Afghanistan Da20042004 Cs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Afghanistan Da20042004 Cs VOLUME 4 • NUMBER 137 • 2004BURUNDI URUNDDI CAMP MAS S A CRE ctionDARFURRFUR A Death in the desert LEONE, ANGOLA Going Home Refuugees are people, not c ETURNEE GENEVAGE AFGHANISTAN DA20042004 CS OPPEAN YEAR IN SA REVIEW THE EDITOR’S DESK Good news and bad news here was good news for refugees in the The European Union welcomed 10 new member most unlikely places in 2004. Exiles were states, but the Mediterranean region proved a deadly Tallowed to vote in Afghanistan’s first ever burial ground for hundreds of people trying to reach presidential elections and a refugee woman cast the the continent. Situations in places like Iraq and first symbolic ballot at a camp in neighboring Pak- Chechnya showed few signs of solution. istan. A world away, a former refugee was one of two Even the basic principle of offering the world’s women to represent Afghanistan for the first time most vulnerable people a modest degree of protec- ever at the Athens Olympics. tion was under threat in many countries preoccu- In the ruins of the Liberian capital of Monrovia, pied more with security issues than humanitarian refugees came back to find their homes destroyed, concerns. but neighbors willing Altogether, it was a “reasonably good year in a to share whatever lit- troublesome world,” according to High tle they had with old Commissioner Ruud Lubbers. DP/IRN•2004 friends once again re- united. There were For some frustrated aid officials, South and similar scenes across Central America is a “forgotten continent” and its most UNHCR/Z.SOLEIMANI/ the continent, in Sier- vulnerable victims “invisible refugees”—ignored and ra Leone, Angola and overshadowed by more obvious crisis areas such as on the Horn of Africa. Africa and Afghanistan. The last stragglers But Latin American governments recently commem- who fled Rwanda’s orated a major milestone in refugee protection work— genocide stumbled the signing 20 years earlier of the Cartagena Going home from Iran. home, some to the as- Declaration—which helped to resolve a series of wars tounding news that in Central America in the 1980s and helped many their families had of the two million civilians who had been forced to flee survived a bloodletting in which an estimated their homes. 800,000 people were butchered. Building on that Declaration, a meeting in Global statistics showed that in the last three years Mexico City took the opportunity to launch a new plan the number of vulnerable people ‘of concern’ to UN- of action to tackle the region’s current problems, partic- HCR dropped by more than three million and the ularly the longtime crisis in Colombia where a further number of persons seeking asylum in industrialized two million plus people have been uprooted during countries fell to the lowest levels in 17 years. These decades of civil war. trends were expected to continue through 2005. Lubbers praised the initiative by noting that “In a There were also, of course, extremely troubling worldwide context of restrictive asylum policies and developments. Darfur became the world’s latest erosion of protection principles, it is encouraging to see mega-crisis with around two million people fleeing that countries in Latin America are committed to their villages and untold numbers slaughtered. uphold high protection standards.” 2 REFUGEES N°137 - 2004 Editor: Ray Wilkinson French editor: Mounira Skandrani 2 EDITORIAL Contributors: Good news was found in unusual places José Riera and UNHCR offices GETTY IMAGES worldwide in the last year. Editorial assistant: Virginia Zekrya COVER STORY F.NAEEM/AFP/ 4 Photo department: Suzy Hopper, Anne Kellner The crisis in Darfur overshadowed other, Design: often positive developments during 2004 Vincent Winter Associés including presidential elections in Production: Afghanistan, major repatriations in several Françoise Jaccoud African countries and the expansion of the Romain Leonarduzzi European Union to 25 member states. Photo engraving: Afghanistan held its Aloha Scan - Geneva first ever presidential Highlights Distribution: 4 elections in 2004 and 10 A quick glance at major developments John O’Connor, Frédéric Tissot new countries joined the European Union. However, throughout the world. Maps: another major catastrophe UNHCR - Mapping Unit exploded in Darfur, Sudan. Historical documents 16 INTERVIEW UNHCR archives High Commissioner Ruud Lubbers views 2004 as a reasonably positive year in a troubled REFUGEES is published by the Media Relations and Public Information DP/TCD•2004 world. He says that as a humanitarian Service of the United Nations High organization UNHCR should do better. Commissioner for Refugees. The opinions expressed by contributors are not necessarily those of UNHCR. UNHCR/H.CAUX/ CARTAGENA The designations and maps used do 22 not imply the expression of any The Cartagena Declaration, the major opinion or recognition on the part of cornerstone of refugee protection in Latin UNHCR concerning the legal status High Commissioner of