Misunderstanding + Misinformation = Mistrust

Misunderstanding + misinformation = mistrust:

How language barriers reduce access to humanitarian services, reduce the quality of those services and aggravate social exclusion for Rohingya communities

PART III: SITTWE, MYANMAR September 2019

1 A three-part report

Translators without Borders (TWB) is We are grateful to the many organizations pleased to launch a three-part report and individuals that supported or and accompanying language guidance participated in this study. on an innovative cross-border study. The series explores the role of language The cross-border study was conducted in humanitarian service access and and authored by a TWB team in Myanmar community relations in Cox’s Bazar, and Bangladesh. Many others also Bangladesh and Sittwe, Myanmar. contributed feedback and valuable comments to the final series of reports. • Part I. Cross-border trends: Challenging trends in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh and Sittwe, Myanmar

• Part II. Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh: Findings from Bangladesh including sections on challenges, adaptive programming, and recommendations

• Part III. Sittwe, Myanmar: Findings from Myanmar including sections on challenges, adaptive programming, and recommendations

A local roadside scene in the Sittwe rural camps.

2 Table of Contents

Methods and further information...... 4 Usage...... 4 Executive summary...... 5 Recommendations...... 6 Language barriers limit access to quality services...... 8 Language barriers limit access to quality health services...... 8

Language barriers limit access to quality education services...... 17

Communicating effectively with the community...... 25 Language barriers reinforce the exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar society...... 25 Language skills determine access and status...... 25

Humanitarian programming can perpetuate language-based exclusion...... 26

Naming conventions reinforce intercommunal divisions...... 26

Maramagyi, Hindu, and Kaman communities are potential cultural mediators between Rohingya and Rakhine communities...... 28

Many Rohingya are excluded from peace-related and civil-society programming...... 30

Cultural understanding breaks down intercommunal barriers...... 32 Effective humanitarian communication depends on clear messages and high professional capacity...... 34 English- and Rohingya-speaking communicators rely on Rakhine and Myanmar intermediaries...... 34

Unclear communication and low capacity can lead to misinformation, mistrust, and power imbalances...... 40

Humanitarians appear to misunderstand the language and literacy skills of displaced people...... 40

3 Methods and further information

Detailed information on methods and limitations is available at https://translatorswithoutborders.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Methods-and- limitations_Cross-Border.pdf.

For detail on the languages of the Rohingya response in Bangladesh and Myanmar, see https://translatorswithoutborders.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Languages-in-the- Rohingya-response_Cross-Border.pdf.

Usage

Language and ethnicity names: Language speakers: The terms "English We use the official language or ethnicity speaker," "Myanmar speaker," "Rakhine name designated by the national speaker," "Rohingya speaker," refer to a government in Bangladesh or Myanmar person who is most comfortable speaking respectively. For example, we use Bangla the given language. instead of Bengali and Myanmar instead of Burmese. This does not imply that the person is a native speaker of that language or that In the case that a language is not officially their ethnicity necessarily mirrors the recognized, we use the name recognized language they are most comfortable in American English or the preferred speaking unless otherwise stated. For term of self-identification used by example, a Rakhine speaker may be interviewees. For example, Rohingya. ethnic Rohingya.

4 Executive summary

language dependency reinforces their “We speak a hala hotha relative lack of power and agency. [black language]... Forced displacement increases reliance That’s what we call on others from outside the Rohingya languages that don’t community for support. This makes it even more essential for them to have too much power. communicate across languages and Our language cultures. The role of intermediaries becomes more important and the risk of is one of them.” exclusion for monolinguals even greater.

- A Rohingya man aged Effective two-way communication is between 25 and 49 a key component of user-centered, equitable service provision and accountable humanitarian action. In The Rohingya are marginalized in the linguistically diverse humanitarian Myanmar society, as reflected in their response in both countries, organizations lack of legal status and recognition as struggle to get that communication citizens. Across the border in Bangladesh, right. The result is reduced access to they are also unable to fully participate quality services, further exclusion, and in society due to their lack of legal status missed opportunities to help improve and recognition as refugees. intercommunal relations.

One consequence of this is to reduce Humanitarian organizations can their opportunities to learn other improve communication effectiveness languages such as Myanmar or Bangla. by increasing staff language capacity, This locks in their exclusion through cultural awareness, and knowledge of language. interpreting principles.

Monolingual Rohingya in both countries More fundamentally, language and are unable to access information, voice cultural awareness should inform every their needs and wishes, or engage aspect of program design, resourcing, with decision-makers except through and implementation. That is how we other people. The groups that are ensure that under-served Rohingya can most commonly monolingual are also understand their options, make their disadvantaged in other ways. This needs and wishes heard, and build better relations with neighboring communities.

5 Recommendations

This assessment highlights ways in 3. Test comprehension which humanitarian organizations can of critical messages communicate more effectively with the Develop and test message banks affected population. to see which messages are best understood, convey the intended 1. Apply plain language principles meaning, and resonate with target Develop information, education and groups. Whenever possible, co-design communication materials in plain or co-redesign messages with language, especially those intended community members. This will also for the Rohingya community. Explain help to track progress and raise concepts using familiar words and awareness of the importance of clear sentence structure. Avoid or clear messaging. Ultimately this explain technical jargon and words should increase the effectiveness that are not commonly used. Ensure of humanitarian communication content is field-tested, appropriate for practices over time. the intended audience, and addresses key community concerns. (For an 4. Promote and support empathy overview of plain language principles, with service users and see https://translatorswithoutborders. understanding of their needs org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/ Train and brief service providers in Basic-plain-language-principles-for- language and cultural awareness. humanitarians.pdf) Enable them to apply that learning by designing programs to allow 2. Invest in formal training for adequate time for communication. interpreters and field staff In health clinics, for instance, this in language and cultural skills means organizations should plan Assess Rohingya language skills as for doctors to spend longer with part of staff recruitment, and engage patients, especially new patients. It Rohingya staff and volunteers to is common for interpreting into an support community engagement. unstandardized language to take Training and support programs a few minutes longer. Plan for any can build interpreters’ and field interpreted meeting or gathering, workers’ capacity, including in such as focus groups, to take at least complex terminology such as health twice as long. As far as possible, interpreters may require. This can don’t rush interactions with Rohingya draw on tools like TWB’s multilingual community members: it can readily be glossaries of humanitarian terms. taken as rude and disrespectful. Humanitarian organizations can foster cross-cultural communication skills by encouraging collaboration between Rohingya staff and volunteers and those from other backgrounds.

6 5. Design a bridging strategy Rohingya community to explore from Rohingya to the other scope for standardizing Rohingya languages of instruction as a language of instruction. (Myanmar in Rakhine State, Myanmar and English 6. Develop social cohesion in Cox’s Bazar) programming that addresses Expanding the use of the Rohingya language-based exclusion and language in education will improve does not perpetuate it children’s learning across the Design social cohesion and curriculum, including learning peacebuilding programs to be additional languages. This is especially accessible to monolingual Rohingya, important for disadvantaged groups as well as to other groups. This should such as girls, children with disabilities, inform everything from activity and those who have missed years planning to staff recruitment and of schooling. Starting immediately, training, to communication. Model provide stronger guidance for the use and promote intercommunal respect of Rohingya in teaching and learning, by referring to social groups by the teacher training, management, and names they prefer: call Rohingya, assessment. Consider developing an Rohingya. Explore the role of language approach to teaching Myanmar as a intermediaries and shared problems second language and progressively like gender-based violence as entry using it as a language of instruction points for promoting intercommunal as students become more confident. understanding. In the long term, work with the

A facilitator and Rohingya interpreter conduct a focus group with Rohingya-speaking women in a Sittwe rural camp.

