DOCSLIB.ORG

EXTENSIONS of REMARKS June 1, 1983 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS CENTRAL AMERICAN POLICY at See the Same Distortions and Deceptions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS June 1, 1983 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS CENTRAL AMERICAN POLICY at See the Same Distortions and Deceptions 14242 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS June 1, 1983 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS CENTRAL AMERICAN POLICY AT see the same distortions and deceptions. I these countries, while the campesinos-the THE CROSSROADS see the same phony white papers. I see the peasant farmers-have lived in dire poverty same effort to brand all opposition to gov­ subject to brutal official terror. Unless pov­ ernments we support as Marxist-inspired. I erty is eradicated, unless genuine land HON. DAVID E. BONIOR see the same tendency to misinterpret what reform is carried out, unless human rights OF MICHIGAN is essentially an internal struggle as solely are respected, Central America will remain a IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES the consequence of outside agitation. I see region in revolutionary ferment. Wednesday, June 1, 1983 the same inclination to rely on military so­ The folly of our current policy is that it lutions when negotiated solutions are the will be perceived in the region as only the e Mr. BONIOR of Michigan. Mr. only lasting answer. I see the same efforts latest example of "Yankee imperialism"­ Speaker, last week, we all read with to blame the critics rather than the flawed the gunboat diplomacy that has often char­ deep sorrow of the death of a U.S. policy they criticize. I see the divisiveness of acterized our Central American policy. It military advisor in El Salvador. Even the Vietnam years re-emerging. needs to be emphasized that current Cen­ as we mourn this tragic event, and We must avoid this outcome. The cross­ tral American sensitivities about United extend our sympathy to the officer's roads we have now reached in our Central States policy are not without historical American policy is a crossroads for our foundation. It was 1855 that an American, family, we cannot help but be alarmed nation. William Walker, took a private army to by the larger implications and by the THE WRONG DIAGNOSIS AND THE WRONG Nicaragua, and proceeded to declare himself determination of the Reagan adminis­ PRESCRIPTION emperor. It was in 1912 that a large contin­ tration to send more military advisers My quarrel with the Administration's gent of U.S. military forces went to Nicara­ to the region. We cannot help but ask Central American policy is not with its gua to protect U.S. interests and ended up where this policy is leading. And we goals. I shar~ the President's concern that staying 21 years, leaving the first Anastasio cannot help but be reminded of the Central American countries not be taken Somoza as our surrogate in Managua. still fresh wounds this Nation suffered over by Marxist regimes. None of us wants Somoza and his two sons ruled the land for in Vietnam. to see the countries of Central America forty-three years, with the latest Somoza The parallels between our policy in become bases for the projection of Cuban or dictator finally being ousted by the Sandi­ Soviet power in our hemisphere. What is at nista revolution in 1978. Indochina and the folly of our current issue, however, is the means by which the It should come as no surprise, given the involvement in Central America have President is trying to achieve those goals. I history of our involvement, that the Nicara­ been carefully documented by my col­ believe our current policy is counter-produc­ guan people mistrust our intentions and do league from Michigan, HowARD tive. It will achieve a result exactly opposite not believe our policy statements. They, like WoLPE, in a recent speech in his home from that which is intended. As the House other Latin Americans, do not forget that in district. I would like to insert this Select Committee on Intelligence recently 1954 the CIA participated in overthrowing speech in the RECORD with the hope concluded in its :report on the covert assist­ the Jacobo Arbenz regime in Guatamala that other Members of Congress will ance program in Nicaragua: and that, in 1971, the CIA conspired to de­ "If ever there was a formula for U.S. stabilize the elected Chilean government of take the time to read it, and to listen policy failure in Central America, it would . President Salvador Allende. to the concerns of their constituents involve two elements: <1 > acts that could be THE REAGAN APPROACH on this issue. Last week, a Washington characterized as U.S. interventionism in Post poll reported that a majority of Insensitive to this historical record, and to Nicaragua, and <2> an alliance with the fol­ Central American perceptions, the Adminis­ Americans believe there is a great lowers of Somoza. Both characterizations tration has responded to instability