a territory or of its authorities. Ruud Lubbers said America, marks its 20th anniversary. A new “there is a less friendly plan of action is announced to enhance and REFUGEES reserves the right to edit all 16 climate towards refugees in reinvigorate the Declaration. articles before publication. Articles many parts and photos not covered by copyright © of the world.” may be reprinted without prior Landmarks permission. Please credit UNHCR Some of the highlights of the Cartagena and the photographer. Glossy prints Declaration. and slide duplicates of photographs not covered by copyright © may be made History available for professional use only. DP/COL•2004 Refugee protection in Latin America English and French editions printed down the ages. in Italy by AMILCARE PIZZI S.p.A., Milan. Circulation: 283,700 in English, French, German, Italian, Spanish, UNHCR/B.HEGER/ Arabic, Russian and Chinese. ISSN 0252-791 X Cover: The Cartagena 2004: the world’s headlines. Declaration, 22 cornerstone of UNHCR Latin American refugee P.O. Box 2500 protection efforts, 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland commemorated its 20th www.unhcr.org anniversary in November. REFUGEES 3 2004: YEAR PROTECTION GOING HOME RESETTLEMENT ETHNIC CLEANSING DP/SDN•2004 S.NELSON/GETTY IMAGES/ IN REVIEW Darfur burns. A Sudanese rebel at a destroyed village. 2004: YEAR IN REVIEW A reasonably good year he bullet hole lodged deeply in Emmanuel Murangira’s long slop- DP/RWA•2004 ing forehead bears eloquent testi- mony to genocide. Gangs of militias had rampaged through his home- town for several days slashing and UNHCR/B. HEGER/ shooting their ethnic and political opponents. An astonishing 25,000 civilians—men, Twomen, young children, anyone they could catch— were murdered in just this one place in a matter of hours. The victims included Murangira’s wife, five children and more than 40 other members of his family. He was one of only four survivors, escaping the killers by feigning death at the bottom of a pile of Emmanuel corpses, blood flowing freely from his head wound. Murangira In all, an estimated 800,000 persons were killed 6 REFUGEES in a troublesome world DP/AFG•2004 ZALMAI/ © across the country in a 100-day orgy of blood. The positions, terrified screams still seemingly etched in- Back to school world stood by, horrified but largely mute as the to their ghostly skulls. in Afghanistan. tragedy ran its course, refusing to directly intervene, In just one short decade since those terrible events, embrace or even acknowledge the dreaded ‘G’ word. a fragile peace between the country’s major tribes, the Rwanda commemorated the 10th anniversary of Hutus and Tutsis, has been re-established. Kigali, the what was belatedly recognized as genocide on April 6, capital, bustles once more with commercial traffic 2004. Murangira played his own small but poignant and new buildings. Rwanda’s hills are alive with the role by guiding the occasional visitor through a sound of farming families busily growing and har- somber memorial to the slaughter in his hometown of vesting tea, coffee and other crops. Gikongoro in southern Rwanda, only yards from More than 2.5 million people fled in 1994, congre- where his own family was massacred. gating in massive camps in neighboring Zaire and The complex had once been a school. But in each Tanzania. In trying to help them and, inadvertently, room, desks had been replaced by low wicker shelves the many murderers (the Interahamwe) who had fled on which were stacked the skeletons of some of the the scene of their crime and infiltrated the camps, victims. Particularly heart-rending were the contort- UNHCR and other agencies became involved in the ed shapes of tiny children, coiled into protective foetal messiest and most complex humanitarian operation REFUGEES 7 2004: YEAR IN REVIEW LAST YEAR, EVEN AS RWANDA MARKED ITS OWN APPARENT DELIVERANCE, 1,500 KILOMETERS TO THE NORTH ANOTHER CATASTROPHE WAS BREWING. since World War II (REFUGEES magazine N° 135). a rich melting pot of tribes and ancient caravan routes But by early 2004, the camps had disappeared, the crisscrossing Africa, are remote from today’s major bulk of those refugees and even many exiles from ear- communications networks, difficult to reach and cov- lier Rwandan crises—a total of 3.2 million people— ering one of the world’s most hostile environments of moved back to their shattered homeland, by air, on desert, scrub, mountains and searing heat. The fleets of trucks and buses and for some, many weeks of refugees brought with them lurid tales of massacre walking through rain forests, mountains and high sa- and mayhem, but it was difficult to independently vannah grasslands. confirm what was happening inside Darfur itself. National reconciliation remained fragile and in- UNHCR’s mandate is to work with refugees out- complete, but given the enormity of the task, could nevertheless be considered a modest miracle. “We must learn to live together again in peace,” Murangira told a visitor simply, reflecting an edgy un- certainty about the future.
