The European Union's Policy Towards Mercosur
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Mercosur: the Common Market of the Twenty-First Century?
GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW VOLUME 32 2004 NUMBER 1 MERCOSUR: THE COMMON MARKET OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY? Rafael A. Porrata-Doria,Jr. * I. INTRODUCTION MERCOSUR, the "Common Market of the Southern Cone," was created in March 1990 by the Treaty of Asunci6n and was meant to create a common market among its four signatories (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay) by December 31, 1994.' This common market would include the graduated elimination of all customs duties among its signatories,2 the creation of a common external tariff, the adoption of a common trade policy,3 and the harmonization of economic policies The Treaty of Asunci6n, and its * Professor of Law, Temple University. J.D. 1977, Yale University; M.A., University of Pennsylvania; B.A. 1974, University of Pennsylvania. This Article, based substantially on research materials not available in English, is the first comprehensive description and evaluation of MERCOSUR in the English language. The author is a former consultant to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) and was a mission participant and co- author of its study "Competition Policy and MERCOSUR" (1996). The author gratefully acknowledges the helpful comments of Marina Angel, Jeffrey Dunoff, and Henry Richardson. The author particularly appreciates the outstanding efforts of his principal research assistant, Julie Liebenberg, J.D. 2004, Temple University School of Law, and of his current research assistant, Suzette Sanders, J.D. expected 2005, Temple University School of Law. The information in this Article is current as of August 2003. ' Treaty of Asunci6n Establishing a Common Market among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Mar. -
1 Road Map for the Formulation of An
1 ROAD MAP FOR THE FORMULATION OF AN INSTRUMENT ON THE APPLICATION OF PRINCIPLE 10 IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN We, the Latin American and Caribbean signatory countries to the Declaration on the application of Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development,1 Recalling the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, Agenda 21, the Programme for the Further Implementation for Agenda 21, the Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development, the Plan of Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the outcome document of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, held in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) in June 2012, entitled “The future we want”, Resolved to make commitments to ensure the full exercise of rights of access to information, participation and justice regarding environmental issues as enshrined in Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration, understanding these to be prerequisites for building a citizenry that is committed to sustainable development, Emphasizing that the member countries of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) acknowledged the need to build a common space for deepening political, economic, social and cultural integration in our region and for establishing effective commitments to joint action to promote sustainable development in Latin America and the Caribbean in a framework of unity, democracy, full respect for human rights, solidarity, cooperation, complementarity -
The 1996 Institutional Crisis in Paraguay
Democratic Forum The 1996 Institutional Crisis in Paraguay September 1996 Washington, D.C. Secretary General César Gaviria Assistant Secretary General Christopher R. Thomas Executive Coordinator, Unit for the Promotion of Democracy Elizabeth M. Spehar This publication is part of a series of publications of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States (OAS). Opinions and statements expressed are not necessarily those of the OAS or its member states, and are entirely the responsibility of the parties expressing them. Democratic Forum The institutional crisis of April 22 to 24, 1996, in Paraguay, from the perspective of the Government, civil society, and the international community Unit for the Promotion of Democracy This report is an edited version of the original transcripts, produced under the technical supervision of Mr. Diego Paz, Senior Specialist of the UPD, and Coordinator of this Forum. Professor Riordan Roett contributed with the summary and comments included in this issue. Design and composition of this publication was done by the Information and Dialogue Section headed by Mr. John Murray of the UPD. Mrs. Betty Robinson and Mrs. Judith Horvath- Rouco helped with the final editing of this report, and JNA Design was responsible for the graphic design. Copyright @ 1997. All rights reserved. Reproduction of this material is authorized; please credit it as Aa publication of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States@. Table of contents Preface.......................................................................................................................................... -
