The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government
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Whither Communism: a Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba Jon L
University of Florida Levin College of Law UF Law Scholarship Repository UF Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2009 Whither Communism: A Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba Jon L. Mills University of Florida Levin College of Law, [email protected] Daniel Ryan Koslosky Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Jon Mills & Daniel Ryan Koslosky, Whither Communism: A Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba, 40 Geo. Wash. Int'l L. Rev. 1219 (2009), available at, http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub/522 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UF Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHITHER COMMUNISM: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON CONSTITUTIONALISM IN A POSTSOCIALIST CUBA JON MILLS* AND DANIEL RYAN KOSLOSIc4 I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 1220 II. HISTORY AND BACKGROUND ............................ 1222 A. Cuban ConstitutionalLaw .......................... 1223 1. Precommunist Legacy ........................ 1223 2. Communist Constitutionalism ................ 1225 B. Comparisons with Eastern Europe ................... 1229 1. Nationalizations in Eastern Europe ........... 1230 2. Cuban Expropriations ........................ 1231 III. MODES OF CONSTITUTIONALISM: A SCENARIO ANALYSIS. 1234 A. Latvia and the Problem of ConstitutionalInheritance . 1236 1. History, Revolution, and Reform ............. 1236 2. Resurrecting an Ancien Rgime ................ 1239 B. Czechoslovakia and Poland: Revolutions from Below .. 1241 1. Poland's Solidarity ........................... 1241 2. Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution ........... 1244 3. New Constitutionalism ....................... 1248 C. Hungary's GradualDecline and Decay .............. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
June 20, 1966 Report on a Meeting Between Enver Hoxha and DPRK Ambassador an Yong
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 20, 1966 Report on a Meeting between Enver Hoxha and DPRK Ambassador An Yong Citation: “Report on a Meeting between Enver Hoxha and DPRK Ambassador An Yong,” June 20, 1966, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, AQPPSH, MPP Korese, D 3, V. 1966. Translated for NKIDP by Enkel Daljani. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/114407 Summary: Enver Hoxha meets with the North Korean Ambassador to Albania, An Yong, to discuss North Korea's foreign relations, Titoist and Khrushchevian revisionism, the communist movement, and bilateral relations. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Albanian Contents: English Translation THE MEETING BETWEEN THE FIRST SECRETARY OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE ALBANIAN LABOR PARTY, COMRADE ENVER HOXHA, AND THE AMBASSADOR OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA, AN YONG, ON THE OCCASION OF HIS FINAL DEPARTURE FROM ALBANIA, ON JUNE 20, 1966 After Comrade Enver Hoxha received the ambassador and went to the quarters where the conversation would take place, he asked him about the health of Comrade [General Secretary of the Korean Worker’s Party (KWP)] Kim Il Sung and also expressed his regret that after a stay of several years, the ambassador is leaving Albania. “But you are Albanians now,” said Comrade Enver Hoxha to the North Korean ambassador. Ambassador An Yong: Since the time I set off for Albania, where I have stayed for a relatively long time, I had a recommendation from the party and government to do all that is possible to accomplish my task within the framework of our great friendship. -
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002
Description of document: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002 Requested date: 2002 Release date: 2003 Posted date: 08-February-2021 Source of document: Information and Privacy Coordinator Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Fax: 703-613-3007 Filing a FOIA Records Request Online The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is a First Amendment free speech web site and is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. 1 O ct 2000_30 April 2002 Creation Date Requester Last Name Case Subject 36802.28679 STRANEY TECHNOLOGICAL GROWTH OF INDIA; HONG KONG; CHINA AND WTO 36802.2992 CRAWFORD EIGHT DIFFERENT REQUESTS FOR REPORTS REGARDING CIA EMPLOYEES OR AGENTS 36802.43927 MONTAN EDWARD GRADY PARTIN 36802.44378 TAVAKOLI-NOURI STEPHEN FLACK GUNTHER 36810.54721 BISHOP SCIENCE OF IDENTITY FOUNDATION 36810.55028 KHEMANEY TI LEAF PRODUCTIONS, LTD. -
World Air Forces 2018 in Association with 1 | Flightglobal
WORLD AIR FORCES 2018 IN ASSOCIATION WITH 1 | FlightGlobal Umschlag World Air Forces 2018.indd Alle Seiten 16.11.17 14:23 WORLD AIR FORCES Directory Power players While the new US president’s confrontational style of international diplomacy stoked rivalries, the global military fleet saw a modest rise in numbers: except in North America CRAIG HOYLE LONDON ground-attack aircraft had been destroyed, DATA COMPILED BY DARIA GLAZUNOVA, MARK KWIATKOWSKI & SANDRA LEWIS-RICE Flight Fleets Analyzer shows the action as hav- DATA ANALYSIS BY ANTOINE FAFARD ing had limited materiel effect. It did, however, draw Russia’s ire, as a detachment of its own rinkmanship was the name of the of US Navy destroyers launched 59 Raytheon combat aircraft was using the same Syrian base. game for much of the 2017 calendar Tomahawk cruise missiles towards Syria’s Al- Another spike in rhetoric came in mid-June, year, with global tensions in no small Shayrat air base, targeting its runways and hard- when a Syrian Su-22 was shot down by a US part linked to the head-on approach ened aircraft shelters housing Sukhoi Su-22s. Navy Boeing F/A-18E Super Hornet after attack- B to diplomacy taken by US President Don- Despite initial claims from the Pentagon that ing opposition forces backed by Washington. ald Trump. about one-third of its more than 40 such Syria threatened to target US combat aircraft Largely continuing with the firebrand with advanced surface-to-air missile systems in soundbites which brought him to the Oval Of- Trump and Kim Jong-un the wake of the incident. -