Recommended publications
  • Ch 4, Launching the Peace Movement, and Skim Through Ch
    -----------------~-----~------- ---- TkE u. s. CENT'R.A.L A.MERIC.A. PE.A.CE MOVEMENT' CHRISTIAN SMITH The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London List of Tables and Figures ix Acknowledgments xi Acronyms xiii Introduction xv portone Setting the Context 1. THE SOURCES OF CENTRAL AMERICAN UNREST 3 :Z. UNITED STATES INTERVENTION 18 J. Low-INTENSITY WARFARE 33 porttwo The Movement Emerges -'. LAUNCHING THE PEACE MOVEMENT 5 9 5. GRASPING THE BIG PICTURE 87 '. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF MORAL OUTRAGE 13 3 '1'. THE INDIVIDUAL ACTIVISTS 169 porlthreeMaintaining the Struggle 8, NEGOTIATING STRATEGIES AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY 211 1'. FIGHTING BATTLES OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE 231 1 O. FACING HARASSMENT AND REPRESSION 280 11. PROBLEMS FOR PROTESTERS CLOSER TO HOME 325 1%. THE MOVEMENT'S DEMISE 348 portfour Assessing the Movement 1J. WHAT DID THE MOVEMENT ACHIEVE? 365 1-'. LESSONS FOR SOCIAL-MOVEMENT THEORY 378 ii CONTENTS Appendix: The Distribution and Activities of Central America Peace Movement Organizations 387 Notes 393 Bibliography 419 ,igures Index 453 Illustrations follow page 208. lobles 1.1 Per Capita Basic Food Cropland (Hectares) 10 1.2 Malnutrition in Central America 10 7.1 Comparison of Central America Peace Activists and All Adult Ameri­ cans, 1985 171 7.2 Occupational Ratio of Central America Peace Movement Activist to All Americans, 1985 173 7.3 Prior Social Movement Involvement by Central American Peace Activists (%) 175 7.4 Central America Peace Activists' Prior Protest Experience (%) 175 7.5 Personal and Organizational vs. Impersonal
    [Show full text]
  • The European Union's Policy Towards Mercosur
    towards Mercosur towards policy Union’s The European EPRU The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur European Series Policy This book provides a distinctive and empirically rich account of the European Research Union’s (EU’s) relationship with the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). It seeks to examine the motivations that determine the EU’s policy towards Unit Mercosur, the most important relationship the EU has with another regional Series economic integration organization. In order to investigate these motivations (or lack thereof), this study The European examines the contribution of the main policy- and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions of the two institutions. It analyses the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: non-institutionalized Union’s policy relations (1986–1990), official relations (1991–1995), and the negotiations for an association agreement (1996–2004 and 2010–present). Arana argues that the dominant explanations in the literature fail to towards adequately explain the EU’s policy – in particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing on extensive primary documents, the book argues that the major developments in the relationship were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. Rather than Mercosur the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive, which explains why the relationship is much less developed than the EU’s relations with other parts of the world. The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur will benefit academics and Responsive not strategic postgraduate students of European Union Foreign Affairs, inter-regionalism Gomez Arana and Latin American regionalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Army for Progress: the U.S. Militarization of the Guatemalan
    University of Rhode Island DigitalCommons@URI Open Access Master's Theses 1995 ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969 Michael Donoghue University of Rhode Island Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/theses Recommended Citation Donoghue, Michael, "ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969" (1995). Open Access Master's Theses. Paper 1808. https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/theses/1808 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@URI. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@URI. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969 BY MICHAELE.DONOGHUE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF RHODE ISLAND - ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis is to explore the military and political implications of the United States' foreign policy towards Guatemala in the years 1961 to 1969. Guatemala was a key battleground of the Cold War in Latin America in the crucial decade of the 1960s. While greater scholarly attention has focused on the 1954 U.S. backed CIA planned cou~ in Guatemala, the events of the 1960s proved an equally significant watershed in U.S.-Latin American relations. Tue outbreak of a nationalist insurgency in Guatemala early in the decade provided the Kennedy Administration with a vital testing ground for its new counter-insurgency and civic action politico-military doctrine.