in Cen­ danger that the United States will can now be made." tral America by spending hundreds of Inil­ become too entangled in internal Cen­ Let me explain in more detail why I be­ lions of dollars to train and equip military tral American problems. As Congress­ lieve the President has made the wrong di­ forces to combat communist insurgencies man WoLPE argues, and as recent news agnosis in Central America and why his and the Nicaraguan Sandinista government. remedy is likely only to deepen the regional In El Salvador alone the Administration has stories so painfully confirm, U.S. crisis. policy in Central America is at a cross­ spent over $700 million in military and eco­ roads. THE CAUSES OF UNREST nomic aid. Current requests for more assist­ Part of the problem is that the Reagan ance, if approved, would bring the total of The article follows: Administration has misunderstood the ' Reagan Administration aid to El Salvador to CENTRAL AMERICAN POLICY AT THE causes of revolution in Central America. over $1 billion. CROSSROADS President Reagan, in his speech to the Con­ This means that for every one of the esti­ I am happy to have this opportunity to gress on April 27 and on other occasions, mated 7,000 guerrillas opposing the Govern­ meet with you tonight and share some of has emphasized external factors-Soviet ment of El Salvador we will be spending my thoughts about the current debate over and Cuban support for leftist revolutionar­ 140,000 hard-earned American tax dollars. American policy in Central America. Let me ies-as the main concern of the United And where are we today after all the say from the outset that I am more alarmed States in the region. He sees Central Amer­ money we have spent? Sadly we are prob­ with our Central American policy and the ica almost exclusively as part of a global ably farther from, rather than closer to, any divisive impact the debate on this policy is East-West struggle. He perceives the prob­ solution. El Salvador itself is polarized into having in our country than I have been with lem in El Salvador, in particular, as a classic rival political camps. Fighting goes on .anY issue since the Vietnam war. case of externally based communist subver­ throughout the country. The American Am­ In the past two weeks my colleagues on sion, which must be combatted at any cost bassador in San Salvador told the Washing­ the Foreign Affairs Committee and I have with heavy Inilitary assistance. ton Post in a recent interview that the war spent many long hours considering the Tragically, the President and his foreign between the Salvadoran government troops questions of future aid to El Salvador and policy advisors have consistently failed to and the guerrillas will be "protracted." the Administration's covert assistance to comprehend the political significance of the Clearly we are talking about years, not the anti-Sandinista forces in Nicaragua. We enormous poverty and the rampant injus­ weeks or months. have listened to Administration witnesses, tice that has afflicted Central America, or And who are the Salvadorans we are sup­ received highly classified CIA briefings and the counter-productive nature of United porting? The army we are backing is erratic discussed the issues extensively among our­ States policy responses. For decades Central at best, criminal at its worst. Since 1979 El selves. Very frankly, I have a keen sense of America has been run for the most part by Salvador has seen over 30,000 civilian deja vu. An all-too-familiar pattern is U.S.-supported dictators and right-wing deaths-the majority of them murders com­ emerging, and I fear we are about to make Inilitary regimes. The wealthy elites have mitted by right-wing death squads and gov­ the same mistakes we made in Vietnam. I controlled the land and the resources of ernment security forces using American- e This "bullet" symbol identifies statements or insertions which are not spoken by the Member on the floor. Jun~ 1, 1983 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 14243 supplied arms. Last week the Salvadoran A NEW APPROACH would be cut off if the Salvadoran govern­ Catholic Church announced that 364 people The main result of the Administration's ment did not begin unconditional negotia­ had been killed between May 6 and May 12. policy for the past two years has been grow­ tions within ninety days of the enactment During the month of April the number of ing divisions within Central America and of the foreign aid authorization. The resolu­ politically motivated killings by leftists within our own country. President Reagan tion also laid down two new requirements: guerrillas, right-wing death squads and gov­ has justified his policy on the grounds that the Congress would have to vote to affirma­ ernment soldiers averaged more than 250 if we do not stop subversion in El Salvador tively approve future aid to El Salvador, and per week.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ch 4, Launching the Peace Movement, and Skim Through Ch
