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Volume 22, Number 1, 2015 ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻭﻥ، ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ١، ٢٠١٥ : W C I I - C C M. A. Kevin Brice ﺍﻟﺸﻮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ: C C M’ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ D T: C S R ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ Ahmad Suaedy & Muhammad Haz ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻒ S M C I B: T ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻼﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ: I S G P ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻭﺭﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺭﻧﻴﻮ Friederike Trotier ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻣﺎﺩﻱ E-ISSN: 2355-6145 STUDIA ISLAMIKA STUDIA ISLAMIKA Indonesian Journal for Islamic Studies Vol. 22, no. 1, 2015 EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Azyumardi Azra MANAGING EDITOR Ayang Utriza Yakin EDITORS Saiful Mujani Jamhari Jajat Burhanudin Oman Fathurahman Fuad Jabali Ali Munhanif Saiful Umam Ismatu Ropi Dadi Darmadi INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD M. Quraish Shihab (Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta, INDONESIA) Tauk Abdullah (Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), INDONESIA) Nur A. Fadhil Lubis (State Islamic University of Sumatera Utara, INDONESIA) M.C. Ricklefs (Australian National University, AUSTRALIA) Martin van Bruinessen (Utrecht University, NETHERLANDS) John R. Bowen (Washington University, USA) M. Kamal Hasan (International Islamic University, MALAYSIA) Virginia M. Hooker (Australian National University, AUSTRALIA) Edwin P. Wieringa (Universität zu Köln, GERMANY) Robert W. Hefner (Boston University, USA) Rémy Madinier (Centre national de la recherche scientique (CNRS), FRANCE) R. Michael Feener (National University of Singapore, SINGAPORE) Michael F. Laffan (Princeton University, USA) ASSISTANT TO THE EDITORS Testriono Muhammad Nida' Fadlan ENGLISH LANGUAGE ADVISOR Shirley Baker ARABIC LANGUAGE ADVISOR Nursamad Tb. Ade Asnawi COVER DESIGNER S. Prinka STUDIA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 0215-0492; E-ISSN: 2355-6145) is an international journal published by the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta, INDONESIA. It specializes in Indonesian Islamic studies in particular, and Southeast Asian Islamic studies in general, and is intended to communicate original researches and current issues on the subject. is journal warmly welcomes contributions from scholars of related disciplines. All submitted papers are subject to double-blind review process. STUDIA ISLAMIKA has been accredited by e Ministry of Education and Culture, Republic of Indonesia as an academic journal (SK Dirjen Dikti No. 56/DIKTI/Kep/2012). STUDIA ISLAMIKA has become a CrossRef Member since year 2014. erefore, all articles published by STUDIA ISLAMIKA will have unique Digital Object Identier (DOI) number. © Copyright Reserved Editorial Office: STUDIA ISLAMIKA, Gedung Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) UIN Jakarta, Jl. Kertamukti No. 5, Pisangan Barat, Cirendeu, Ciputat 15419, Jakarta, Indonesia. Phone: (62-21) 7423543, 7499272, Fax: (62-21) 7408633; E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://journal.uinjkt.ac.id/index.php/studia-islamika Annual subscription rates from outside Indonesia, institution: US$ 75,00 and the cost of a single copy is US$ 25,00; individual: US$ 50,00 and the cost of a single copy is US$ 20,00. Rates do not include international postage and handling. Please make all payment through bank transfer to: PPIM, Bank Mandiri KCP Tangerang Graha Karnos, Indonesia, account No. 101-00-0514550-1 (USD), Swift Code: bmriidja Harga berlangganan di Indonesia untuk satu tahun, lembaga: Rp. 150.000,-, harga satu edisi Rp. 50.000,-; individu: Rp. 100.000,-, harga satu edisi Rp. 40.000,-. Harga belum termasuk ongkos kirim. Pembayaran melalui PPIM, Bank Mandiri KCP Tangerang Graha Karnos, No. Rek: 128-00-0105080-3 Table of Contents Articles 1 M. A. Kevin Brice Si Bule Masuk Islam: Western Converts to Islam in Indonesia - more than just Converts of Convenience? 