    [Show full text]
  • Children from Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented
    The Current Humanitarian Crisis: Children From Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Nina Cevallos, Carla. 2016. The Current Humanitarian Crisis: Children From Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33797326 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Current Humanitarian Crisis: Children from Central America, Unaccompanied and Undocumented! ! ! ! Carla A. Nina-Cevallos! ! ! A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies ! Harvard University May 2016 Copyright © 2016 Carla A. Nina-Cevallos ! Abstract This research project explores the reasons for the influx into the United States by unaccompanied minors from the Northern Triangle countries in Central America. Research indicates that the people are coming because of high rates of violence in Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. This research also explores the historic, political, and economic conditions that have contributed to the influx; including how United States foreign policy in Central America may have unintentionally contributed to the current refugee crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border.! Refugee crisis are affecting the globe as refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Northern countries of Africa are fleeing to Europe for protection and safety.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Central America. Global Forces, Rebellion, and Change
    Booth “Prior editions of Understanding Central America had become the classic work in the field, both in the classroom and as an academic reference. This new edition is a major upgrade, not only involving updating of events, but rethinking the Wade Wade theoretical issues that are at the heart of any understanding of the region. A ‘must read’ for anyone interested in this complex and volatile area of the world.” —Mitchell A. SeligSon, VAnderbilt UniVerSity Understanding Walker “Understanding Central America remains the most comprehensive and indispensable textbook for courses on Central American politics. It offers a classic interpretation of the roots of civil wars and U.S. interventions in late twentieth-century Central Central America. This new edition has been reorganized and updated to address the region’s post-war issues of the twenty-first century, incorporating new scholarship relevant for analysis over the long run.” Central —Susanne Jonas, UniVerSity of cAliforniA, SAntA crUz Understanding Understanding ameriCa “This volume is without doubt the best comprehensive examination of Central F i F t h E d i t i o n American politics and society. The book represents a good balance between an intellectually sophisticated analysis and a clear, concise approach readily accessible for undergraduate students.” —orlAndo J. Pérez, centrAl MichigAn UniVerSity; PreSident, MidweSt AssociAtion for lAtin AMericAn StUdieS Understanding Central America explains how domestic and global political and economic forces have shaped rebellion and regime change in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. a Including analysis of the 2009 Honduran coup d’état, this revised edition brings the Central American story up to date, with special emphasis on globalization, evolving public opinion, progress toward me democratic consolidation, and the relationship between Central America and the United States under the Obama administration.