7 Language barriers limit access to quality services

Rohingya speakers who do not also speak LANGUAGE BARRIERS LIMIT Rakhine or Myanmar are vulnerable to ACCESS TO QUALITY HEALTH exclusion from information, access to SERVICES services, and quality service provision. Such monolinguals make up the vast Among women and older people in majority of the Rohingya population. They particular, health knowledge and trust are predominantly people with no or low of health service providers are low, education, people from rural areas, and which affects service access and quality. women. Language and communication challenges compound these problems. Their inclusion is impeded by weaknesses on both sides of the humanitarian Rohingya people are less information flow. Service providers broadcast unclear messages and have likely to access humanitarian- low professional language capacity. operated health services Service users are unable to understand messages due to the lack of user- Health services in the Sittwe rural centered services and low literacy and camps are provided by both government education levels. (through the Thet Kae Pyin Sub-Rural Health Center) and humanitarian Rohingya speakers who do not speak organizations (by national and other languages depend on those who international partners). We limited our do. This results in diminished individual scope to humanitarian-operated primary agency, and gives the intermediary a health services and health and hygiene critical role in the individual’s ability to promotion. The humanitarian-operated access quality services. Our assessment services are mainly mobile clinics, which found that humanitarian organizations provide primary health services. Cases are largely not ensuring staff and that require a higher level of health volunteers have the skills, training, and services are referred to government-run support to play that role effectively. facilities.

A 2017 JIPS assessment1 found that, among households in which at least one person had experienced a serious health issue in the second half of 2016, 81 percent had sought some form of health services. That implies 19 percent did not.

1 Sittwe Camp Profiling Report, 2017

8 According to the same assessment, For the Rohingya community, the social displaced Rohingya populations tended acceptability2 of health services is limited to go directly to the peak health facility by factors such as: available for serious health issues. In the Sittwe rural camp area it was the Thet • short opening hours Kae Pyin Sub-Rural Health Center. Only a very small minority from Sittwe rural • long wait times camps (4 percent) and villages (1 percent) • short consultation times with the went directly to Sittwe General Hospital. doctor The reasons why people went directly to Thet Kae Pyin Sub-Rural Health Center • cultural taboos about seeking include longer opening hours, shorter medical help for sexual and waiting times, higher quality service, reproductive or mental health better quality medicines, and trained issues midwives available. • existence of traditional health service alternatives

• mistrust of health service providers.

TWB surveyed Rohingya refugees Our consultations verified all these in Cox’s Bazar on their recall of complaints, but they were especially conditions in Myanmar before common among monolingual Rohingya, they left. They came mostly particularly women and older people. from Maungdaw (61 percent) and Buthidaung (32 percent) in northern Rakhine State. Seventy- 2 As complementary to other dimensions nine percent reported having of access, including financial affordability gone to a government hospital at and physical accessibility. Our consultation some point, while 48 percent had confirmed most factors to be as reported by gone to a humanitarian clinic. JIPS. Distance and cost were the two main obstacles reported by refugees in Cox’s Bazar whom TWB surveyed on their recall of conditions in Myanmar pre-displacement. Thirty-three percent reported that fear of hospital staff or other people was an obstacle to seeking health care; further investigation is needed to understand this fully. The fear could relate to the risk of disease, potentially painful treatment, or a sense of powerlessness.

9 Many displaced Rohingya who Mistrust of health service providers complained of short opening hours and commonly related to claims of short long wait times at humanitarian-operated consultation times with the doctor and clinics said they went to alternative the erroneous prescription of medicines. health service providers as a result. Many such providers are unlicensed. There was a general understanding that unlicensed doctors do not provide the same level “We don’t have enough of legitimacy or quality and professional time with the doctors. care as humanitarian clinics. Although both men and women generally said they First, there is a long would not go to unlicensed doctors as a wait and then only first preference, women were especially adamant that it was a reasonable 2 to 3 minutes of alternative because they had no choice: consultation.” “What can I do? If I need - A Rohingya man over 50 years old help on a Tuesday and “When I get fever, I get the clinic is closed, the same medicine what other choice do [paracetamol] as when I have [but to visit an I have diarrhea. Why?” unlicensed doctor]?” - A Rohingya man over 50 years old - A Rohingya woman with disabilities People with disabilities reported other challenges accessing health services, including a perceived or actual lack of social support.

Signage in front of a clinic that indicates opening days and hours, as well as types of services in the Sittwe rural camps.

10 “At the clinic, they don’t “[The Rohingya allow caretakers to community] will say come inside the consult things that will please room.” the [non-Muslim]

- A Rohingya woman program staff because with disabilities they are afraid of them…

These challenges, which are significant They are less afraid of in the Rohingya camps and villages, the Muslim staff.” negatively impact the health-seeking practices of this community. They - A Myanmar-speaking effectively deter access to services for humanitarian project officer key groups. in Myanmar

Cultural norms make it hard In this context, it takes considerable tact, for patients to voice concerns cultural sensitivity, and time to establish a dialogue where the patient’s concerns Our study indicates that Rohingya can truly be heard. Clearer messaging patients are often dissatisfied with health and an investment in patient-centered services but generally fail to raise their care and communication could go a concerns with health providers. This long way to improving the actual and seems to be due to a combination of perceived quality of health services. culture, pragmatism, and ignorance of rights. Social emphasis on saving face, by Cultural issues prevent access not revealing the extent of one’s needs, to health services combines with concern that criticism may lead to services being withdrawn. We observed several instances where Concepts of patient-centered care and language and cultural barriers discourage the right to quality health services are patients from discussing symptoms with also unfamiliar. health services staff. Patients do not receive patient-centered and equitable care because the doctor and interpreter do not have adequate language skills or cultural awareness.

11 Many patients only speak Rohingya. They depend entirely on the interpreter to “We don’t communicate with the doctor. know what

Rohingya cultural norms prevent women the community health from discussing female body parts or workers tell the nurses functions with or in the presence of men. Interviews suggest that if a female staff and doctors.” member is not, or not expected to be available, many women will not seek care - A Rohingya man aged at a clinic. between 25 and 49

With continued experience, most “Young women are interpreters will develop competency in ashamed health terminology. However, there is a need for more than technically accurate to speak to male staff interpretation. Interpreters must also be about things related aware of the sensitivities of groups such as women. They need to understand the to a woman’s health, importance of communicating cultural and linguistic nuances. This cultural so if a woman is not mediation role is essential to improve present, she may use a both access and quality in health euphemism or services. not speak at all.” Health service providers, although often multilingual, usually depend on - A Rohingya woman aged intermediaries to communicate with between 25 and 49 Rohingya patients.

This cultural taboo of a woman speaking In our conversations with Myanmar- about her own body with a man extends and Rakhine-speaking doctors, we to sexual and reproductive and maternal found many were skeptical about the health. Many women use body language effectiveness of medical interpreters. and euphemism to communicate their This was due to the interpreters’ symptoms.This relies on intermediaries lack of medical knowledge, and the being sensitive to those signals. conversations that interpreters have with patients without involving the doctor. Intermediaries seldom receive formal interpretation or translation training

Intermediaries may not be aware of their responsibility to understand the euphemisms, and to interpret every sentence between doctor and patient.

12 “I don’t trust what the “We can figure out community health what’s wrong with them workers are telling through medical tests the patients.” and analysis.”

- A Myanmar-speaking woman who - A Myanmar-speaking man who is is a doctor working in the Sittwe a doctor working in the Sittwe rural rural camps and villages camps and villages

Among those who had been working Diagnosing conditions and prescribing in the response for some time, many medication without seeking input from were dealing with this insufficiency by patients can result in misdiagnosis and bypassing spoken communication with inappropriate treatment. It highlights patients: how a lack of skilled interpreters can lead to health services that are not patient- “We can communicate centered or equitable. with body language for A fictional scenario illustrates most things.” the problem with relying on untrained interpreters - A Rakhine-speaking woman who is a nurse working in the Sittwe The fictional scenario below illustrates rural camps and villages the issues with health service quality encountered in the Sittwe rural camps and villages. We constructed it from our observations in humanitarian clinics and the experiences described by program managers, doctors, nurses, community health volunteers, and patients.