29 Ahmad Suaedy & Muhammad Haz Citizenship Challenges in Myanmar’s Democratic Transition: Case Study of the Rohingya-Muslim 65 Friederike Trotier Strengthening the Muslim Community in Indonesia and Beyond: e 2013 Islamic Solidarity Games in Palembang 97 Ali Munhanif Al-Shawkah al-Siyāsīyah li al-Afkār al-Dīnīyah: Al-Ḥarakah al-Tajdīdīyah al-Islāmīyah wa al-Ṭarīq ilá Nuqṭat Iltiqā’ al-Islām wa al-Dawlah 133 Dadi Darmadi Al-Islām wa al-Malāyū wa al-Siyādah fī al-Muḥīṭ: Sulṭanat Brunei wa al-Isti‘mār Eropa fī Borneo Book Review 181 Jajat Burhanudin Islam dan Kolonialisme: Sayyid Usman dan Islam di Indonesia Masa Penjajahan Ahmad Suaedy & Muhammad Haz Citizenship Challenges in Myanmar’s Democratic Transition: Case Study of the Rohingya-Muslim Abstract: As a part of the Myanmar transition to democracy, which began after the election in 2010, the census on March-April 2014 refused to count the Rohingya ethnic group. is was symbolic of the Myanmar government’s rejection of Rohingya people as citizens. e paradox is that democracy necessitates a guarantee of fundamental freedoms and recognition of all group identities. rough in depth interviews with a number of Rohingya political and social leaders at the end of March 2014, in Yangon, this research details the Rohingya struggle to secure their rights in the political process. A number of documents both from the Rohingya and from the Myanmar government justify why and how the process of exclusion and discrimination occurs. is research will conclude with a discussion of the challenges and recommended steps for the future to accommodate the Rohingya as Myanmar citizens, and of the need for international and regional support. Keywords: Rohingya, Rakhine, citizenship, democracy, transition, Myanmar. 29 Studia Islamika, Vol. 22, No. 1, 2015 DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v22i1.1387 30 Ahmad Suaedy & Muhammad Haz Abstrak: Sebagai bagian dari peralihan menuju demokrasi, pemerintah Myanmar yang dimulai setelah Pemilu 2010, melakukan sensus penduduk pada Maret-April 2014 yang menolak untuk memasukkan etnis Rohingya-Muslim menjadi bagian dari penduduk Myanmar. Ini merupakan simbol penolakan secara total terhadap Rohingya sebagai warganegara Myanmar. Paradoksnya adalah bahwa demokrasi meniscayakan adanya jaminan kebebasan dan penerimaan secara setara semua warganegara. Melalui wawancara mendalam dengan sejumlah tokoh politik dan sosial Rohingya di Yangon pada akhir Maret 2014, penelitian ini menggali usaha para pemimpin Rohingnya dalam memperjuangkan hak-haknya sebagai warga negara. Berbagai dokumen baik dari kalangan Rohingya sendiri, maupun pemerintah yang bisa diakses memperjelas bagaimana dan mengapa diskriminasi dan ekslusi itu terjadi. Tulisan ini akan diakhiri dengan mendiskusikan tantangan dan suatu masukan tahap-tahap akomodasi di masa depan terhadap Rohingya sebagai warganegara Myanmar, serta perlunya dukungan dari dunia internasional dan kawasan Asia Tenggara. Kata kunci: Rohingya, Rakhina, kewarganegaraan, demokrasi, transisi, Myanmar. ﺍﳋﻼﺻﺔ: ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﳓﻮ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻴﺎﳕﺎﺭ (ﺑﻮﺭﻣﺎ) ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ٢٠١٠ﻡ، ﺃﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﳕﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺀ ﻟﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﻞ ٢٠١٤ﻡ. ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ، ﱂ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗُﻀﻢ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﺟﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺀ. ﻳﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﳌﻴﺎﳕﺎﺭ. ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﲔ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ. ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺃﺟﺮﻱ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎ ﲟﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻳﺎﻧﻐﻮﻥ Yangon ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ٢٠١٤ﻡ، ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ. ﺑﺎﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎﻭﻳﲔ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺃﻡ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ، ﻳﺘﺒﲔ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻭﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ. ﻭﳜﺘﺘﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﲟﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﳌﻴﺎﳕﺎﺭ، ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ. ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺷﺎﺩﻳﺔ: ﺭﻭﻫﻴﻨﻐﻴﺎ، ﺭﺍﺧﲔ، ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ، ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ، ﻭﻣﻴﺎﳕﺎﺭ. DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v22i1.1387 Studia Islamika, Vol. 22, No. 1, 2015 Citizenship Challenges in Myanmar’s Democratic Transition 31 n Myanmar’s population census from 30 of March – 10 of April 2014, the rst in three decades, the Myanmar government refused Ito count the Rohingya ethnic group (ICG, 2014).1 e census was part of the Myanmar transition to democracy, which began after the election in 2010, and was funded by the UNFPA or UN Population Fund (Time Magazine, 1 April 2014). is restriction was representative of the Myanmar government’s rejection of Rohingya’s as citizens. e paradox is that democracy necessitates a guarantee of fundamental freedoms and recognition of the diverse group identities of citizens. However, in practice democracy in Myanmar is justifying discrimination and exclusion of the Rohingya ethnic minority in the country, and also against the other non-Buddhist minority group, such as the Christian Kachin community. e stagnant dominant role of the military and increasing religious sectarianism makes ghting against the discrimination and exclusion faced by the Rohingya difficult. Discrimination against certain minorities and conict between majority and minority groups are common in democratic transitions due to religious or ethnic reasons, at least in the Southeast Asian region as in Myanmar. Discrimination and conict occur in both Muslim majority countries such as in Malaysia between Chinese and Indian ethnicities (Suaedy, 2010a), and in Indonesia against particular minority religious groups (Suaedy, 2011a and 2012). e Muslim minority in Southern ailand in the Buddhist- majority of the ailand (Suaedy 2010b) and the Muslim minority in the Mindanao in the predominantly Catholic country of the Philippines (Suaedy 2011b) also still struggle for equal rights.
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    University of California, Santa Cruz The Naypyidaw Rationale: Cultures of Power and Constructions of Legitimacy in the Republic of Myanmar June 2015 Nic Zinter Senior Thesis Dept. of Politics 1 A note on the terminology: The official title of the Burmese state as specified by the 2008 Constitution is “The Republic of the Union of Myanmar,” although the use of “Myanmar” to designate the territory formerly known as “Burma” was a move to push out colonial influence after the Burmese Security Forces initiated a violent coup d’état in 1988 responding to a series of student uprisings and popular protests. While the majority of major news outlets refer to this nation as Myanmar, the designation of Burma is still used by a coalition of governments, including that of the United States, that refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the now-vacated military government. In spite of the dissolution of the military junta in 2011, the current government of Myanmar led by Thein Sein upholds the name “Myanmar” and continues to rule from the junta-designated capital at Naypyidaw. As such, I use the designations of “Myanmar” and “Burma” throughout the course of this paper – not to make any sort of political statement for or against the current government of Myanmar. Rather, when discussing issues pertaining specifically to the government, I use the term “Myanmar;” when discussing the peoples or the territory within Myanmar’s national boundaries, or the historic kingdoms or colonies that predate the junta, I utilize the term “Burma.” 2 On 6 November 2005, at the decidedly auspicious time of 6:37 a.m., the capital of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar was moved from Yangon, the site of tumultuous protest, democratic movements, and political upheaval, to the barren grasslands of a territory known as Pyinmana, which at the time had a population just shy of one hundred thousand.
  • The Ongoing Genocidal Crisis of the Rohingya Minority in Myanmar