    [Show full text]
  • The US and Nicaragua: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations
    The US and Nicaragua: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations Robert Snyder Southwestern University Robert Hager Los Angeles Community College District Paper presented at the Western Political Science Association in Los Angeles, March 28, 2013. 1 The confrontation that developed between the US and Sandinista Nicaragua in the 1980s significantly affected both countries. For the US, the conflict led to events like the Iran-Contra affair, which threatened to bring down the Reagan administration. For Nicaragua, the antagonism grew to the point that the US-supported rebels, the contras, were able to cause enough damage to the regime that it agreed to elections that removed the Sandinistas from power. As was the case with a number of other revolutionary states during the Cold War, the US seemingly had reasonably good relations with Nicaragua for some time after the Sandinista-led revolution. Thus arguably the most perplexing issue in the troubled US-Nicaragua relationship is ascertaining why and how the two states moved from cooperation to hostility. What best explains the breakdown in relations between the two countries? The most popular explanation has focused on the US and its unequal relations with Nicaragua. Given the power discrepancy between the two states, the US, particularly during the Reagan administration, resented any move on Nicaragua’s part that challenged Washington’s interests. Moreover, given the legacy of American intervention in Nicaragua and Washington’s support for the Somoza regime, the Sandinistas had every reason to suspect the worst from Washington. From a theoretical perspective, Stephen Walt (1996) offers the spiral model as an explanation for the breakdown in relations between status quo states and revolutionary ones.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Six Going Home: Voluntary Repatriation
    The State of the World's Refugees 1993 Chapter Six Going Home: Voluntary Repatriation In 1992, UNHCR helped some 2.4 million refugees to return home – including over 1.5 million Afghans. Repatriation of the first of the 50,000 Guatemalan refugees in Mexico began in January 1993; in the rest of Central America, the process had almost been completed. By the end of April, 365,000 Cambodians had returned, and in June 1993, plans to assist 1.3 million refugees to return to Mozambique began to be implemented. Throughout 1992, an average of 46,000 refugees went back to their home countries every week – a rate unprecedented in previous years (see Annex I.8). There have been setbacks as well. In October, for example, repatriation to Angola was abruptly halted by renewed fighting. The easing of political tensions and the winding down of a number of civil conflicts have made large-scale voluntary repatriations possible. In several countries, the return of refugees is an essential part of the transition to peace, rather than simply a result of it. In Central America, long the theatre of seemingly intractable conflicts, the repatriation of Salvadorians and Nicaraguans was a key element of the political settlement that brought an end to the civil wars in both countries. Cambodian refugees in Thailand returned to their war-torn country in time to participate in the national elections held in May 1993. The repatriation of Namibian refugees in 1989 was not only one of the fruits of the political settlement that resulted in independence, but also played a role in the process of national consolidation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government
    The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Kevin Santos Flores June 2010 © 2010 Kevin Santos Flores. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government by KEVIN SANTOS FLORES has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science Jose' A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT SANTOS FLORES, KEVIN A., M.A., June 2010, Latin American Studies The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government (86 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patricia Weitsman The purpose of my study is to understand why the United States intervened in Nicaragua in the early 1980s to overthrow the Sandinista government. I will be looking at declassified documents, radio transcripts, campaign papers, and presidential speeches to determine why officials in the Reagan administration believed that American involvement in Central America was crucial to U.S. national security. This thesis argues that the Reagan administration’s decision to overthrow the Sandinista government was shaped by the preconceived notion of Ronald Reagan, the administration’s inability to distinguish from perception and reality of the events occurring in Nicaragua, and to undermine the Nicaraguan revolution as a model for other guerrilla organizations in Central America that could have potentially challenged American hegemony in the region. Approved: _____________________________________________________________ Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost I would like to thank God for everything.
    [Show full text]
  • Noam Chomsky: Deterring Democracy