13 Scenario: Khadija complains Khadija considers leaving the clinic of a “burning chest.” immediately to avoid the shame of Misdiagnosis: indigestion discussing certain areas of her body with a man, but she is in too much pain. She Khadija, a young Rohingya woman, enters points to her chest and says, “Chest is the doctor’s consulting room in the burning”. Kyaw Sein relays this statement humanitarian clinic about two miles from to Doctor Shwe. her home in rural Sittwe. She has waited all morning to be seen. She grimaces with Doctor Shwe asks Khadija to pull down pain from the sores below her breasts. the neck of her blouse, which she reluctantly does. He checks her upper Doctor Shwe, a Myanmar speaker, chest. He asks her to pull up her blouse sits behind a desk, his eyes scanning from where it overlaps with her tamein Khadija’s health record. Kyaw Sein, a (sarong). He checks her abdomen. Doctor Rohingya community health volunteer Shwe checks for bloating and concludes and interpreter, sits on the corner of the that the burning is indigestion. table. Khadija is the 68th patient the doctor and interpreter have seen today. Doctor Shwe does not tell this to Khadija, but speaks directly to Kyaw Sein to let Doctor Shwe asks Khadija what brings him know. Kyaw Sein only tells Khadija her here; Kyaw Sein interprets. Khadija that she will get some medicine to make is uncomfortable and sits in silence. The her chest stop burning. doctor waits while Kyaw Sein repeats the question, again without reply. After Doctor Shwe records her diagnosis and a minute, Kyaw Sein gets impatient and antacid prescription. Khadija takes the asks again loudly. completed form to the pharmacy. The consultation has taken five minutes. Khadija, startled, finally responds by asking quietly, “Is there a female staff Conclusion: In the absence of a female member I can speak with?” Kyaw Sein health worker or interpreter, Khadija does not relay this question to the doctor, resorts to euphemism. The interpreter but answers her directly: “The only fails to spot the euphemism, and does female community health volunteer is not not facilitate direct communication working this week so if you want help, you between patient and doctor. The doctor will have to speak with me.” doesn’t engage the patient directly. As a result, both miss verbal and non-verbal signs that could have helped them to understand Khadija’s real problem.

14 Cultural understanding breaks “When my brother was down barriers to health access attacked by a ghost, Young Rohingya mothers and older holy water healed him.” Rohingya women are some of the most vulnerable subgroups in the camps. Both - A Rohingya man groups are likely to speak only Rohingya aged between 15 and 24 and have low levels of formal education. Young mothers are subject to cultural A well-trained health promoter should taboos and restrictions that make it use the cultural knowledge they have difficult for them to leave their homes to to sensitively address health concerns go to a clinic. Older Rohingya women may and promote health-seeking behavior. not understand, or be reluctant to accept To ensure an effective communication new health concepts and therefore may system, all health service providers and not seek health services. communicators should incorporate this cultural knowledge into their practice. “Older people have difficulty “About 70 percent of communicating with [our] community health health staff.” workers are men.”

- A Rohingya woman - A Myanmar-speaking man who is aged between 25 and 49 a doctor working in the Sittwe rural camps and villages Traditional medicine in the Rohingya community perceives health and sickness We observed that women of mixed as an imbalance of bodily fluids and cultural background are important supernatural elements. Herbal remedies participants in the two-way are common and can be either self- communication flow between the prescribed or prescribed by a shaman. humanitarian and Rohingya communities. Religious figures, like imams, are also Health services are dominated by male seen as important medical experts in the staff and volunteers. A woman with health community, as Islamic belief in jinns and knowledge and sociolinguistic skills possessions are often used to explain can communicate effectively on topics medical conditions. such as women’s reproductive health, vaccination rumors, and traditional For example, paralysis and a range of medical practices. This is particularly mental health issues are considered important for topics that could potentially spiritual in nature. It is traditionally undermine access to health services. thought that Western medicine cannot treat such diseases and disorders. A fictional scenario illustrates Exorcisms and other ritualistic practices the value of cultural are common. sensitivity

We constructed the following scenario from our observations in humanitarian clinics and the experiences described by program managers, doctors, nurses, and community health volunteers, and patients. 15 Scenario: Older women stick “What do these foreigners know about our to traditional beliefs, mistrust culture?” she says. “They don’t need to health promoter teach us all this new stuff. If a woman is not careful, we know jinns can enter her “If your toddler stops eating or stops body when she is pregnant or after giving drinking breast milk for a couple of birth.” days, bring him or her to see a doctor immediately.” This was the advice from Aye Myat Khaing senses that her Aye Myat Khaing, a Rohingya community message is about to be rejected. She health volunteer and health promoter, hears another woman whisper loudly to to a group of women gathered in the her neighbor: “...cityslicker!” women-friendly space. She tries to remember what she learned Aye Myat Khaing is an ethnically mixed in training a year ago. The training was Muslim woman, whose father is Rohingya conducted in English by a British woman, and mother Kaman. Her first language is and interpreted into Myanmar by a staff Rakhine. Her intermediate Rohingya skills, member. Though the training included pronounced accent, and dress mean guidance on many topics, it said little the community perceives her as both an about religious practices and related outsider and insider. sensitivities. She knows she has to improvise. This morning, the women at the clinic range in age from 14 to over 50. Several “The medicine is for your body, and the women carry babies; others are visibly holy water is for your soul. You need pregnant. both, but it is best to seek medicine first because the doctors are not always here. “But my mother-in-law said I should first You can get a hold of the imams anytime,” go to the imam and get holy water,” one Aye Myat Khaing suggests. of the young mothers says in a quiet The older women warm to this argument voice. “She said I was touched by a jinn, and move closer to hear what else she and that’s why my son is not drinking had to say. my milk.” Aye Myat Khaing doesn’t say this just The other women nod in agreement. to placate the women. She genuinely believes it herself. She takes paracetamol In the pre-Islamic and Islamic context, to relieve headaches, but when she the term jinn is used for supernatural is stressed she reaches for the holy creatures that are neither good nor evil. tabeez (talisman) given to her by her They cannot be seen with the naked eye, grandmother. but live in the same plane as humans and can sometimes possess animate beings. Conclusion: Understanding and respecting traditional beliefs is important Before Aye Myat Khaing can respond, one for communicating on health. Here of the older women speaks up. the health promoter draws on her own knowledge of traditional Rohingya practices to communicate effectively and encourage uptake of health services.

16 LANGUAGE BARRIERS For the Rohingya community, cultural LIMIT ACCESS TO QUALITY taboos about girls going to school EDUCATION SERVICES after puberty are a powerful constraint on education access. Any change in For many Rohingya, education levels and those attitudes will take time, and our trust of humanitarian education service assessment did not address them providers are low, which negatively directly. However, we found a lack of trust affects both access and quality of in humanitarian teaching approaches also services reduces enrolment and attendance. More effective communication practices could Lack of understanding impacts trust. help to overcome parents’ reservations When neither teachers nor parents and allow their insights to inform understand education policy and education delivery. newly adopted learning approaches, misunderstanding can also lead to Cultural issues prevent access misinformation and rumors, which further to quality education services impacts access. Humanitarians and Rohingya Many Rohingya parents communities both attest that education restrict their children’s access services have changed significantly to education services since displacement, in both good and bad ways. Large class sizes, with classes

often numbering 150 or 200 students, We limited our scope to kindergarten and are a challenge. Some parents of learners primary school. Within the Sittwe rural report higher rates of access now, but camps and villages, education is mainly lower quality services. provided through temporary learning classrooms, managed by education sector partners. These are semi-formal, “Attendance increased, but aim to mirror government services and follow the government curriculum. but quality decreased.”

According to the 2017 JIPS assessment, - A Rohingya man who is a teacher over 80 percent of 6- to 10-year-old girls and boys in the Sittwe rural camps were attending school or temporary learning classrooms. Middle school attendance was similar for boys, but dropped to 71 percent for girls. At high school level, TWB surveyed Rohingya refugees attendance fell to just 31 percent of girls in Cox’s Bazar on their recall of and 62 percent of boys. conditions in Myanmar before departure. Their responses As an alternative or addition to modern suggest safety and a lack of secular education, most Rohingya provision constrained education children attend maktab, or Islamic school. access in their areas of origin. Of There, they learn the Arabic script for the 17 percent who had children reading the Qur’an and religious practices of school age who were not in like the daily prayers. Although we did not school, 56 percent said this was find that parents took their children out of due to safety concerns, while school because of this alternative, parents 44 percent said it because there could see it as a more acceptable option were no schools nearby. for girls who do not attend regular school.