    The Ongoing Genocidal Crisis of the Rohingya Minority in Myanmar

    Article Journal of Victimology The Ongoing Genocidal and Victim Justice 1(1) 4–24 Crisis of the Rohingya 2018 National Law University Delhi Minority in Myanmar SAGE Publications sagepub.in/home.nav DOI: 10.1177/2516606918764998 http://journals.sagepub.com/home/vvj John P. J. Dussich1 Abstract The serious plight of the Rohingya ethnic group’s extreme victimization in Myanmar has finally emerged on the international stage. They are mostly a stateless Muslim minority from the state of Rakhine which, over recent decades, have been abused by severe and repeated multiple human rights violations. There are now approximately 850,000 displaced Rohingya refugees mostly in Bangladesh and surrounding countries with thousands more waiting in peril between Myanmar and Bangladesh. The saga of the Rohingya dilemma has been fraught with complex ethno-religious conflicts between Buddhist, Muslim and Hindu factions exacerbated by the scale of people involved, rapidity of events, recency of occurrences, abject poverty, racial hatred, linguistic differences, confused ancestral rights, severe humanitarian violations, genocidal policies, surrounded by nations themselves struggling with few resources. The present- day conflicted leadership in Myanmar between the military and the democratically elected leader of her government, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been severely criticized for their brutal continued ethnic cleansing. Keywords Rohingya, Myanmar, Bangladesh, ethnic cleansing, genocide, Muslim, Buddhist, human rights, refugees, Aung San Suu Kyi A genocide begins with the killing of one man—not for what he has done, but because of who he is. A campaign of ‘ethnic cleansing’ begins with one neighbour turning on another. Poverty begins when even one child is denied his or her fundamental right to education.
  • Misunderstanding + Misinformation = Mistrust

    Misunderstanding + Misinformation = Mistrust

    Misunderstanding + misinformation = mistrust: How language barriers reduce access to humanitarian services, reduce the quality of those services and aggravate social exclusion for Rohingya communities PART III: SITTWE, MYANMAR September 2019 1 A three-part report Translators without Borders (TWB) is We are grateful to the many organizations pleased to launch a three-part report and individuals that supported or and accompanying language guidance participated in this study. on an innovative cross-border study. The series explores the role of language The cross-border study was conducted in humanitarian service access and and authored by a TWB team in Myanmar community relations in Cox’s Bazar, and Bangladesh. Many others also Bangladesh and Sittwe, Myanmar. contributed feedback and valuable comments to the final series of reports. • Part I. Cross-border trends: Challenging trends in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh and Sittwe, Myanmar • Part II. Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh: Findings from Bangladesh including sections on challenges, adaptive programming, and recommendations • Part III. Sittwe, Myanmar: Findings from Myanmar including sections on challenges, adaptive programming, and recommendations A local roadside scene in the Sittwe rural camps. 2 Table of Contents Methods and further information .......................................................4 Usage ............................................................................................................4 Executive summary .................................................................................5
  • Islam in Myanmar

    Islam in Myanmar

    Islam in Myanmar Islam is a minority religion in Myanmar, practiced by about 4.15% of the population, according to the 2008 Myanmar official statistics. Contents History Muslim diaspora Pathi and Panthays Bagan (Pagan) period Byat Wi and Byat Ta Shwe Byin brothers Sailors and traders Prisoners of war Royal Muslim soldiers Konbaung Dynasty Amarapura King Mindon Imprisonment of the last Mughal Emperor Demographics Religion and society Official policy Persecution Religious and race riots Burma for Burmese Campaign Inquiry Committee by British Japanese persecution of Muslims Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League Ne Win's coup d'état Riots in Mandalay (1997) Riots in Sittwe and Taungoo (2001) Riots in Rakhine (2012) Agents provocateurs 2013 riots Mandalay riots (2014) 2016–17 Rohingya persecution See also References Bibliography Further reading External links History In the early Bagan era (AD 652-660), Arab Muslim merchants landed at ports such as Thaton and Martaban. Arab Muslim ships sailed from Madagascar to China, often going in and out of Burma.[1] Arab travellers visited the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal south of Burma.[2] The Muslims arrived in Burma's Ayeyarwady River delta, on the Tanintharyi coast and in Rakhine in the 9th century, prior to the establishment of the first Burmese empire in 1055 AD by King Anawrahta of Bagan.[3][4][5][6][7][8][9] The sea posts of Burma such as Kyaukpyu, Bassein, Syriam, Martaban, Mergui, etc. are rife with the legendary accounts of early shipwrecks in their neighbourhood: of Kular shipwrecked sailors, traders and soldiers.[10] At first Muslims arrived on the Arakan coast and moved into the upward hinterland to Maungdaw.
  • Diplomasi Publik Malaysia Terhadap Rohingya Malaysia's Public Diplomacy Towards Rohingya