    Deterring Democracy Noam Chomsky Copyright © 1991, 1992 Go to the Content Overview (brief) Go to the Table of Contents (detailed) In this highly praised and widely debated book, Noam Chomsky, America's leading dissident intellectual, offers a revelatory portrait of the American empire and the danger it poses for democracy, both at home and abroad. Chomsky details the major shift in global politics that has left the United States unchallenged as the preeminent military power even as its economic might has declined drastically in the face of competition from Germany and Japan. Deterring Democracy points to the potentially catastrophic consequences of this new imbalance, and reveals a world in which the United States exploits its advantage ruthlessly to enforce its national interests -- from Nicaragua to the Philippines, Panama to the Middle East. The new world order (in which the New World gives the orders) has arrived. Audacious in argument and ambitious in scope, Deterring Democracy is an essential guide to democratic prospects in the perilous 1990s. "Deterring Democracy is a volatile, serious contribution to the debate over America's role as the globe's sole remaining superpower." -- San Francisco Chronicle "Chomsky is the Left's answer to William F. Buckley." -- Los Angeles Times "A compendious and thought-provoking work..." --The New Statesman "Noam Chomsky...is a major scholarly resource. Not to have read [him]...is to court genuine ignorance." --The Nation Archive | ZNet Deterring Democracy Noam Chomsky Copyright © 1991, 1992 Content
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Without Tranquility. a Comparative Analysis of Two Causal Explanations of Persistent Violence in El Salvador and Honduras
    STUDENT PAPER SERIES08 Peace Without Tranquility. A comparative analysis of two causal explanations of persistent violence in El Salvador and Honduras Rachel Meyer Master’s in International Relations Academic year 2011-2012 I hereby certify that this dissertation contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, expect where due reference has been made. I hereby grant to IBEI the non-exclusive license to archive and make accessible my dissertation in whole or part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this dissertation. Name: Rachel Meyer Signature: Total word count: 9,864 Location and Date: Barcelona, September 15 th , 2012 Table of Contents Page Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………………………….. ii Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………………….. iv Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………..………….……….……1 Chapter 2: Literature Review and Analytical Framework……………………………………..… 4 • 2.1 Approach 1: The Tangible Legacy of Political Violence • 2.2 Approach 2: The Intangible Legacy of Political Violence Chapter 3: Case Background…………………………………………………………………… 12 • 3.1 Case 1. Honduras • 3.2 Case 2. El Salvador • 3.3 Summary Chapter 4: Proposal for an Integrated Model and Indicators…………………………………… 20 • 4.1 Crime underreporting • 4.2 Confidence in state institutions: the judiciary (4.2a) and the police (4.2b) • 4.3 Estimates on legal and illicit firearms • 4.4 Policy Implications Chapter 5: Conclusion……………………………………..……………………………………. 26 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………. 28 i List of Figures Page Tables Table 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legitimacy of United States Intervention in Nicaragua John Mabie
    NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 6 Article 6 Number 1 Volume 6, No. 1, 1984 1984 The Legitimacy of United States Intervention in Nicaragua John Mabie Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mabie, John (1984) "The Legitimacy of United States Intervention in Nicaragua," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 6 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol6/iss1/6 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NOTES THE LEGITIMACY OF UNITED STATES INTERVENTION IN NICARAGUA* CONTEMPORARY BACKGROUND OF NICARAGUAN SITUATION The overthrow of the Somoza regime in Nicaragua in July 1979 brought to an end an era of extreme oppression and civil strife.' The Somoza regime survived its final years only by the imposition of a harsh, military reign of terror. The National Guard, Somoza's security force, was the aggressive arm of the oppression.2 By mid-June 1979, foreign states and international organizations were calling for the re- gime to cede power, and to allow for a peaceful and democratic process 3 of governmental change. The power base of the rebel Sandinistas was broad and popular.4 5 The Nicaraguan population, many of whom are peasants and farmers, coalesced in a revolution whose name commemorated an anti-govern- ment folk hero from the 1920's and 1930's, Augusto Sandino.6 A spirit of change, agrarian reform, redistribution of wealth and resources, and improved health characterized the new era.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Look at the Chinese Relations with Latin America
    A New Look at the Chinese Relations With Latin America Jiang Shixue Trade between China and the region began in 1560, when the «silk route» was established between the Chinese coast and Acapulco, by way of Manila. Despite this prolonged history, the dramatic increase in these relations occurred in the late 70s, with the economic reforms in China and the opening of its economy. Nowadays, this relationship can be analyzed in terms of different aspects: the economic –with a spectacular increase in trade–, the political –with a consolidation of the relation and a record number of visits by top-level government figures– and also the academic. On all these counts, and beyond the concern of the United States and the recognition of Taiwan by some Latin American countries- everything suggests that the relationship will become even stronger in the future. Jiang Shixue: Professor and Deputy Director, Institute of Latin American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. E-mail: <[email protected]>, <[email protected]>. Key Words: International Relations, Trade, Chinese Communist Party, China, Latin America. The year 2005 marked the 600th anniversary of the ancient Chinese sailor Zheng He’s voyages to the west. According to Gavin Menzies and many other people, the Americas was discovered by Zheng He seventy years earlier than Columbus1. Recent years have witnessed rapid development of China’s relations with Latin America. In a period of only two months, Chinese President Hu Jintao and Vice President Zeng Qinhong visited Latin America separately in November 2004 and in January 2005. In less than one year President Hu visited Latin America twice (in 1 Gavin Menzies: 1421: The Year China Discovered the World, Bantam Books, 2003.
    [Show full text]