Perspectives on Nicaragua's Foreign Trade
Ian Goldin and Roberto Pizarro Between 1950 and 1977, the proportion of land Introduction devoted to food production fell from 75 per cent to 50 per cent and the domestic terms of trade moved The July 1979 revolutionary triumph of the Frente sharply against domestic food producers [Gibson Sandinista Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) carried with 1987:20]. Small food producers were consistently it a promise to transform economic relations to the neglected by thestate and excluded from the advantage of ordinary working people. The economy favourable credit,tariff and technical assistance which the Sandinistas inherited was characterised by a programmes which pampered the development of dependence on agro-exports and a virtual absence of a agro-exports. By 1979, land, labour, technical inputs domestic manufacturing base.It was a classical and other scarce resources had been directed towards example of a peripheral, underdeveloped country, in production for the international market. which the growth of agro-exports reproduced the The main elements of the FSLN's post-revolutionary power of an oligarchy, undermining the position of the economic programme were outlined in their first majority of the population. major economic document - the 1980 'Plan for The Sandinistas'revolutionary programme was Reactivation for the Benefit of the People'. The premised on a continuing foreign exchange require- objectives of the external sector were: ment. Imported basic foodstuffs, medicines, tractors to initiate a programme to stimulate and increase and thousands of other imported items were integral the supply of revenue from the international to the transformation of social relations. Furthermore, market, while reorientating the utilisation of these commitments to electrification and the expansion of revenues in theservices of thepeople, and transport and agricultural services presupposed a contributing to the process of eliminating all forms supply of fuel and capital good imports. -
Nicaragua and El Salvador
UNIDIR/97/1 UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva Disarmament and Conflict Resolution Project Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Nicaragua and El Salvador Papers: Paulo S. Wrobel Questionnaire Analysis: Lt Col Guilherme Theophilo Gaspar de Oliverra Project funded by: the Ford Foundation, the United States Institute of Peace, the Winston Foundation, the Ploughshares Fund, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, and the governments of Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Finland, France, Germany, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, South Africa, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America. UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, 1997 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/97/1 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.97.0.1 ISBN 92-9045-121-1 Table of Contents Page Previous DCR Project Publications............................... v Preface - Sverre Lodgaard ..................................... vii Acknowledgements ...........................................ix Project Introduction - Virginia Gamba ............................xi List of Acronyms........................................... xvii Maps.................................................... xviii Part I: Case Study: Nicaragua .......................... 1 I. Introduction ....................................... 3 II. National Disputes and Regional Crisis .................. 3 III. The Peace Agreement, the Evolution of the Conflicts and the UN Role.................................... 8 1. The Evolution of the Conflict in Nicaragua............ 10 2. -
Ch 4, Launching the Peace Movement, and Skim Through Ch
-----------------~-----~------- ---- TkE u. s. CENT'R.A.L A.MERIC.A. PE.A.CE MOVEMENT' CHRISTIAN SMITH The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London List of Tables and Figures ix Acknowledgments xi Acronyms xiii Introduction xv portone Setting the Context 1. THE SOURCES OF CENTRAL AMERICAN UNREST 3 :Z. UNITED STATES INTERVENTION 18 J. Low-INTENSITY WARFARE 33 porttwo The Movement Emerges -'. LAUNCHING THE PEACE MOVEMENT 5 9 5. GRASPING THE BIG PICTURE 87 '. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MORAL OUTRAGE 13 3 '1'. THE INDIVIDUAL ACTIVISTS 169 porlthreeMaintaining the Struggle 8, NEGOTIATING STRATEGIES AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY 211 1'. FIGHTING BATTLES OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE 231 1 O. FACING HARASSMENT AND REPRESSION 280 11. PROBLEMS FOR PROTESTERS CLOSER TO HOME 325 1%. THE MOVEMENT'S DEMISE 348 portfour Assessing the Movement 1J. WHAT DID THE MOVEMENT ACHIEVE? 365 1-'. LESSONS FOR SOCIAL-MOVEMENT THEORY 378 ii CONTENTS Appendix: The Distribution and Activities of Central America Peace Movement Organizations 387 Notes 393 Bibliography 419 ,igures Index 453 Illustrations follow page 208. lobles 1.1 Per Capita Basic Food Cropland (Hectares) 10 1.2 Malnutrition in Central America 10 7.1 Comparison of Central America Peace Activists and All Adult Ameri cans, 1985 171 7.2 Occupational Ratio of Central America Peace Movement Activist to All Americans, 1985 173 7.3 Prior Social Movement Involvement by Central American Peace Activists (%) 175 7.4 Central America Peace Activists' Prior Protest Experience (%) 175 7.5 Personal and Organizational vs. Impersonal -
Organization of American States Electoral Observation Mission Municipal Elections Nicaragua