    Diplomasi Publik Malaysia Terhadap Rohingya Malaysia's Public Diplomacy Towards Rohingya

    Jurnal Manajemen Pertahanan, Vol 6 No 2 Desember 2020 1 DIPLOMASI PUBLIK MALAYSIA TERHADAP ROHINGYA MALAYSIA’S PUBLIC DIPLOMACY TOWARDS ROHINGYA Jessica Ong Hai Liaw1, Abdul Hamid Moiden2, Ariffin Ismail3 FAKULTI PENGAJIAN DAN PENGURUSAN PERTAHANAN UNIVERSITI PERTAHANAN NASIONAL MALAYSIA [email protected] Abstrak – Penghapusan etnik atau genosid sudah bermula merupakan satu titik hitam dalam ketamadun manusia. Kata ini mula-mula digunakan pada tahun 1944 oleh Raphael Lemkin dalam bukunya “Axis Rule in Occupied Europe” yang diterbitkan di Amerika Syarikat. Kata ini diambil dari bahasa Yunani ‘γένος genos’ yang bermaksud ‘ras’, ‘bangsa’ atau ‘rakyat’ dan bahasa Latin ‘caedere’ yang bererti ‘pembunuhan’. Penghapusan etnik lazimnya dilakukan atas nama agama, bangsa dan negara. Kini, walaupun manusia telah mengenal ketinggian peradaban dan mengecap kemajuan dalam bidang sains dan teknologi penghapusan etnik masih berlaku di serata dunia dan alasannya masih lagi agama, bangsa dan negara. Penghapusan etnik minoriti oleh kaum majoriti dalam sesebuah masyarakat atau negara merupakan satu bentuk penganiayaan dan pencabulan hak asasi manusia. Semasa Perang Dunia Kedua (1939-1945) tentera Nazi Jerman di bawah pimpinan Adolf Hitler telah melaksanakan penghapusan etnik berbangsa Yahudi. Selain itu, penghapusan etnik juga berlaku di benua Afrika iaitu Kaum Tutsi dan Kaum Hutu dibunuh secara beramai-ramai di Rwanda. Dianggarkan sebanyak 500,000 orang dibunuh atas nama dasar penghapusan etnik di Rwanda. Pada tahun 1990-an pula berlaku penghapusan etnik Bosnia- Herzegovina oleh Kaum Serbia di bawah pimpinan Jeneral Ratko Mladic atas nama agama. Benua Asia khususnya Asia Tenggara turut tidak terkecuali dalam hal ini. Di Myanmar, kerajaan Myanmar di bawah pimpinan Aung San Suu Kyi, penerima hadiah Nobel Keamanan 1991 menghalalkan penghapusan etnik yang dilakukan pihak tentera ke atas penduduk Islam Rohingya.
  • Print This Article