17 However, one teacher from Basara said learn in order to succeed. Most Rohingya that both access rates and service quality men said that they want their children to had increased. Prior to displacement, the learn Myanmar because it is the national village had very poor schools compared language. It would open up opportunities to those in town. for their children both in the camps and hopefully in the future, outside of the camps. These opportunities relate to “Now, thanks to the employment, further education, and the NGOs [humanitarians], ability to integrate into broader Myanmar society. Most Rohingya women said that we have much better English was the most important language resources and teachers because of how valuable it was to qualify for humanitarian positions. Rakhine was that are trained.” also a valued language, as it serves as a lingua franca in Rakhine State. - A Rohingya woman who is a teacher However, many teachers do not speak to the students in Myanmar or Rakhine. Prior to displacement, especially in Sittwe The language of the classroom town, there were more Myanmar or Rakhine teachers who only spoke either The study found a pragmatic use of of those languages in the classroom. multilingual approaches in the classroom. This resulted from teachers trying to help students best understand the subjects, “Before the violence, as well as their own lack of confidence 100% of the teachers with the Myanmar and Rakhine languages. were Rakhine,

Learners in the classroom had varying in the village.” levels of Myanmar, Rakhine and Rohingya. - A Rohingya woman An urban-rural divide was apparent in the who is a teacher language skills of the learners.

“Some understand Rakhine more than

others. It depends on Rohingya refugees in Cox’s where they are from - Bazar surveyed on their recall of conditions in Myanmar before town or village.” they left indicated an evolution in the language of teachers in their - A Rohingya woman areas of origin. Households who aged between 25 and 49 had been in Bangladesh longer were more likely to state that In general, those from town had better their children’s teachers were language skills in Myanmar and Rakhine of Bamar ethnicity. Teaching by than those from the village. ethnic Rakhine correlated with shorter periods of displacement. Parents show clear preferences for the language they want their children to

18 Teachers generally use Rohingya to Teaching children in Rohingya is a help students understand the content, sensitive issue in Myanmar, and parents because otherwise they might only themselves largely do not value it. Yet it be able to recite the content (rote is a critical step to ensuring their children memorization) without grasping its can benefit from an education in the meaning. Myanmar curriculum.

When the home language spoken by Teachers need guidance on using learners is different from the language Rohingya effectively in the classroom, of instruction, using the home language as a stepping stone to learning in for instruction has a positive impact on Myanmar. Parents need to be brought learning. In this acknowledged approach, into a discussion on how the languages children learn new concepts and ways of instruction can best help their of communicating in their first language, children to learn. The sector should also while also learning and gradually consider how to teach Myanmar as a receiving instruction in additional second language before it becomes a languages.3 When done well the impact language of instruction, to maximize is a higher level of achievement in all the convergence with the Myanmar subjects and equal or higher levels of education system. Given teachers’ own competence in the official language as assessment of their limited Myanmar students who had it as their language of language skills, developing those skills instruction. should be an explicit training objective.

However, the transition that learners For an effective bridging strategy that must make from using the home promotes Rohingya use and develops language (Rohingya) to using the national confidence in Myanmar, teachers will language (Myanmar) is critical. We found need training, guidance and support. no indication that a language bridging strategy or teacher support for this key A fictional scenario illustrates area currently exists in the Sittwe rural typical concerns with camps and villages. education quality

“The National Education We constructed the following scenario from our observations and experiences Strategic Plan says that described by program managers, a local language can teachers and co-teachers, and students be used as a language and their parents. of instruction, but the curriculum is in Myanmar.”

- An English-speaking woman who is an education program manager

3 Susan Malone 'The rationale for Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education: Implica- tions for Education Policy' SIL 2007 accessed at: https://www.sil.org/sites/default/files/ files/mtbmle_implications_for_policy.pdf 19 Scenario: Kashem’s child is not Mashab finally interjects. “There are no developing his Myanmar language Bamar teachers here in the camps. The skills; teacher admits to low capacity Bamar and Rakhine teachers refuse to and resources come here.”

Kashem, the father of eight-year-old Bamar is the largest ethnic group in Abdul, and a few other fathers are Myanmar, and an alternative name for the chatting outside temporary learning Myanmar language. classroom. They have gathered to speak with Mashab Azam, their children’s Kashem counters. “Why don’t you and teacher. other teachers speak to our children in Myanmar then?” Abdul is now in grade 2 and still does not speak any Myanmar or Rakhine. Kashem Mashab sighs. He has heard these is not happy with the education his son complaints many times now. “This is getting. Kashem thinks all his son does is indeed an issue,” Mashab says. is pass time at school. He believes school “But parents have to understand the should be about learning the language of difficulties we teachers face.” the country, building the foundations for future success and possibly citizenship. “Many of the teachers, including me, never had a chance to finish school so “Why don’t the teachers speak to our our skills in Myanmar are not the best. But children in Myanmar?” Kashem asks. The what can we do? We use the government other men nod agreement. textbooks, so we share the materials in Myanmar and encourage the students to Students begin pouring out of the practice, but there are so many students classroom. Mashab sees the men outside and there are so few of us. We cannot and welcomes them in. They all sit in a give them the attention they need.” circle on the floor. After an exchange of greetings and some sweet milk tea, Mashab continues. “To help them Kashem begins. understand the topics, we use Rohingya. Maybe it is better for them this way. At “Mashab. You tell me. Shouldn’t we least they learn the ideas, even if their be teaching our children a language Myanmar language skills are not good...” that they could use with other groups, especially when we leave these camps? Conclusion: Teachers struggle to teach Shouldn’t we be part of this country?” children in the Myanmar language when their own language skills are limited. Mashab opens his mouth to speak, but Their explanations in Rohingya may help Kashem continues. learners to understand lesson content better. However, the learners miss out on “Our children are not learning Myanmar the chance to learn Myanmar, with all that like we did. Now, we are not as educated implies for their future prospects. as you are,” he says as he lowers his eyes. “Some of us didn’t even finish primary school. But our Bamar teachers taught us very good Myanmar,” he exclaims, regaining his courage.

20 Language in management The language combinations in use for and training teacher management and training need to be addressed sensitively. Teachers are quick to point out that Teacher trainers need to be sensitive to they are not native Myanmar or Rakhine whether participants fully understand the speakers. Many of them are Rohingya content or have concerns about it. men and women in their early 20s who have spent several years in the camps. They have had little opportunity to “In training, technical practice their Myanmar and Rakhine skills with native speakers. workshops or meetings, we use very Many teacher trainers in the response are monolingual English speakers, scientific, technical although they may have worked in other terms developed by development contexts before. Typically they use English content material experts - they are very provided by humanitarian organizations. complicated.” Humanitarian staff are usually - A Rakhine-speaking Rakhine and Myanmar speakers, and civil society leader conversations with Rohingya teaching staff are often in these languages.

A facilitator and Rohingya interpreter conduct a focus group on language barriers with Rohingya-speaking women in Rakhine State.

21 If the messages in training materials are not adapted to the local context, they than the original may generate misunderstanding, which communication.” can result in mistrust. - An English-speaking “Our organization’s humanitarian and development consultant interpretation policy Another issue is that the Rohingya has two limitations: participants are often not fluent in nobody fully knows intermediate languages such as Rakhine. So intermediaries need to first translate [Rohingya] and there the English to Rakhine, then explain is no investment in the Rakhine word using context to the Rohingya participants. Beyond training, building this capacity.” staff support and meetings may also be a challenge when they are held in - An English-speaking Myanmar or Rakhine. Words that are more humanitarian program manager abstract or scientific, like “cognitive” or “emotional development”, are particularly Trainers can help by providing their difficult to explain using Rakhine. Further training agenda, content, and materials to terminology support for intermediaries the interpreter in advance. This allows the may be part of the answer to this interpreter to prepare and think through challenge. how they might phrase and approach complex topics. These materials should Rohingya teachers typically speak varying be provided as far in advance as possible, levels of Rakhine. Although they speak is possible in the target language. both Rohingya and Rakhine, they tend Interpreters also find it difficult to to have lower levels of proficiency in interpret complex terms from English to Rakhine. This means some participants Rakhine. Rakhine is not as standardized will be unable to fully express themselves a language as Myanmar, so it lacks many to either the interpreter or the trainer. specialized technical words that are used in English. In fact, many technical and academic words in Rakhine are borrowed A fictional scenario illustrates from Myanmar with a slightly different the importance of cultural pronunciation. sensitivity in teacher training

