US Department of State
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ukraine and the Yugoslav Conflict
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 3, 1997 UKRAINE AND THE YUGOSLAV CONFLICT Taras Kuzio Even before gaining independence in December 1991 from the former USSR, Ukraine had supported Slovenia and Croatia's drive to independence from the former Yugoslavia. In May 1991, Croatian President Franjo Tudjman paid an official visit to Ukraine where then parliamentary speaker Leonid Kravchuk expressed sympathy with Croatia's desire for independence. Tudjman pointed out how Ukraine's seat at the United Nations had given it a head start in obtaining international recognition of its independent status. On 12 December 1991, twelve days after the Ukrainian referendum on independence, Kyiv became one of the first states to diplomatically recognise Croatia and Slovenia; and further, it announced its readiness to open embassies in both countries.1 Ukraine was the first member of the U.N. to recognise Croatia; the second and third countries, Slovenia and Lithuania, were not members of the U.N. when they recognised Croatia. Ukraine's motives were quite clear early on vis-a-vis Yugoslavia. First, it wanted to reaffirm its independent status as a new international state. Secondly, Kyiv desired to distance itself from Russian sympathy with Serbia and Yugoslavia2 in order to show the outside world—particularly at that stage, the sceptical West—that Ukraine and Russia were indeed different peoples and nations.3 Fourthly, Ukraine desired to show the outside world that it was a respectable and co-operative member of the international community. Finally, a majority of the Ukrainian leadership sympathised with the Croats and Slovenes in their drive to independence, comparing it to Ukraine's quest to divorce itself from Russia. -
Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project
NEDO —IC-00ER01 Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project IVIarch, 2001 New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO) usted by: Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. 020005064 -9 Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project Entrusted by : Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. Prepared on : March, 2001 Study purpose This project has been framed to apply Scrap & Build project of 300MW Electric power plan, to the Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant owned by the JST Dneproenergo in the UKRAINE,. This project is aimed at improving the efficiency of aged facilities of the plant; enhancing its environment-friendliness; and reducing the emission of greenhouse gases. NEDO-IC —00ER01 Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project March, 2001 New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO) Entrusted by: Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. Preface This Report is a result of the survey of the Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project, which Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. received consignment of New Energy Development and Industrial Technology Organization (NEDO) to conduct this study. In December 1997, the Third Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP3) was held in Kyoto. At the conference, the "Kyoto Protocol" was adopted in order to prevent global warming caused by greenhouse gases including carbon dioxide. It commits developed countries to reduce their average emissions of greenhouse gases by at least 5% "in the period 2008 - 15" from the 1990 level. Japan set its target of reduction at 6%. The Kyoto Protocol also provides measures to give flexibility in attaining the goals: "Joint Implementation (JI)" and "Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)." In JI, greenhouse gas reductions are shared among developed countries through implementation of specific international projects. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
Report on the Project
Report on the Project: Dimensions, Opportunities and Benefits of Ukraine - NATO Relations. Impact of NATO Enlargement on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Process NATO - EAPC Research Fellowship Programme, 1999 – 2001 By Dr. Sergiy Tolstov, Supervisory Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and Director of the Institute for Political Analysis and International Studies 28 June 2001, Kyiv (Ukraine) 2 Conents: 1. Introduction 2. Dimensions of European and Euro-Atlantic Security Cooperation (concepts and scenarios) 2.1. The New World Order 2.2. Strategic Approaches and Perceptions 2.3. Towards the New European Security Architecture 3. The Internal Factors and Features of Ukraine’s Development in the Context of European Transformation Processes 3.1. General Trends 3.2. Constitutional Referendum 2000 and Political Opposition 3.3. The Tapegate Affair 3.4. Situation in the System of Power 4. Monitoring of Domestic Debates on Foreign Policy Matters. 4.1. The Foreign Policy Concept 4.2. Peculiarities of the National Foreign Policy Process 4.3. Parliamentary Debates and the 1999 Presidential Elections 4.4. Security Issues in the Domestic Political Discussion 5. Impact of Ukraine - NATO Cooperation on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy. 5.1. Developing Ukraine – NATO Partnership 5.2. Ukraine’s Security Prospects in the Context of NATO Enlargement 5.3. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 1998 - 2001 5.4. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 2001-2004 6. Tendencies of International Relations in Central Eastern Europe 6.1. Results of Transformations in the Central Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet Space 6.2. -