The Rise and Fall of the Inter-American System
V Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencia Política. Asociación Latinoamericana de Ciencia Política, Buenos Aires, 2010. The Rise and Fall of the Inter-American System. Poggio Teixeira Carlos Gustavo. Cita: Poggio Teixeira Carlos Gustavo (2010). The Rise and Fall of the Inter-American System. V Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencia Política. Asociación Latinoamericana de Ciencia Política, Buenos Aires. Dirección estable: http://www.aacademica.org/000-036/565 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. The rise and fall of the Inter-American System Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira Doctoral candidate in International Studies at Old Dominion University, with sponsorship from Fulbright and the Brazilian Ministry of Education. E-mail: [email protected] Field: International Relations Paper prepared for presentation at the V Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencia Política, organized by Asociación Latinoamericana de Ciencia Política (ALACIP). Buenos Aires, July 28- 30, 2010 Abstract This paper proposes to look back at the evolution of the so called Inter-American System since its first manifestations in the first half of the 19th century in order to shed some light on current developments. Some explanations that may have led to the current atmosphere of deterioration of this system are proposed. Additionally, it intends to assess what this deterioration means and what practical consequences it may bring. The conclusion is that the recent events are in fact symptom of a broader historical phenomenon of increasingly decline of the Inter-American System and if the present posture is maintained this decline tends to get steeper overtime. -
Elecciones En Uruguay: Mismos Colores, Nuevo Gobierno, Mayores Desafíos
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 D.L.: B-8438-2012 opiniónAMÉRICA LATINA ELECCIONES EN URUGUAY: Mismos 284 colores, nuevo Gobierno, mayores DICIEMBRE desafíos 2014 Santiago Villar, asistente de investigación CIDOB espués de una victoria contundente en primera ronda, donde el candi- dato del partido oficialista se impuso por más de 17 puntos sobre su in- mediato contrincante, Luis Lacalle Pou del Partido Nacional (PN), pocas Ddudas quedaban acerca de quien finalmente resultaría elegido en estas elecciones. El ex-presidente Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) consiguió el 56% de los votos, que representaron el mejor resultado obtenido por un jefe de Estado uruguayo en los últimos 70 años. El nuevo presidente ha conseguido mantener altos niveles de aprobación social, tanto respecto a su gestión como a nivel de imagen personal, que en Uruguay supera incluso al mismo José Mujica. Tabaré Vázquez se convierte en el tercer presidente consecutivo proveniente de las filas del Frente Amplio (FA), un partido de concertación de izquierdas que surgió hace 43 años y rompió definitivamente con el bipartidismo clásico del país. Los buenos resultados de la primera vuelta se han reflejado en la conformación del Parlamento, obteniendo la mayoría en ambas Cámaras. En el Senado posee quince escaños, a los cuales se suma el vice-presidente, quien ejerce el cargo de presidente del Senado, con voz y voto. En tanto que en la Cámara de Diputados consiguieron 50 de los 99 asientos. El pasado 30 de noviembre, tras confirmarse la victoria, Tabaré Vázquez emitió un discurso en el cual dejó claro que su segundo mandato “no será más de lo mismo porque el Uruguay de hoy no es el del año 2005 ni el del año 2010”. -
List of Presidents of Uruguay
SNo Name Took office Left office Political party 1 Fructuoso Rivera November 6, 1830 October 24, 1834 Colorado 2 Carlos Anaya October 24, 1834 March 1, 1835 Colorado 3 Manuel Oribe March 1, 1835 October 24, 1838 National 4 Gabriel Antonio Pereira October 24, 1838 March 1, 1839 Colorado 5 Fructuoso Rivera March 1, 1839 March 1, 1843 Colorado 6 Manuel Oribe February 16, 1843 October 8, 1851 National 7 Joaquín Suárez March 1, 1843 February 15, 1852 Colorado 8 Bernardo Berro February 15, 1852 March 1, 1852 National 9 Juan Francisco Giró March 1, 1852 September 25, 1853 National 10 Venancio Flores September 25, 1853 March 12, 1854 Colorado 11 Juan Antonio Lavalleja September 25, 1853 October 22, 1853 Independent 12 Fructuoso Rivera September 25, 1853 January 13, 1854 Colorado 13 Venancio Flores March 12, 1854 August 29, 1855 Colorado 14 Luis Lamas August 29, 1855 September 10, 1855 National 15 Manuel Basilio Bustamante September 10, 1855 February 15, 1856 Colorado 16 José María Plá February 15, 1856 March 1, 1856 Colorado 17 Gabriel Antonio Pereira March 1, 1856 March 1, 1860 Colorado 18 Bernardo Berro March 1, 1860 March 1, 1864 National 19 Atanasio Aguirre March 1, 1864 February 15, 1865 National 20 Tomás Villalba February 15, 1865 February 20, 1865 National 21 Venancio Flores February 20, 1865 February 15, 1868 Colorado 22 Pedro Varela February 15, 1868 March 1, 1868 Colorado 23 Lorenzo Batlle y Grau March 1, 1868 March 1, 1872 Colorado 24 Tomás Gomensoro Albín March 1, 1872 March 1, 1873 Colorado 25 José Eugenio Ellauri March 1, 1873 January -
