government, economically administered." And I agree, also, to the converse of the proposition, as more emphatically pressed upon our consideration by the existing circum­ stances of the country, that as much money as may be necessary for those wants ought, if possible, to be thus collected. 5 In a time of war, like the present, more e.;;pecially, an ample rev·enue should be the primary aim an<l end of all our custom house duties. To replenish the National Treasury, to sustain the public credit, and to make .seasonable and sufficient provision for meeting the manifold expenses which are incident to a state of war, is as essential to the vigorous and successful prosecution of that war, as the mustering of fleets and armies. And that Administration will have done but half its duty to the country, in the pre­ sent condition of its foreign affairs, which, looking only to men and muni­ tions, shall fail to advise- "How War may, best upheld, Move by her two main nerves, iron and gold, In all her equipage." I need not say, that I deeply deplore the occurrence of the war in which the country is involved. I have had neither part nor lot in the policy which bas occasioned it, but have opposed 1hat policy, from beginning to end, to the best of my ability. I voted for the bill recognising the existence of the war, and authorizing the employment of men and money for its prm;ecution, with unfeigned reluctance and pain. Tbe day can never be, when I can vote, without reluctance and without pain, for any bill, under any circum­ stances, which looks to an issue of battle and of blood. l feel deeply that such conflicts are unbecoming civilized and christian men. Not even the brilliant exploits of our troops at Palo Alto and the Resaca de la Palma, though they may fill me with admiration for the bravery of those who achieved them, can dazzle me, for an instant, into the delusion, that such scenes are worthy -of the age in which we live.
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