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS NICARAGUA November 5, 2017 FINAL REPORT TABLE OF CONTENTS I. FINAL REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL ...............................................................................1 1. BACKGROUND .................................................................................................................................. 1 2. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 1 3. PRE-ELECTORAL STAGE .................................................................................................................... 2 4. ELECTION DAY .................................................................................................................................. 4 5. POST-ELECTORAL STAGE .................................................................................................................. 6 6. RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................................................................................... 7 6.1. Electoral Organization and Technology ................................................................................. 7 6.2. Voter Registry ......................................................................................................................... 9 6.3. The Electoral Branch ............................................................................................................ 11 6.4. Election dispute resolution -
Inside the Volcano – a Curriculum on Nicaragua
Inside the Volcano: A Curriculum on Nicaragua Edited by William Bigelow and Jeff Edmundson Network of Educators on the Americas (NECA) P.O. Box 73038 Washington, DC 20056-3038 Network of Educators' Committees on Central America Washington, D.C. About the readings: We are grateful to the Institute for Food and Development Policy for permission to reproduce Imagine You Were A Nicaraguan (from Nicaragua: What Difference Could A Revolution Make?), Nicaragua: Give Change a Chance, The Plastic Kid (from Now We Can Speak) and Gringos and Contras on Our Land (from Don’t Be Afraid, Gringo). Excerpt from Nicaragua: The People Speak © 1985 Bergin and Garvey printed with permission from Greenwood Press. About the artwork: The pictures by Rini Templeton (pages 12, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 38, 57 60, 61, 66, 74, 75, 86, 87 90, 91. 101, 112, and the cover) are used with the cooperation of the Rini Templeton Memorial Fund and can be found in the beautiful, bilingual collection of over 500 illustrations entitled El Arte de Rini Templeton: Donde hay vida y lucha - The Art of Rini Templeton: Where there is life and struggle, 1989, WA: The Real Comet Press. See Appendix A for ordering information. The drawing on page 15 is by Nicaraguan artist Donald Navas. The Nicaraguan Cultural Alliance has the original pen and ink and others for sale. See Appendix A for address. The illustrations on pages 31, 32 and 52 are by Nicaraguan artist Leonicio Saenz. An artist of considerable acclaim in Central America, Saenz is a frequent contributor to Nicar&uac, a monthly publication of the Nicaraguan Ministry of Culture. -
Spotlight on Nicaragua
February 16, 2021 CLOSING OF POLITICAL AND CIVIC SPACES: SPOTLIGHT ON NICARAGUA TABLE OF CONTENTS February 16 Agenda ................................................................................................................ 2 Part I: Nicaraguan Spring: The Rise & Repression of a Protest Movement ............. 5 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space Part II: How Did We Get Here? Background on the Current Political Landscape ... 7 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space El Pacto: Leftist on Paper but Not in Practice Questionable Reelections Reforms Favor Authoritarianism An Economy in Ruins Impacts of COVID-19 and Hurricanes Eta & Iota The 2021 Election Part III: Recent Laws Limiting Civic Space .......................................................................... 15 Law of Regulation of Foreign Agents Special Law of Cybercrimes Law of Life Sentence Law of Defense of the Rights of the People to Independence, Sovereignty, Self-determination for the Peace Penal Code Reform A Diverse and Divided Opposition Civic Alliance for Justice & Democracy White & Blue Unity Great National Coalition Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights U.S. Policy and the Biden Administration’s Challenges Speaker Biographies ................................................................................................................ 24 1 February 16, 2021 AGENDA AGENDA Welcome & Introduction Introduction to Topics for Meeting Understanding the Current Context of Nicaragua • Current Political -
The European Union's Policy Towards Mercosur
towards Mercosur towards policy Union’s The European EPRU The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur European Series Policy This book provides a distinctive and empirically rich account of the European Research Union’s (EU’s) relationship with the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). It seeks to examine the motivations that determine the EU’s policy towards Unit Mercosur, the most important relationship the EU has with another regional Series economic integration organization. In order to investigate these motivations (or lack thereof), this study The European examines the contribution of the main policy- and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions of the two institutions. It analyses the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: non-institutionalized Union’s policy relations (1986–1990), official relations (1991–1995), and the negotiations for an association agreement (1996–2004 and 2010–present). Arana argues that the dominant explanations in the literature fail to towards adequately explain the EU’s policy – in particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing on extensive primary documents, the book argues that the major developments in the relationship were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. Rather than Mercosur the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive, which explains why the relationship is much less developed than the EU’s relations with other parts of the world. The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur will benefit academics and Responsive not strategic postgraduate students of European Union Foreign Affairs, inter-regionalism Gomez Arana and Latin American regionalism.