    -----------------~-----~------- ---- TkE u. s. CENT'R.A.L A.MERIC.A. PE.A.CE MOVEMENT' CHRISTIAN SMITH The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London List of Tables and Figures ix Acknowledgments xi Acronyms xiii Introduction xv portone Setting the Context 1. THE SOURCES OF CENTRAL AMERICAN UNREST 3 :Z. UNITED STATES INTERVENTION 18 J. Low-INTENSITY WARFARE 33 porttwo The Movement Emerges -'. LAUNCHING THE PEACE MOVEMENT 5 9 5. GRASPING THE BIG PICTURE 87 '. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MORAL OUTRAGE 13 3 '1'. THE INDIVIDUAL ACTIVISTS 169 porlthreeMaintaining the Struggle 8, NEGOTIATING STRATEGIES AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY 211 1'. FIGHTING BATTLES OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE 231 1 O. FACING HARASSMENT AND REPRESSION 280 11. PROBLEMS FOR PROTESTERS CLOSER TO HOME 325 1%. THE MOVEMENT'S DEMISE 348 portfour Assessing the Movement 1J. WHAT DID THE MOVEMENT ACHIEVE? 365 1-'. LESSONS FOR SOCIAL-MOVEMENT THEORY 378 ii CONTENTS Appendix: The Distribution and Activities of Central America Peace Movement Organizations 387 Notes 393 Bibliography 419 ,igures Index 453 Illustrations follow page 208. lobles 1.1 Per Capita Basic Food Cropland (Hectares) 10 1.2 Malnutrition in Central America 10 7.1 Comparison of Central America Peace Activists and All Adult Ameri­ cans, 1985 171 7.2 Occupational Ratio of Central America Peace Movement Activist to All Americans, 1985 173 7.3 Prior Social Movement Involvement by Central American Peace Activists (%) 175 7.4 Central America Peace Activists' Prior Protest Experience (%) 175 7.5 Personal and Organizational vs. Impersonal
    [Show full text]
  • The European Union's Policy Towards Mercosur
    towards Mercosur towards policy Union’s The European EPRU The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur European Series Policy This book provides a distinctive and empirically rich account of the European Research Union’s (EU’s) relationship with the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). It seeks to examine the motivations that determine the EU’s policy towards Unit Mercosur, the most important relationship the EU has with another regional Series economic integration organization. In order to investigate these motivations (or lack thereof), this study The European examines the contribution of the main policy- and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions of the two institutions. It analyses the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: non-institutionalized Union’s policy relations (1986–1990), official relations (1991–1995), and the negotiations for an association agreement (1996–2004 and 2010–present). Arana argues that the dominant explanations in the literature fail to towards adequately explain the EU’s policy – in particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing on extensive primary documents, the book argues that the major developments in the relationship were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. Rather than Mercosur the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive, which explains why the relationship is much less developed than the EU’s relations with other parts of the world. The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur will benefit academics and Responsive not strategic postgraduate students of European Union Foreign Affairs, inter-regionalism Gomez Arana and Latin American regionalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Army for Progress: the U.S. Militarization of the Guatemalan
    University of Rhode Island DigitalCommons@URI Open Access Master's Theses 1995 ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969 Michael Donoghue University of Rhode Island Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/theses Recommended Citation Donoghue, Michael, "ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969" (1995). Open Access Master's Theses. Paper 1808. https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/theses/1808 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@URI. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@URI. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969 BY MICHAELE.DONOGHUE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF RHODE ISLAND - ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis is to explore the military and political implications of the United States' foreign policy towards Guatemala in the years 1961 to 1969. Guatemala was a key battleground of the Cold War in Latin America in the crucial decade of the 1960s. While greater scholarly attention has focused on the 1954 U.S. backed CIA planned cou~ in Guatemala, the events of the 1960s proved an equally significant watershed in U.S.-Latin American relations. Tue outbreak of a nationalist insurgency in Guatemala early in the decade provided the Kennedy Administration with a vital testing ground for its new counter-insurgency and civic action politico-military doctrine.