We constructed the following scenario “So many blank stares... from our observations and experiences on both sides...They described by program managers, teachers and co-teachers, and students are fishing for words. and their parents. The translation [from English to Myanmar] takes two to three minutes longer

22 Scenario: Susan advocates for play- Susan highlights best practices in based learning, but is met with kindergarten and primary school skepticism settings. She is sensitive to the resource- constrained environment of a temporary A group of teachers from the temporary learning classroom in a camp. She learning classrooms in the Sittwe rural uses examples of different play-based camps and villages return to their seats in activities like ball games, coloring, and the humanitarian training space after the role play. break. Some of these ideas are new to Thiri Tun Susan, an American humanitarian Win, and she struggles to convey them consultant on early childhood education, in Rakhine. The teachers start to find it starts the next training session by harder to concentrate on what she is throwing several colorful plastic beach saying. balls at the surprised participants. Susan notices that some of the teachers “The goal is to keep as many balls in the are whispering and carrying on side air as possible!” she yells in English over conversations in Rohingya. the laughter. She stops the presentation and asks Thiri Thiri Tun Win is a Rakhine speaker Tun Win what is going on. What are they from Sittwe town. She is acting as an talking about? interpreter for the training session. She is fluent in Myanmar, Rakhine, and English, Thiri Tun Win doesn’t understand them but does not speak Rohingya. She is either so she asks the group in Rakhine, actually a program officer, not a trained “Do you have any questions about what interpreter, but her fluency is useful in Susan is saying? Is something wrong?” bridging the communication gap between English speakers and Rohingya who One of the teachers explains to Thiri Tun speak Rakhine. Win in Rakhine, who looks flustered and is reluctant to relay the information to After a couple of minutes of sporadic ball Susan. throwing, hitting and the accompanying laughter, Susan tells the group to catch “They are saying that the children’s the balls and place them on the floor. parents don’t want their children to “Playtime is over!” Thiri Tun Win interprets play these games. The parents think and the group complies. the teachers are wasting time with the children by playing and drawing,” Thiri Tun Susan then explains the purpose Win finally explains. of the activity. A teacher explains that parents want their “Play is not just for fun. Just like this children to memorize and recite poems in game taught you how to interact, it can Myanmar. “They think that’s education.” teach kids how to behave and cooperate with one another.” Susan pauses so that Another teacher stands up and says, Thiri Tun Win can interpret. “There are few textbooks in temporary learning classrooms. Kindergarten doesn’t “That’s why it is so important to have any books and grade 1 has very few. teach young children, especially None of my students have books.” kindergarteners, how to play games and interact with their peers.”

23 A seasoned practitioner in South and “So now let’s talk about the teacher’s role, Southeast Asian contexts, Susan has your role in helping children learn through heard this sentiment before. play…”

Susan explains, “Play and games are just Conclusion: The interpreter struggles another way to learn beyond books and because she is not familiar with the more traditional methods. We should use source material. Providing training both, especially as children grow older, materials or other content in the right but playing helps to motivate young language in advance of the session gives children and encourage them to explore interpreters the best chance of relaying and try new things. You can think about information accurately. The trainer it as speaking the language of the child, draws on her own cultural awareness to so that we encourage them to continue address common concerns from teachers their studies. Your role is to guide them unfamiliar with child-centered methods. through play so they are learning at the same time.”

COMMUNICATING EFFECTIVELY For example, Rohingya teachers and WITH THE COMMUNITY parents are used to rote memorization as the only valid approach to teaching. To break down mistrust in the education As a result, they need to learn about services there needs to be effective unfamiliar concepts like play-based communication with affected people learning repeatedly, in different ways, about unfamiliar practices. This might over a longer period of time. It may include new approaches to teaching and help if families understand educational the deliberate use of multiple languages milestones and can see them being in the classroom. achieved through child-friendly learning practices. To do this it will be important Despite the language barriers they face in that the concepts are understood and the training, the teachers must also use articulated as accurately as possible. this information to persuade parents that A term may seem simple enough to these recently learned approaches are translate, but the associations and valid and in the children’s best interests. implications may not be. People may say they understand when they don’t. “At first, dancing in “Even if the term is kindergarten was seen simple, it does not as going against our translate fully. It is [Rohingya] culture. especially problematic We had to talk to the when considering parents, go house ‘face-saving’ culture.” to house.” - A Rakhine-speaking - A Rohingya man who is a teacher civil society leader

24 Language barriers reinforce the exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar society

such programming should consider “We speak a hala language as a factor of exclusion and hotha [black language]. design their interventions accordingly to maximize reach and impact. That’s what we call languages that don’t LANGUAGE SKILLS DETERMINE ACCESS AND STATUS have too much power. Our language Current state practices and rhetoric classify Rohingya as non-citizens. This is one of them.” systematically excludes a significant portion of the Rohingya population from - A Rohingya man between Myanmar society. While ancestry, religion the ages of 25 and 49 and appearance are the main markers for exclusion, language plays a pivotal Language is pivotal to overcoming the role in bridging the divide. Knowledge isolation and exclusion of the Rohingya of Myanmar or related languages in Myanmar society. As long as Rohingya enables minorities to negotiate at least do not have the opportunity to learn partial societal inclusion and access Myanmar and Rakhine in school, they to state services. The lack of adequate will rely on intermediaries who speak educational services for Rohingya Rohingya to access information, communities instead prevents Rohingya voice their needs and wishes, or from learning and speaking Myanmar or engage with decision-makers. The Rakhine, which reinforces exclusion. relationship between Rohingya and their language intermediaries impacts Language barriers affect intercommunal the effectiveness of humanitarian relations and communication between response and will determine if attempts Rohingya and other communities. to solve intercommunal tensions will be Information providers usually don’t successful. speak the same language or share the same cultural knowledge as Social cohesion programming can help information recipients so they must improve the relations between Rohingya rely on intermediaries, or interpreters and their language intermediaries. and cultural mediators. This results in Organizations planning and implementing diminished individual agency, continued

25 mistrust and power differential, and a HUMANITARIAN reduced likelihood of social integration. PROGRAMMING CAN In central Rakhine State, intermediaries PERPETUATE LANGUAGE- tend to be Maramagyi, Hindu, and Kaman BASED EXCLUSION communities. Although Rohingya from Sittwe town and Rakhine from northern Our assessment found that language Rakhine State also act as intermediaries, barriers also exclude Rohingya direct communication between ethnic from programs on civic education, Rohingya and the neighboring ethnic media development, peacebuilding, Rakhine remains largely ineffective due to and human rights. Social cohesion language barriers. programs, particularly those working on intercommunal dialogue and trust- Even if most Rohingya and Rakhine building, use Rakhine or Myanmar as the spoke the same language, opportunities primary language of communication. As for direct interaction are limited. When a result, these programs exclude most interactions do occur, they are usually at Rohingya. At best they continuously the marketplace, workplace (humanitarian rely on the same individuals who do facilities), or government schools. speak Rakhine, Myanmar or English, Movement restrictions, work restrictions, due to higher levels of education and and low language skills among the socioeconomic status. This inadvertently Rohingya population prevent most from reinforces existing social hierarchies and benefiting from these interactions. It is socioeconomic dynamics. usually the most educated and those with higher income levels that benefit. Rohingya participants with low levels of Rakhine or Myanmar who occasionally Among Rohingya, those from Sittwe town participate in these programs find that are more likely to speak Rakhine and two-way communication is ineffective. share cultural similarities with Rakhine Service providers develop unclear neighbors. Ethnic Rohingya that grew up messages and have limited language in Sittwe town sometimes speak Rakhine capacity that hinders Rohingya from as their home language. Initially they effective participation. At the same time, struggled to integrate in the camp setting limited knowledge of Rakhine or Myanmar due to their poor Rohingya language skills prevents Rohingya from effectively and the relatively conservative religious communicating on sensitive issues with culture of their new rural neighbors. their Rakhine counterparts. Similarly, among Rakhine, those from northern Rakhine State townships NAMING CONVENTIONS such as Maungdaw, Buthedaung and REINFORCE INTERCOMMUNAL Rathedaung are more likely than Rakhine DIVISIONS from central Rakhine State to speak some Rohingya. This is due to more In the border area between Myanmar and frequent interactions with the Rohingya Bangladesh, various language, cultural, community. and religious groups have coexisted for millennia, trading and intermarrying.