Modernization of Pedagogical Higher Education by Innovative Teaching Instruments
MODERNIZATION OF PEDAGOGICAL HIGHER EDUCATION BY INNOVATIVE TEACHING INSTRUMENTS Seminar on the implementation of tasks of the 1st package. June 11-12, 2018 About Kyiv There are many ancient and modern sights in Kyiv. Historical centers and districts of Kyiv tell us about the city’s distant past. Buildings in Kyiv - living witnesses of the flow of time and events of the present. Numerous monasteries and temples of the City decorate it and create an atmosphere of purity and holiness. There are many monuments that have become a kind of architectural landmarks of the capital. Due to the large number of parks and green areas, the image of Kyiv is so unique. Streets and squares of Kyiv remember the joy and sad moments in the history of our city. The diversity of Kyiv monuments does not stop to amaze and admire. All of this – identity of the Kyiv, which makes it so unique and loved among Ukrainians and tourists. More than 70 parks and 200 gardens are located on the territory of Kyiv, making our capital one of the greenest cities in Europe and even around the world. Kyiv is a city with an extraordinary atmosphere. This is the city where we fall in love and in which we fall in love. If you were born and live here - you are probably the patriot of the capital of Ukraine. And if you come here as a tourist – if You visiting Kyiv once, you’ll want to come back here again and again! How to get to the city / from the airport / train station From the Airport By Sky Bus You can get Sky Bus from the International airport "Boryspil" to Kyiv (via Kharkivska metro station to the Central Railway Station, South Terminal). -
General Information About Ukraine
General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq. -
Security and Nonproliferation
SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL CENTER ON EXPORT AND IMPORT OF SPECIAL TECHNOLOGIES, HARDWARE AND MATERIALS SECURITY AND NONPROLIFERATION ISUUE 2(8)2005 KYIV 2005 SECURITY AND NONPROLIFERATION ISSUE 2(8)2005 Dear Readers, The Security and Non-Proliferation Journal’s Editorial Team hope that you have noticed positive changes in our periodical: the journal’s format has doubled in size compared to initial issues; there appears on its pages an ever growing number of publications by contributors of prominence in Ukraine including security and non- proliferation experts, high-ranking officials, and scientists; new columns initiated, subject matter expanded. In particular, the previous issue published materials of such topical nature as Civil Control over “Enforcement” Structures in Ukraine, Ammunition and Conventional Weapon Disposition Challenges. I.e. we keep expanding, striving towards having a high-performance team by combining efforts of both professional journalists/editors and experts on the subject matter with experience of contributing to other specialized periodicals. The team remains consistent with that policy in this journal issue as well. Thus, we are pleased to present a new theme dedicated to urgent international security problems, specifically the inseparable link of this concept to other fundamental factors of state and society existence. Prominent Ukrainian political scientist O. Dergachov opens a series of publications on this subject with his present article. In addition, with coverage of the Australia Group that Ukraine is planning to join this year, the journal launches a series of publications on existing international export control regimes. Although our periodical is not in a position to promptly respond to recent security and non-proliferation events, we care to place at least brief information on extraordinary events that have taken place since the previous issue. -
Ukraine Chornobyl Chronology
Chornobyl Chronology Last update: December 2008 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. Nuclear Waste: 2008-1995 OVERVIEW Spent fuel is generally stored on site in cooling ponds at the nuclear power plants at which the fuel assemblies were used. Ukraine previously sent its spent fuel to Russia to be reprocessed, but this course became a contentious issue after Russia passed a law in 1992 prohibiting the import of radioactive material into Russia. This action resulted in storage crisis at Ukrainian power plants. In 6/93, however, Russia passed a new law that allows Ukrainian spent fuel to be reprocessed, but not stored, in Russia. The law does not allow the import of nuclear waste into Russia, but allows the import of Russian-origin spent fuel as long as the resulting waste is returned to the territory of the state which delivered it. -
Memorialization of the Jewish Tragedy at Babi Yar Aleksandr Burakovskiy∗
Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, No. 3, May 2011, 371–389 Holocaust remembrance in Ukraine: memorialization of the Jewish tragedy at Babi Yar Aleksandr Burakovskiy∗ Independent Scholar, United States (Received 24 November 2009; final version received 26 January 2011) At the core of the debate in Ukraine about Babi Yar lies the Holocaust. Between 1941 and 1943 1.5 million Jews perished in Ukraine, yet a full understanding of that tragedy has been suppressed consistently by ideologies and interpretations of history that minimize or ignore this tragedy. For Soviet ideologues, admitting to the existence of the Holocaust would have been against the tenet of a “Soviet people” and the aggressive strategy of eliminating national and religious identities. A similar logic of oneness is being applied now in the ideological formation of an independent Ukraine. However, rather than one Soviet people, now there is one Ukrainian people under which numerous historical tragedies are being subsumed, and the unique national tragedies of other peoples on the territory of Ukraine, such as the massive destruction of Jews, is again being suppressed. According to this political idea assiduously advocated most recently during the Yushchenko presidency, the twentieth century in Ukraine was a battle for liberation. Within this new, exclusive history, the Holocaust, again, has found no real place. The author reviews the complicated history regarding the memorialization of the Jewish tragedy in Babi Yar through three broad chronological periods: 1943–1960, 1961–1991, and 1992–2009. Keywords: Babi Yar; Jews in Ukraine; anti-Semitism; Holocaust At the core of the decades-long debate in Ukraine about the memorialization of the Jewish tragedy at Babi Yar lies a lack of acknowledgement of the Holocaust. -
Rada Dismisses Ohryzko
INSIDE: • The post-Soviet generation in Lviv – page 3. • Groundbreaking conference on the Holodomor – pages 9-10. • Ice sculptors from Ukraine at Canadian festivals – page 13. THEPublished U byKRAINIAN the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVII No.10 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 8, 2009 $1/$2 in Ukraine SBU raids offices of Naftohaz Rada dismisses Ohryzko demanding gas deal documents Foreign affairs minister is latest casualty of political battle by Zenon Zawada Tymoshenko alleges has been funneled by Zenon Zawada Kyiv Press Bureau into the private coffers of President Kyiv Press Bureau Yushchenko and his political allies. KYIV – The war between billionaire Party of Regions politicians Yurii KYIV – Ukraine’s Parliament voted on businessman Dmytro Firtash and Prime Boiko and Serhii Liovochkin are also March 3 to dismiss Foreign Affairs Minister Yulia Tymoshenko for control of involved in siphoning money from the Minister Volodymyr Ohryzko. The pro- Ukraine’s natural gas transport system re- natural gas trade through Mr. Firtash, the Western diplomat became the latest casu- ignited on March 4 when 12 masked offi- prime minister alleges. alty in the ongoing three-way battle cers of the Security Service of Ukraine Through her agreement reached with between the Presidential Secretariat, the (SBU) armed with assault weapons Mr. Putin, Ms. Tymoshenko succeeded in Cabinet of Ministers and pro-Russian stormed Naftohaz Ukrainy headquarters eliminating RosUkrEnergo, the opaque opposition forces. to make arrests and demand documents. intermediary established by President The Party of Regions of Ukraine The officers arrested Taras Shepitko, Yushchenko in January 2006 and con- (PRU), the Communist Party of Ukraine accusing him of participating in the theft trolled by Mr. -
Hand-Me-Down Cabinet
Hand-me-down cabinet No. 23/224, June 4, 2001 "Today there is no time for experiments in the composition of the government, and of the parliament either" Anatoly Kinakh, UNIAN, May 29, 2001 "We'll live and see, but conclusions must be made" Leonid Kuchma, UNIAN, May 29, 2001 239 is one of the Ukrainian parliament's magic figures. Those who have followed Ukrainian politics for a relatively long time might recall the notorious "Group 239" in the 1st parliament (1990-1004), also known as a group "For a Soviet Sovereign Ukraine". The influential block consisted mainly of high- ranking Communist party apparatchiks and "red directors" that lobbied the election of former chief Ukrainian ideologist Leonid Kravchuk to replace Volodymyr Ivashko in July 1990. Among other possible candidates for the position was Ihor Yukhnovsky, MP, nominated by the democratic People's Council. At that time member of the parliament Anatoly Kinakh, 35, was not a member of the Group 239, but belonged to the oppositional People's Council - which was rather exotic for a politician from Southern Ukraine and an industrialist. On May 29, 2001, 239 votes were cast in favor of approving Kinakh, member of the 3rd parliament and chairman of the Ukrainian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, in the position of Prime Minister of Ukraine. The new government is the tenth since Ukraine gained its independence in August 1991. Having approved the nomination of Kinakh the Ukrainian parliament, apparently, passed a test for being "democratic", "pro-market" and "society-conscious". Noteworthy, at the height of debates about potential candidates to occupy the top executive position President Leonid Kuchma warned publicly that the voting would "let us see who is who in the parliament, whether those who declare market reforms are really democrats" and that "we will see who really stands on the basis of democracy and market reform and who is just a salesman who speculates on the situation, cares about his own interests and interests of his clan" (UNIAN, May 25, 2001).