    [Show full text]
  • Children from Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented
    The Current Humanitarian Crisis: Children From Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Nina Cevallos, Carla. 2016. The Current Humanitarian Crisis: Children From Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33797326 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Current Humanitarian Crisis: Children from Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented! ! ! ! Carla A. Nina-Cevallos! ! ! A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies ! Harvard University May 2016 Copyright © 2016 Carla A. Nina-Cevallos ! Abstract This research project explores the reasons for the influx into the United States by unaccompanied minors from the Northern Triangle countries in Central America. Research indicates that the people are coming because of high rates of violence in Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. This research also explores the historic, political, and economic conditions that have contributed to the influx; including how United States foreign policy in Central America may have unintentionally contributed to the current refugee crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border.! Refugee crisis are affecting the globe as refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Northern countries of Africa are fleeing to Europe for protection and safety.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Central America. Global Forces, Rebellion, and Change
    Booth “Prior editions of Understanding Central America had become the classic work in the field, both in the classroom and as an academic reference. This new edition is a major upgrade, not only involving updating of events, but rethinking the Wade Wade theoretical issues that are at the heart of any understanding of the region. A ‘must read’ for anyone interested in this complex and volatile area of the world.” —Mitchell A. SeligSon, VAnderbilt UniVerSity Understanding Walker “Understanding Central America remains the most comprehensive and indispensable textbook for courses on Central American politics. It offers a classic interpretation of the roots of civil wars and U.S. interventions in late twentieth-century Central Central America. This new edition has been reorganized and updated to address the region’s post-war issues of the twenty-first century, incorporating new scholarship relevant for analysis over the long run.” Central —Susanne Jonas, UniVerSity of cAliforniA, SAntA crUz Understanding Understanding ameriCa “This volume is without doubt the best comprehensive examination of Central F i F t h E d i t i o n American politics and society. The book represents a good balance between an intellectually sophisticated analysis and a clear, concise approach readily accessible for undergraduate students.” —orlAndo J. Pérez, centrAl MichigAn UniVerSity; PreSident, MidweSt AssociAtion for lAtin AMericAn StUdieS Understanding Central America explains how domestic and global political and economic forces have shaped rebellion and regime change in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. a Including analysis of the 2009 Honduran coup d’état, this revised edition brings the Central American story up to date, with special emphasis on globalization, evolving public opinion, progress toward me democratic consolidation, and the relationship between Central America and the United States under the Obama administration.
    [Show full text]
  • The US and Nicaragua: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations
    The US and Nicaragua: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations Robert Snyder Southwestern University Robert Hager Los Angeles Community College District Paper presented at the Western Political Science Association in Los Angeles, March 28, 2013. 1 The confrontation that developed between the US and Sandinista Nicaragua in the 1980s significantly affected both countries. For the US, the conflict led to events like the Iran-Contra affair, which threatened to bring down the Reagan administration. For Nicaragua, the antagonism grew to the point that the US-supported rebels, the contras, were able to cause enough damage to the regime that it agreed to elections that removed the Sandinistas from power. As was the case with a number of other revolutionary states during the Cold War, the US seemingly had reasonably good relations with Nicaragua for some time after the Sandinista-led revolution. Thus arguably the most perplexing issue in the troubled US-Nicaragua relationship is ascertaining why and how the two states moved from cooperation to hostility. What best explains the breakdown in relations between the two countries? The most popular explanation has focused on the US and its unequal relations with Nicaragua. Given the power discrepancy between the two states, the US, particularly during the Reagan administration, resented any move on Nicaragua’s part that challenged Washington’s interests. Moreover, given the legacy of American intervention in Nicaragua and Washington’s support for the Somoza regime, the Sandinistas had every reason to suspect the worst from Washington. From a theoretical perspective, Stephen Walt (1996) offers the spiral model as an explanation for the breakdown in relations between status quo states and revolutionary ones.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Six Going Home: Voluntary Repatriation