As in every human society, competition for resources naturally pushes groups to make decisions about who does and does not belong. Judgements over belonging

26 find their expression in the ways different other names, which may or may not be groups refer to each other. Differences commonly used by the “namer”. Terms between the name that a group uses to considered pejorative by (at least some describe itself or its members (endonym) of) the “named” are in orange. Positive or and those others use to describe it neutral terms are unmarked. Cells in blue (exonyms) reveal tensions between them. are what the “named” prefer to be called. Understanding these naming practices Text in quotation marks is an English and using the names each group prefers translation of the preceding words. For to be called can promote more positive example, Rohingya people refer to Bamar communication with and between them. and Rakhine people as mog.4 The Rakhine people consider this term pejorative. Figure 1 shows the endonyms and exonyms used between Rohingya, Bamar and Rakhine. It highlights the 4 Historically, certain groups from the Bay of use of names that are or are perceived Bengal region referred to the Rakhine people as mog. However, the Rohingya also use mog as pejorative. The first word in each cell to mean Buddhists in general. It is therefore is the one used most commonly by the best to ask for clarification or understand “namer”. The second and third terms are the context when the term is used in conversation.

Figure 1. Endonyms and exonyms among Rohingya, Bamar and Rakhine in Sittwe, Myanmar

NAMED Bamar Rohingya Rakhine (Burmese) NAMER

Rohingya Musulman Mog Mog Rohingya (Muslim) (“Buddhist”) (“Buddhist,” “pirate”) Arakani Borma Rakhine (Arakanese)

Rakhine Bengali Muslim Bamar Bamar (pronounced Kala / Kalar (“black,” (Burmese) “Yakhine”) (Burmese) “Indian,” “foreigner”) Myanmar

Bamar Bengali Muslim (Burmese) Rakhine Kala / Kalar (“black,” Rakhine Myanmar “Indian,” “foreigner”)

27 During the course of our study, many Perhaps because they are seen as a Rohingya people in central Rakhine distinct community from Rohingya State were reluctant to use “Rohingya” and Rakhine, the Maramagyi were not as an endonym. In Myanmar, in contrast displaced to the same extent. However, to Rohingya living in Bangladesh, self- Maramagyi report facing prejudice from identifying as Rohingya is a political the Rakhine due to their physical, cultural, act. Whether in group settings or and language similarities with the individual interviews, when asked their Rohingya community. ethnicity, most Rohingya thought before responding. Initially, many responded that The Hindu minority of Rakhine State they were Muslim. However, often one speak a variant of Rohingya that they man or woman would mention the name refer to as the “Hindu language”, perhaps “Rohingya”, and slowly after observing to distinguish themselves from Muslim others' reactions in the room, the group Rohingya speakers. Although they are as a whole would nod in agreement. still perceived as foreigners by ethnic groups indigenous to Myanmar, the Hindu The derogatory terms highlighted in speakers are accorded a level of respect Figure 1 reference physical appearance, and familiarity by the majority Buddhist ancestry and religion as well as more population because of their religious interpretative judgements (“pirate”). similarity. Language differences also play an important role here as these derogatory naming conventions are mostly being “We are in the middle used between different language groups. of two groups.”

- A man who is a Hindu leader MARAMAGYI, HINDU, AND KAMAN COMMUNITIES Hindus feel this strain of balancing their ARE POTENTIAL CULTURAL religious proximity to Buddhists and MEDIATORS BETWEEN their cultural and language proximity to ROHINGYA AND RAKHINE Rohingya and Maramagyi. However, in COMMUNITIES common with Maramagyi, they will not say they speak Rohingya. The proximity in which diverse linguistic and cultural groups live in Myanmar can be a source of tension and hostility. “Hindu is our native At the same time, that very proximity language.” makes some of the Rohingya’s neighbors potential cultural mediators for them in - A man who is a Hindu leader the humanitarian response. Rohingya acknowledge that Maramagyi The Maramagyi (sometimes pronounced and Hindus speak the same language as “Mramagyi”) speak a variant of Rohingya, their community. which they call the “Maramagyi language”. They are a small community of non-Rakhine Buddhists who mostly live in Sittwe town. Maramagyi in Sittwe town also speak Rakhine, but it is usually their second language.

28 “The Hindus and “When Kaman and Maramagyi also Rohingya meet, speak our language.” they speak Rakhine

- A Rohingya man aged together.” between 25 and 49 - A Rakhine speaking The language abilities of the Maramagyi woman who is a nurse and Hindu communities allow them to act Humanitarians see little difference as intermediaries between Rakhine and between Kaman and Rohingya besides Rohingya at the local markets. language.

“The Maramagyi “The Kaman are well are the brokers integrated into the to the Rohingya.” Rohingya community.” - A Myanmar-speaking man who is - An English speaking woman who a humanitarian livelihoods officer is a humanitarian program manager Kaman are a sub-ethnic group of the However, Rohingya and Kaman don’t Rakhine people, considered one of the always see it this way. The main eight major national “ethnic races.”5 differences between Kaman and They share the same indigenous status Rohingya appear to be levels of religiosity with the Rakhine, as well as the Rakhine or how faith reflects their lifestyle. language. While Rakhine are mainly Buddhist, Kaman are Muslim and share this religious identity with most Rohingya. “We are different from The Kaman community of Sittwe town were displaced alongside the Rohingya the Kamein [Kaman]... in 2012. While most Kaman live in their their women don’t cover own villages, some were also pushed into camps from Sittwe town living side their hair.” by side with Rohingya. The distinction between Kaman and Rohingya is - A Rohingya man who is a muezzin, therefore not always visible to outsiders. or person who calls other Muslims to prayer Due to the shared religion it is common for Kaman or Rohingya to marry. However, this tends to occur mainly between Kaman and Rohingya that are Rakhine speakers or those who from urban areas. Most Kaman do not speak Rohingya, but many have learned due to their circumstances since displacement in 2012.

5 This is how the Myanmar government refers to ethnic groups. 29 MANY ROHINGYA ARE EXCLUDED FROM PEACE- “We don’t work with RELATED AND CIVIL-SOCIETY Muslim groups PROGRAMMING because of access and Peace-related or leadership programs security. It is about that focus on intercommunal issues often have language ability as an indirect organizational safety. eligibility requirement for participants. Inter-national NGOs can According to a civil society organization program manager, this is because the evacuate, but we are programs use Myanmar, which is largely stuck here.” accepted as a neutral lingua franca. He further explained that workshops - A Rakhine-speaking man are often conducted in English with who is a civil society leader international trainers and there is a Myanmar and/or Rakhine interpreter A self-identified Rohingya program on hand. manager familiar with these programs explained that many of them are funded “All of our programs are or designed in part by international NGOs. He suggested the focus had to be on delivered in English and non-Rohingya groups, given the mistrust Myanmar.” between international NGOs and the Rakhine. - A Rakhine speaking man who is a civil society leader

One civil society organization we spoke with runs a community development project training members of different ethnic communities in Rakhine State. However, they do not work with the Rohingya community, apparently due to security concerns.

30 Most Rohingya do not have the required “Trust needs to be language skills. Even if they are present, reestablished between they may not be able to participate. This is especially true for women. international NGOs and the Rakhine community “In the [course] before it can happen participant list, between Rakhine and [a woman] is included, Rohingya.” but in the discussion, - A Rohingya man who she is not.” is a field program officer - A Myanmar-speaking development program manager

A facilitator conducts a focus group on language barriers with Rakhine-speaking women in Sittwe, Myanmar.