Ch 4, Launching the Peace Movement, and Skim Through Ch
-----------------~-----~------- ---- TkE u. s. CENT'R.A.L A.MERIC.A. PE.A.CE MOVEMENT' CHRISTIAN SMITH The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London List of Tables and Figures ix Acknowledgments xi Acronyms xiii Introduction xv portone Setting the Context 1. THE SOURCES OF CENTRAL AMERICAN UNREST 3 :Z. UNITED STATES INTERVENTION 18 J. Low-INTENSITY WARFARE 33 porttwo The Movement Emerges -'. LAUNCHING THE PEACE MOVEMENT 5 9 5. GRASPING THE BIG PICTURE 87 '. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MORAL OUTRAGE 13 3 '1'. THE INDIVIDUAL ACTIVISTS 169 porlthreeMaintaining the Struggle 8, NEGOTIATING STRATEGIES AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY 211 1'. FIGHTING BATTLES OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE 231 1 O. FACING HARASSMENT AND REPRESSION 280 11. PROBLEMS FOR PROTESTERS CLOSER TO HOME 325 1%. THE MOVEMENT'S DEMISE 348 portfour Assessing the Movement 1J. WHAT DID THE MOVEMENT ACHIEVE? 365 1-'. LESSONS FOR SOCIAL-MOVEMENT THEORY 378 ii CONTENTS Appendix: The Distribution and Activities of Central America Peace Movement Organizations 387 Notes 393 Bibliography 419 ,igures Index 453 Illustrations follow page 208. lobles 1.1 Per Capita Basic Food Cropland (Hectares) 10 1.2 Malnutrition in Central America 10 7.1 Comparison of Central America Peace Activists and All Adult Ameri cans, 1985 171 7.2 Occupational Ratio of Central America Peace Movement Activist to All Americans, 1985 173 7.3 Prior Social Movement Involvement by Central American Peace Activists (%) 175 7.4 Central America Peace Activists' Prior Protest Experience (%) 175 7.5 Personal and Organizational vs. Impersonal -
From the Uruguayan Case to the Happiness Economy
Dipartimento di Impresa e Management Cattedra: International Macroeconomics and Industrial Dynamics From the Uruguayan case to the Happiness economy RELATORE Prof. LUIGI MARENGO CANDIDATO ANDREA CASTELLANI Matr. 690601 CORRELATORE Prof. PAOLO GARONNA ANNO ACCADEMICO 2017/2018 2 INDEX INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER 1: HAPPINESS AS A LIFE GOAL POLITICAL ECONOMICS MUST CONSIDER IN ITS DECISION-MAKING ............................................................................. 8 1.1 Happiness as a life goal ..................................................................................................... 8 1.2 The effect of institutional conditions on individual well-beings .................................... 9 1.2.1 The importance of the “Constitution” .................................................................... 10 1.2.2 Weighing the effect of a certain kind of Constitution ........................................... 12 1.2.3 How good governance affects well-being “above and beyond” income ............... 13 1.2.4 The real connection between Governance and Subjective Well-Being ............... 20 1.3 Measuring utilities and criteria to assess happiness and life satisfaction ................... 21 1.4 The Way Income Affects Happiness .............................................................................. 24 1.4.1 The effect of time on the income-happiness relation ............................................ -
View Annual Report
FINANCIAL SUMMARY 2002–2006 ORDINARY CAPITAL (In millions of U.S. dollars) 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 Operational Highlights Loans and Guarantees Approved $ 5,774 $ 6,738 $ 5,468 $ 6,232 $ 4,143 Loan Disbursements 6,088 4,899 3,768 8,416 5,522 Loan Repayments 8,615 5,224 5,199 7,279 4,106 Balance Sheet Data Cash and Investments–Net, After Swaps $ 16,051 $ 13,717 $ 13,046 $ 14,855 $ 14,780 Loans Outstanding 45,932 48,135 49,842 50,655 47,958 Undisbursed Portion of Approved Loans 16,080 17,000 16,093 15,619 18,570 Total Assets 66,475 65,382 67,346 69,669 65,031 Borrowings Outstanding, After Swaps 43,550 43,988 45,144 49,275 48,179 Equity 19,808 18,727 18,511 17,112 14,269 Income Statement Data Loan Income $ 2,466 $ 2,413 $ 2,498 $ 2,711 $ 2,639 Investment Income 619 403 288 298 319 Borrowing Expenses, After Swaps 2,070 1,733 1,572 1,636 1,842 Operating Income 627 712 862 2,434 727 Ratio Total Equity to Loans Ratio (TELR) 40.8% 37.3% 36.1% 33.0% 30.9% FUND FOR SPECIAL OPERATIONS (In millions of U.S. dollars) 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 Operational Highlights Loans and Guarantees Approved $ 605 $ 410 $ 552 $ 578 $ 406 Loan Disbursements 398 424 463 486 313 Loan Repayments 290 301 294 296 256 Balance Sheet Data Cash and Investments, Net $ 1,592 $ 1,564 $ 1,559 $ 1,591 $ 1,616 Loans Outstanding 7,115 6,873 7,041 7,216 6,763 Undisbursed Portion of Approved Loans 2,229 2,051 2,083 2,000 1,920 MEMBER COUNTRIES Total Assets 9,530 9,386 9,662 10,044 9,845 Fund Balance 9,140 9,041 9,194 9,622 9,520 Income Statement Data Argentina Denmark Italy Slovenia -
Building" Nuestra América:" National Sovereignty and Regional