    The State of the World's Refugees 1993 Chapter Six Going Home: Voluntary Repatriation In 1992, UNHCR helped some 2.4 million refugees to return home – including over 1.5 million Afghans. Repatriation of the first of the 50,000 Guatemalan refugees in Mexico began in January 1993; in the rest of Central America, the process had almost been completed. By the end of April, 365,000 Cambodians had returned, and in June 1993, plans to assist 1.3 million refugees to return to Mozambique began to be implemented. Throughout 1992, an average of 46,000 refugees went back to their home countries every week – a rate unprecedented in previous years (see Annex I.8). There have been setbacks as well. In October, for example, repatriation to Angola was abruptly halted by renewed fighting. The easing of political tensions and the winding down of a number of civil conflicts have made large-scale voluntary repatriations possible. In several countries, the return of refugees is an essential part of the transition to peace, rather than simply a result of it. In Central America, long the theatre of seemingly intractable conflicts, the repatriation of Salvadorians and Nicaraguans was a key element of the political settlement that brought an end to the civil wars in both countries. Cambodian refugees in Thailand returned to their war-torn country in time to participate in the national elections held in May 1993. The repatriation of Namibian refugees in 1989 was not only one of the fruits of the political settlement that resulted in independence, but also played a role in the process of national consolidation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government
    The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Kevin Santos Flores June 2010 © 2010 Kevin Santos Flores. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government by KEVIN SANTOS FLORES has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science Jose' A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT SANTOS FLORES, KEVIN A., M.A., June 2010, Latin American Studies The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government (86 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patricia Weitsman The purpose of my study is to understand why the United States intervened in Nicaragua in the early 1980s to overthrow the Sandinista government. I will be looking at declassified documents, radio transcripts, campaign papers, and presidential speeches to determine why officials in the Reagan administration believed that American involvement in Central America was crucial to U.S. national security. This thesis argues that the Reagan administration’s decision to overthrow the Sandinista government was shaped by the preconceived notion of Ronald Reagan, the administration’s inability to distinguish from perception and reality of the events occurring in Nicaragua, and to undermine the Nicaraguan revolution as a model for other guerrilla organizations in Central America that could have potentially challenged American hegemony in the region. Approved: _____________________________________________________________ Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost I would like to thank God for everything.
    [Show full text]
  • Noam Chomsky: Deterring Democracy
    Deterring Democracy Noam Chomsky Copyright © 1991, 1992 Go to the Content Overview (brief) Go to the Table of Contents (detailed) In this highly praised and widely debated book, Noam Chomsky, America's leading dissident intellectual, offers a revelatory portrait of the American empire and the danger it poses for democracy, both at home and abroad. Chomsky details the major shift in global politics that has left the United States unchallenged as the preeminent military power even as its economic might has declined drastically in the face of competition from Germany and Japan. Deterring Democracy points to the potentially catastrophic consequences of this new imbalance, and reveals a world in which the United States exploits its advantage ruthlessly to enforce its national interests -- from Nicaragua to the Philippines, Panama to the Middle East. The new world order (in which the New World gives the orders) has arrived. Audacious in argument and ambitious in scope, Deterring Democracy is an essential guide to democratic prospects in the perilous 1990s. "Deterring Democracy is a volatile, serious contribution to the debate over America's role as the globe's sole remaining superpower." -- San Francisco Chronicle "Chomsky is the Left's answer to William F. Buckley." -- Los Angeles Times "A compendious and thought-provoking work..." --The New Statesman "Noam Chomsky...is a major scholarly resource. Not to have read [him]...is to court genuine ignorance." --The Nation Archive | ZNet Deterring Democracy Noam Chomsky Copyright © 1991, 1992 Content