31 If they are able to participate, those Rohingya participants that have “The Rohingya some language ability in Myanmar or social influencers Rakhine will usually struggle to express themselves fully due to a lack of fluency have changed over or limited vocabulary. time. First, it was the mullahs, then [it “For the Rohingya became] the educated, participants secular Rohingya, and to express now, it is ARSA [Arakan deeply about Rohingya Salvation their feelings Army, a militant group].” is difficult.” - A Rohingya man who is a - A Rakhine speaking development program officer civil society leader

As a consequence, exclusion from social CULTURAL UNDERSTANDING cohesion programming may exacerbate BREAKS DOWN wider exclusion of Rohingya. Exclusion INTERCOMMUNAL BARRIERS from training and programs also limits development opportunities for Rohingya The first step towards improving language media outlets in Myanmar. In intercommunal relationships is to design the worst case, exclusion from social programs to be accessible to monolingual cohesion programming might even be Rohingya, as well as to other groups. This pushing the Rohingya community away should inform everything from activity from peaceful dialogue and improved planning to staff recruitment and training, intercommunal relations. to communication.

32 Referring to the Rohingya by that name, which they prefer, is one way of signaling and promoting respect both within teams and externally. This is a fundamental of rights-based programming. Ethnic A TWB survey of Rohingya Rakhine and Bamar colleagues may refugees in Cox’s Bazar about appreciate these sensitivities better in the conditions before they left context of a conversation about Rohingya Myanmar provides further use of the pejorative mog to refer to their information. Male-headed ethnic groups. This can be interpreted households surveyed were more pejoratively as “pirate”, although its likely to recall difficult relations standard meaning is “Buddhist”. with Rakhine. Female-headed households were more likely to The non-Rohingya and bilingual Rohingya say they had had no difficulties who often act as intermediaries for with any ethnicities in Myanmar. displaced people could be a bridge While recall is imperfect and between communities. There are varying the reasons for these gender levels of mutual distrust and hostility differences need further between all these groups and mainstream investigation, they may offer Rohingya society. Yet their language another entry point for efforts to skills and knowledge of other cultures improve intercommunal relations. also earn them respect. This presents so far unexplored entry points for practical social cohesion programming.

Credit: Save the Children

33 Effective humanitarian communication depends on clear messages and high professional capacity

Effective humanitarian communication backgrounds, as in the Rohingya that builds knowledge and trust uses response in Rakhine State, there is a high languages and formats that are accessible risk of ineffective communication. to affected people. It depends on: This is further complicated by widespread • a clear source message monolingualism at either end of the information flow. This has resulted • the technical and interpersonal in a communication gap between capacity of the people involved humanitarians and members of the in the communication and Rohingya community. • structured testing of messages at each transfer point. ENGLISH- AND ROHINGYA- SPEAKING COMMUNICATORS The clearer the source messages RELY ON RAKHINE AND and the greater the capacity of MYANMAR INTERMEDIARIES communicators, the greater the likelihood that humanitarian communication will The diverse language landscape of be effective. The converse is also true. Rakhine State means there are at least Unclear messages and low capacity result four different spoken languages and two in ineffective communication. Testing written languages for communicating. comprehension of messages ensures People’s ability, fluency, and literacy vary accuracy of the translation, and builds within those languages. The majority knowledge and ultimately, over repeated of English speakers and Rohingya interactions, trust. speakers don’t speak and understand the three other relevant languages. The When messages must pass through information flow therefore depends multiple languages and be conveyed heavily on intermediary languages and through communicators of diverse communicators.

34 Figure 2 illustrates typical spoken The figure indicates information flows information flows in the Rohingya between humanitarians (mainly English response in Sittwe rural camps and speakers) and displaced people (mainly villages, based on our observations and Rohingya speakers), via Rakhine and consultations with humanitarians and Myanmar as intermediate languages. Rohingya community members. Each Information can flow from left to right or branch represents a conversion from one from right to left, depending on whether language to another. At each of those humanitarians or Rohingya initiate it. points of language conversion, there is potential for miscommunication or even a The four branches show the various complete stop in the information flow. language conversions that occur in the response. The width of each branch varies, indicating the relative volume of information that flows along each.

Figure 2. An information flow model for the humanitarian response in Sittwe rural camps and villages, Myanmar (humanitarians   displaced people) Myanmar English (ENG) Myanmar (MYA) Rakhine (RKI) Rohingya (RHG)

ENG RHG E1 Ro4

MYA RKIR3 B2

Source/Target Source/Target Intermediary Language Language Intermediary Language Language

BecauseBangladesh we did not analyze written Low rates of literacy among the communication in detail, Figure 2 does Rohingya-speaking displaced population English (ENG) not show this flow. However similar may mean they rely lessBangla directly (BEN) on language conversions occur, with written information. However,Chittagonian because (CTG) Rohingya (RHG) similar potential for miscommunication. most spoken information derives Humanitarians generally develop printed from written information, monolingual materials in English. They then have them Rohingya people also rely heavily, though translated into Myanmar to share with the indirectly, on accurate conversion of RohingyaENG population. written information between the variousRHG languages.

BEN BEN CTG

Source/Target Source/Target Intermediary Language Language Intermediary Language 35 Language The high proportion of monolingual no or low education, those from rural Rohingya and English speakers at areas, and women. Monolingual Rohingya either end of the information flow are speakers access services at lower rates particularly vulnerable to errors or and experience lower-quality services blockages at any of the intermediate compared to multilingual Rohingya language conversion points shown speakers. in Figure 2. Any errors in relaying information from one language to another Further, monolingual Rohingya are less magnify subsequent errors. likely to qualify for paid volunteer and professional growth opportunities than This is of greatest significance to multilingual Rohingya monolingual Rohingya, who rely on . effective information flow for their Information providers survival. Without effective communication and recipients they face exclusion from information and quality service provision, leaving them The various language speakers face isolated and vulnerable. Avoiding such different challenges in communicating errors is also important for humanitarians, with each other. These are due to both who rely on effective communication to linguistic and cultural differences and plan and deliver appropriate services. varying opportunities for interaction. Understanding these differences could Because of their reliance on multilingual help to devise ways to overcome the intermediaries, monolingual Rohingya challenges they create. At either end of are at greater risk of misunderstanding the information flow, communicators are and misinformation about and mistrust monolingual and at the greatest linguistic of humanitarian services. Those most and cultural distance from each other. likely to be monolingual speakers among Rohingya in Myanmar are people with

A facilitator and Rohingya-speaking interpreter conduct a focus group with young Rohingya women on language barriers in the Sittwe rural camps and villages.

36 The monolingual communicators at Rohingya from urban either end of the information flow areas (pre-displacement) Most Rohingya speakers in the Sittwe English speakers camps and villages are displaced people English speakers in the response from Sittwe town. As well as being come from a variety of backgrounds service users, they also often act as and therefore speak different dialects, camp volunteers. Most now live in the including American, British, Indian, West Sittwe rural camps and villages. While African, East African, and Australian. some Rohingya speak some Myanmar, Rakhine, or English, they tend to only Humanitarians that speak English tend be fluent in Rakhine. Most do not speak to be foreign nationals in program lead, any of these other languages, however managerial and office-based roles. their language has evolved over time to They are usually based in Yangon or incorporate many Myanmar, Rakhine, and Sittwe town. English speakers have little English words. interaction with Rohingya displaced people due to both spatial and language Rohingya from rural areas barriers. English speakers tend not (pre-displacement) to speak any of the other languages Rohingya speakers who were displaced in the response (besides sometimes from villages in rural areas of Sittwe Myanmar) so they rely heavily on staff town are a distinct language subgroup. intermediaries. They are less likely to speak languages other than Rohingya, as they had less Rohingya speakers interaction than urban residents did Rohingya is not a standardized language, with non-Rohingya groups. The further so there is a natural variety of dialects from urban areas they came from, across Rakhine State. Neighboring the more problems they initially had languages influence these dialects over communicating with formerly urban time. While there are many languages Rohingya speakers. Over time, the divisions among Rohingya subgroups, our language gaps appear to have narrowed study focused on the Sittwe rural camps between Rohingya from urban and rural and villages where the primary division areas that now live in the Sittwe rural is between formerly urban and rural camps. However, differences remain. displaced people. Current populations of displaced people from urban and rural Sittwe vary from camp to camp.