Building “Nuestra América:” National Sovereignty and Regional Integration in the Americas* Renata Keller** “It is the hour of reckoning and of marching in unison, and we must move in lines as compact as the veins of silver that lie at the roots of the Andes.” José Martí, “Nuestra América,”1891 José Martí, the Cuban intellectual and independence hero, publis- hed one of his most important essays in a Mexican newspaper while representing Uruguay at the First International Conference of Ame- rican States in Washington DC in 1891. Titled “Nuestra América,” Martí’s call to action touched on a number of themes, including nati- onalism, imperialism, and racism. He urged his readers to discard * Article submitted on September 16th, 2013 and approved for publication in October 16th, 2013. ** Renata Keller is an assistant professor of International Relations at Boston University and holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research and teaching interests focus on Latin American history, particularly the connections between foreign and domestic politics, the dynamics of the Cold War, and U.S. relations with Latin America. E-mail: [email protected]. CONTEXTO INTERNACIONAL Rio de Janeiro, vol. 35, no 2, julho/dezembro 2013, p. 537-564. 537 Contexto Internacional (PUC) Vol. 35 no 2 – jul/dez 2013 1ª Revisão: 29/12/2013 Renata Keller their provincial mindsets, insisting that “hometowns that are still strangers to one another XX must hurry to become acquainted, like men who are about to battle together” (MARTÍ, 1977, p. 26). -
José Mujica: “O Presidente Tupamaro” - Da Luta Armada Às Vias Democráticas
REVISTA ALAMEDAS Vol. 2, n.1, 2014 e-ISSN 1981-0253 19 JOSÉ MUJICA: “O PRESIDENTE TUPAMARO” - DA LUTA ARMADA ÀS VIAS DEMOCRÁTICAS Por Dércio Fernando Moraes Ferrari 1 Resumo A escalada de José Mujica dentro da política uruguaia teve início ainda na década de 1970, durante sua luta junto ao Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-Tupamaros (MLN- T), que surgiu no pré-golpe e foi suprimido durante a ditadura. Após militar junto ao grupo e ter ficado em cárcere durante 13 anos, Mujica teve sua liberdade na década de 1980, retomando assim suas atividades políticas e filiando-se a Frente Ampla (FA) via Movimiento de Participación Popular (MPP). Em liberdade, iniciou uma caminhada política dentro do país, onde foi deputado em 1994, Senador em 1999, Ministro da Agricultura, Pecuária e Pesca em 2005 e o ápice de sua escalada política seria a conquista da presidência uruguaia, a qual ocorreu nas eleições de 2009, onde venceu o candidato de um tradicional partido uruguaio, o Partido Nacional. A eleição de Mujica representa a continuidade de um governo de centro-esquerda no país, bem como o grande desenvolvimento das questões sociais, como a regulamentação da Cannabis psicoativo e a descriminalização do aborto. O objetivo deste trabalho é resenhar a trajetória política de Mujica desde o período de guerrilheiro tupamaro até a sua chegada ao posto político máximo uruguaio. Palavras-chave: José Mujica; Frente Ampla (FA); Movimiento de Liberación Nacional- Tupamaros (MLN-T). Abstract José Mujica climbing inside the Uruguayan politics began in the 1970s, during your fight in the National Liberation Movement-Tupamaros (MLN-T), that has emerged in the pre- coup and was suppressed during the dictatorial period. -
Media, Actors of References and Power in Paraguay”
Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 229 to 247 Funded research | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2014-1010en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2014 How to cite this article in bibliograhies / References R Juste de Ancos, L Soler, M Ortí Mata (2014): “Media, actors of references and power in Paraguay”. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 69, pp. 229 to 247. http://www.revistalatinacs.org/069/paper/ 1010_Quito/13jen.html DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2014-1010en Media, actors of references and power in Paraguay R Juste de Ancos [CV] [ ORCID] [ GS] Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar / Simón Bolívar Andean University, Quito, Ecuador - [email protected] L Soler [CV] [ ORCID] [ GS] Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) / University of Buenos Aires and Conicet - [email protected] M Ortí Mata [CV] [ ORCID] [ GS] Universidad Complutense de Madrid (UCM) / Complutense University of Madrid - [email protected] Abstract [EN] Introduction. This research study aims to empirically address the political dynamics reflected on Paraguay’s print press during the 2013 elections campaign. Method. This empirical study is based on the social network analysis of the name references included in a sample of news articles. Results. The results of the study include several graphical representations of the coverage of political actors during the 2013 elections campaign, which was strongly conditioned by the previous impeachment and removal of former President Fernando Lugo. Conclusions. This study of name references confirms the continuity of the traditional parties in Paraguay as institutions with political and media power, and the secondary and peripheral role of the actors that emerged in the political landscape when Fernando Lugo won the presidency of Paraguay.