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Without Tranquility. a Comparative Analysis of Two Causal Explanations of Persistent Violence in El Salvador and Honduras
    STUDENT PAPER SERIES08 Peace Without Tranquility. A comparative analysis of two causal explanations of persistent violence in El Salvador and Honduras Rachel Meyer Master’s in International Relations Academic year 2011-2012 I hereby certify that this dissertation contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, expect where due reference has been made. I hereby grant to IBEI the non-exclusive license to archive and make accessible my dissertation in whole or part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this dissertation. Name: Rachel Meyer Signature: Total word count: 9,864 Location and Date: Barcelona, September 15 th , 2012 Table of Contents Page Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………………….. ii Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………………….. iv Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………..………….……….……1 Chapter 2: Literature Review and Analytical Framework……………………………………..… 4 • 2.1 Approach 1: The Tangible Legacy of Political Violence • 2.2 Approach 2: The Intangible Legacy of Political Violence Chapter 3: Case Background…………………………………………………………………… 12 • 3.1 Case 1. Honduras • 3.2 Case 2. El Salvador • 3.3 Summary Chapter 4: Proposal for an Integrated Model and Indicators…………………………………… 20 • 4.1 Crime underreporting • 4.2 Confidence in state institutions: the judiciary (4.2a) and the police (4.2b) • 4.3 Estimates on legal and illicit firearms • 4.4 Policy Implications Chapter 5: Conclusion……………………………………..……………………………………. 26 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………. 28 i List of Figures Page Tables Table 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legitimacy of United States Intervention in Nicaragua John Mabie
    NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 6 Article 6 Number 1 Volume 6, No. 1, 1984 1984 The Legitimacy of United States Intervention in Nicaragua John Mabie Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mabie, John (1984) "The Legitimacy of United States Intervention in Nicaragua," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 6 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol6/iss1/6 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NOTES THE LEGITIMACY OF UNITED STATES INTERVENTION IN NICARAGUA* CONTEMPORARY BACKGROUND OF NICARAGUAN SITUATION The overthrow of the Somoza regime in Nicaragua in July 1979 brought to an end an era of extreme oppression and civil strife.' The Somoza regime survived its final years only by the imposition of a harsh, military reign of terror. The National Guard, Somoza's security force, was the aggressive arm of the oppression.2 By mid-June 1979, foreign states and international organizations were calling for the re- gime to cede power, and to allow for a peaceful and democratic process 3 of governmental change. The power base of the rebel Sandinistas was broad and popular.4 5 The Nicaraguan population, many of whom are peasants and farmers, coalesced in a revolution whose name commemorated an anti-govern- ment folk hero from the 1920's and 1930's, Augusto Sandino.6 A spirit of change, agrarian reform, redistribution of wealth and resources, and improved health characterized the new era.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Look at the Chinese Relations with Latin America
    A New Look at the Chinese Relations With Latin America Jiang Shixue Trade between China and the region began in 1560, when the «silk route» was established between the Chinese coast and Acapulco, by way of Manila. Despite this prolonged history, the dramatic increase in these relations occurred in the late 70s, with the economic reforms in China and the opening of its economy. Nowadays, this relationship can be analyzed in terms of different aspects: the economic –with a spectacular increase in trade–, the political –with a consolidation of the relation and a record number of visits by top-level government figures– and also the academic. On all these counts, and beyond the concern of the United States and the recognition of Taiwan by some Latin American countries- everything suggests that the relationship will become even stronger in the future. Jiang Shixue: Professor and Deputy Director, Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. E-mail: <[email protected]>, <[email protected]>. Key Words: International Relations, Trade, Chinese Communist Party, China, Latin America. The year 2005 marked the 600th anniversary of the ancient Chinese sailor Zheng He’s voyages to the west. According to Gavin Menzies and many other people, the Americas was discovered by Zheng He seventy years earlier than Columbus1. Recent years have witnessed rapid development of China’s relations with Latin America. In a period of only two months, Chinese President Hu Jintao and Vice President Zeng Qinhong visited Latin America separately in November 2004 and in January 2005. In less than one year President Hu visited Latin America twice (in 1 Gavin Menzies: 1421: The Year China Discovered the World, Bantam Books, 2003.
    [Show full text]