37 Information intermediaries At these central points in the information flow, technical and language capacity Rakhine speakers are usually information is very important. Highly technical intermediaries at the camp and village information from humanitarian managers levels, between Myanmar and Rohingya in English or Myanmar might easily be speakers. In contrast, Myanmar speakers misunderstood and misinterpreted by are usually information intermediaries Rakhine speakers without technical at coordination and managerial levels, training. between English and Rakhine speakers. It is therefore important to build the As the most common information capacity of Rakhine speakers by hiring or intermediaries to and from displaced training people with English, Myanmar, people, Rakhine speakers determine and Rohingya language skills. Building what information is passed to Rohingya interpretation, translation, and cultural volunteers and displaced people, and mediation skills is equally important. how those messages are interpreted. They also determine what information These capacity-building measures is passed from displaced people to enhance understanding and generate humanitarians and how those messages knowledge in both directions along are interpreted. the information flow. The end goal is to provide a flow of accurate information, to build trust and increase program efficiency, which importantly restores dignity to the Rohingya population.

Facilitators and a Rohingya and Rakhine interpreter conduct a focus group with Rohingya teachers on language barriers in education services.

38 The information intermediaries Myanmar speakers at the center of the information flow Humanitarians that speak Myanmar tend to be non-local nationals from Yangon Rakhine speakers or outside of Rakhine State. They act as Humanitarians that speak Rakhine tend program officers and field officers, and to be ethnic Rakhine and local nationals are usually based in Sittwe town or visit from Rakhine State. They act as field the camps regularly. They interact with officers and staff and are usually based in Rohingya displaced people more than Sittwe town or visit the camps regularly. English speakers do, but the quality of the A key, but smaller group of Rakhine interactions is lower than it is for Rakhine speakers are ethnic Rohingya that live in speakers. Myanmar speakers tend not to the camps and act as volunteers. They speak any of the other languages in the have the highest level of interaction with response besides English, but over time Rohingya displaced people compared to may learn some Rakhine due to language other language groups. Rakhine speakers proximity. usually speak some Myanmar, English, and Rohingya. However they tend to be fluent only in Myanmar if they are ethnic Rakhine, or sometimes fluent in Rohingya if they are ethnic Rohingya.

A facilitator presents the findings of the terminology portion of the study to humanitarian staff in Sittwe.

39 UNCLEAR COMMUNICATION the scale of the communication AND LOW CAPACITY CAN challenge displaced people face. While LEAD TO MISINFORMATION, humanitarians recognize the importance MISTRUST, AND POWER of communication and language in IMBALANCES the response, their perceptions about language barriers still do not match the In Rakhine State, Rakhine speakers reality in the camps. are the main intermediaries between humanitarians and the displaced people. Humanitarian communication is impaired Yet those Rakhine speakers generally by several misunderstandings about lack knowledge of and experience in the the language and literacy skills of the topics that humanitarians and displaced Rohingya population: people typically want to communicate about. This, combined with limited • Literacy is far lower than language ability and a general lack of humanitarians believe, so verbal awareness of cultural nuances, often communication is essential. leads to an incorrect or incomplete • Knowledge of spoken Myanmar information exchange. and Rakhine is also lower than

humanitarians believe, so Consequently, humanitarians and communication in Rohingya is displaced people are wary of the essential. This is particularly information that intermediaries provide. evident among women, young The shortfall in skills also explains the adults and adolescents, and presence of conflicting information about people from rural areas. the similarities, differences, and mutual intelligibility between Myanmar and Rakhine. These misunderstandings not only impact the effectiveness of information Humanitarian organizations can address flows from humanitarians to internally- these power imbalances by taking displaced people. They also impact language and culture more systematically community feedback to humanitarians. into account in planning, resourcing, and implementing programs. That implies An online survey we conducted with clear source messaging, trained and humanitarians in Rakhine State provides supported intermediaries, staff with insights into the state of humanitarian the right language skills, and services communications.6 Comparing the organized to promote communication. results of this survey with the JIPS These are the components of language- camp profiling exercise conducted in aware humanitarian services responsive early 2017 demonstrates a gap between to the needs of users. humanitarians’ perceptions about language in the camps and villages, HUMANITARIANS APPEAR and the reality. TO MISUNDERSTAND THE LANGUAGE AND LITERACY SKILLS OF DISPLACED PEOPLE 6 "Humanitarians" includes any national or international staff member working at any The issues outlined above seem level for any organization focused on the due in part to a lack of awareness Rohingya crisis in Rakhine State. For de- in the humanitarian community of tailed information about the online survey, including methods and the original question- naire, see https://translatorswithoutborders. org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Meth- ods-and-limitations_Cross-Border.pdf.

40 Humanitarians overestimate literacy levels in the camps

Despite the availability of comprehensive A survey of Rohingya refugees JIPS data, 52 percent of humanitarian in Cox’s Bazar about their recall respondents to our survey felt they had of conditions in Myanmar before insufficient information on literacy levels, they left points to language languages spoken, and other relevant barriers affecting communication factors for communicating with affected beyond the humanitarian populations. While our survey was not sphere. Many of those surveyed representative, it may indicate a wider reported language barriers gap in knowledge across the response. communicating with authority When asked about their perception figures. These authorities were of literacy in the camps and villages, mostly village administrators, humanitarians commonly estimate followed by police and military that just over 25 percent of displaced officials. In 86 percent of cases people are literate in Rohingya. They also the authorities spoke Myanmar, believe over 75 percent are literate in in 39 percent Rakhine, and in 33 Rakhine and over 50 percent are literate percent Rohingya. Households in Burmese. These results show a limited without a Myanmar- or Rakhine- understanding of Rohingya literacy and speaking member were in great education levels. difficulty as a result. Forty-eight percent of people surveyed said In fact, less than a third of Rohingya they “sometimes” understood the women and half of Rohingya men authorities, and 11 percent said are literate according to the latest they did not understand them 7 representative data. This data does not at all. specify the languages of literacy, but we can reasonably assume it is Myanmar. Rohingya is not a standardized language and Rakhine is not used in any official or academic capacity. Literacy in those languages is therefore likely to be more Humanitarians misunderstand limited, although no firm data is available displaced people’s language on this point. abilities

Many humanitarians have an incorrect 7 The JIPS measure for literacy was self-report- understanding of the prevalence of ed ability to read or write a simple sentence spoken languages, as well as the with understanding in any language. This is slightly different from the wording of TWB’s similarities and differences between online survey (“In your opinion, what percent- them. age of Rohingya IDPs living in camps in Ra- khine State understand the following written languages?”).

41 Eighty percent feel that Rohingya is very are able to speak Rakhine. As with literacy similar to Rakhine, and 75 percent that rates, people displaced from rural areas, most displaced Rohingya understand and from areas distant from Sittwe, were it. In fact, the two languages are not also less able to speak Rakhine. mutually intelligible. JIPS data shows that only 38 percent speak Rakhine, and the Similarly, 62 percent believe that most rates are considerably lower for women displaced people understand Myanmar. (24 percent). But this too is unrelated to Rohingya. In fact only 23 percent of Rohingya The JIPS data also shows that a lower surveyed by JIPs spoke Myanmar, proportion of younger men and women and only 12.5 percent of women.

A sign indicates the location of a women-friendly space and the activities that occur there. Appropriate pictograms can facilitate understanding among less literate community members.

42 This project is funded by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs and the UK Department for International Development. The views expressed in this report should not be taken, in any way, to reflect the official opinion of the Swiss Confederation, nor do the views expressed necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. The UK government and the Swiss Confederation are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information contained in this report.

Translators without Borders (TWB) envisions a world where knowledge knows no language barriers. The US-based nonprofit provides people access to vital knowledge in their language by connecting nonprofit organizations with a community of language professionals, building local language translation capacity, and raising awareness of language barriers. Originally founded in 1993 in France (as Traducteurs sans Frontières), TWB translates millions of words of lifesaving and life-changing information every year. In 2013, TWB created the first crisis relief translation service, Words of Relief, which has responded to crises every year since.

For more information about this study or to find out how TWB is supporting the Rohingya response in Bangladesh and Myanmar, visit our website or contact: [email protected] or [email protected].

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