    Print This Article

    Volume 28, Number 1, 2021 اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ واﻟﻌﺸﺮون، اﻟﻌﺪد ١، ٢٠٢١ T P M P: ٢٠٢١ A E S N’ H ، ١ -- H M A اﻟﻌﺪد واﻟﻌﺸﺮون، اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ واﻟﻌﺸﺮون، اﻟﻌﺪد Jamel Rombo Cayamodin & Abdulhamit Durakoglu T G: T S I H M R I M S C: T P “M-B” C B Annabel Teh Gallop T P R M I Gst. Pt. Bagus Suka Arjawa & Zulkii P D M Muhammad Wildan اﻟﺴﺠﺎﺋﺮ وﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء اﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ :M, C P, I ﻓﻲ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎرا: دراﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﻄﻮط A C A () A B I” M J“ «ﺑﺎب ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺎن ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮب اﻟﺪﺧﺎن» Rahmat Hidayatullah ﺟﺎﺟﺎﻧﻎ أ راﲪﺎ E-ISSN: 2355-6145 STUDIA ISLAMIKA STUDIA ISLAMIKA Indonesian Journal for Islamic Studies Vol. 28, no. 1, 2021 EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Azyumardi Azra MANAGING EDITOR Oman Fathurahman EDITORS Saiful Mujani Jamhari Didin Syafruddin Jajat Burhanudin Fuad Jabali Ali Munhanif Saiful Umam Dadi Darmadi Jajang Jahroni Din Wahid Euis Nurlaelawati INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD M. Quraish Shihab (Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University of Jakarta, INDONESIA) Martin van Bruinessen (Utrecht University, NETHERLANDS) John R. Bowen (Washington University, USA) M. Kamal Hasan (International Islamic University, MALAYSIA) Virginia M. Hooker (Australian National University, AUSTRALIA) Edwin P. Wieringa (Universität zu Köln, GERMANY) Robert W. Hefner (Boston University, USA) Rémy Madinier (Centre national de la recherche scientique (CNRS), FRANCE) R. Michael Feener (National University of Singapore, SINGAPORE) Michael F. Laffan (Princeton University, USA) Minako Sakai (e University of New South Wales, AUSTRALIA) Annabel Teh Gallop (e British Library, UK) Syafaatun Almirzanah (Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University of Yogyakarta, INDONESIA) ASSISTANT TO THE EDITORS Testriono Muhammad Nida' Fadlan Rangga Eka Saputra Abdullah Maulani ENGLISH LANGUAGE ADVISOR Benjamin J.
  • Children, the Main Victims of Ethnic Violence in Myanmar

    Children, the Main Victims of Ethnic Violence in Myanmar

    http:// ijp.mums.ac.ir Letter to Editor (Pages: 6173-6178) Children, the Main Victims of Ethnic Violence in Myanmar Masumeh Saeidi1, Zahra Emami Moghadam2, *Habibolah Taghizade Moghaddam31 1Students Research Committee, Faculty of Medicine, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran. 2School of Nursing and Midwifery, Mashhad University of Medical Sciences, Mashhad, Iran. 3Department of Biochemistry, Faculty of Medicine, Mashhad University of Medical Sciences, Mashhad, Iran. Dear Editor-in-chief, The Republic of the Union of Myanmar – formerly known as Burma – is a small nation located in South East of Asia, on the border of Thailand, Laos, China and Bangladesh (Figure.1). According to a 2014 census, the country has a population of over 51 million people. The country is officially a Buddhist state, but with 135 recognized ethnic minorities, it boasts a big religious diversity as well. Based on the 2014 census, over two million of Myanmar’s residents identified as Muslims. Myanmar has a total area of 262,000 square miles (678,500 km2), and consists of 14 stets and regions (1-3). Many of Burma’s indigenous Muslims live in Rakhine State, on the Western coast next to the border with Bangladesh. Rohingya are however considered to be stateless, because the Myanmar Government officially considers the ethnic minority to be illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. The persecution has forced nearly one million Rohingya to flee into Bangladesh since 1977, with many more seeking refuge in other countries. Other Muslim countries have opened their doors to the refugees, with some choosing to flee to India, Pakistan, Malaysia and Indonesia. The Rohingya face discrimination and barriers to health care (4, 5).
  • Myanmar (Burma)

    Myanmar (Burma)

    MYANMAR (BURMA): No end in sight for internal displacement crisis A profile of the internal displacement situation 14 February, 2008 This Internal Displacement Profile is automatically generated from the online IDP database of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). It includes an overview of the internal displacement situation in the country prepared by the IDMC, followed by a compilation of excerpts from relevant reports by a variety of different sources. All headlines as well as the bullet point summaries at the beginning of each chapter were added by the IDMC to facilitate navigation through the Profile. Where dates in brackets are added to headlines, they indicate the publication date of the most recent source used in the respective chapter. The views expressed in the reports compiled in this Profile are not necessarily shared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The Profile is also available online at www.internal-displacement.org. About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal displacement worldwide. Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international capacities to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations. At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50 countries. Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards.