BACKGROUND GUIDE

Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC)

Weaponization of Outer Space

Dear delegates,

Welcome to the Disarmament and International Security Committee of RAIMUN 2018!

Our names are Enrique Rodriguez, Rodrigo Guzmán and Alonso Macedo, and it’s our pleasure to be in charge of directing this committee during the conference. We expect an intense and dynamic debate with a strong presence of diplomacy, in which the delegates can solve the problem with innovative and possible solutions expressing them in creative ways. We are more than excited to see how you are going to address a topic that was once considered a dream or fiction, but nowadays concerns nations worldwide in terms of development, security and peace.

My name is Enrique Rodríguez and I am currently 19 years old and at the time. I’m in my third year studying economics at Universidad del Pacífico. I graduated high school in 2015, the same year that I started doing MUN, and until now, it is one of the biggest passions I have had. I have participated in several conferences during high school and university, taking part in Peruvian Debate Society for the 2016-2017 season. I believe MUN gives delegates a space to develop themselves as worldwide citizens, increase their general culture and knowledge, improve essential skills for life and, of course, it is an amazing opportunity to make new friends and meet lots of people! I believe the key to success in a committee such as DISEC is to keep endurance and presence during the whole conference without compromising diplomacy, and it’s one of the things I appreciate the most.

I’m Alonso Macedo, and I am currently studying Economics at Universidad del Pacífico. I believe that my MUN experience is what drove me to choose economics as a field of study. In I learned that, as in economics, there is no single isolated problem, but nearly every issue that the international community faces is related in some way to many others. Thus, by taking deep consideration of how our daily decisions and attitude relate to the rest of the world and its problems, we can make decisions that make the world a better place. As a Director, I value first and foremost thorough preparation and research; delegates must know their country’s policies and needs very well, and every decision they take during the conference has to be made with them in mind, while they must also be willing to compromise and negotiate with diplomacy to achieve the greater good.

My name is Rodrigo Guzmán. I am currently a first year Music Student, looking to specialize in Music Business and Production. I have been participating in Model UN since 2015 and joined Peruvian Debate Society in 2016. Since my incorporation to the team, I have had the opportunity to push myself to the limit debating conferences such as Harvard National Model United Nations twice, Harvard National Model United Nations Latin-America and MUNUR 17’. What I find interesting of MUN is the fact that helps you to know yourself, your

capacity and limits, assuring the holistic development of social skills. As a chair, I like dynamism in the debate, as well as delegates that push the debate forward. Although diplomacy is a very important aspect of the delegate, negotiation and leadership will be two key points to define the way the committee is seen by me as a Director.

We wish you the best of luck for the committee and we will make sure it becomes one of the best MUN experiences you could ever have. Hoping to see you in the first session!

Sincerely,

Enrique Rodríguez, Rodrigo Guzmán & Alonso Macedo Co-directors, Disarmament and International Security Committee [email protected]

I. HISTORY OF THE COMMITTEE

The Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC) is the first committee of the United Nations General Assembly. DISEC deals mainly with topics that center around “disarmament, global challenges, and threats to peace that affect the international community and seeks out solutions to all the challenges in the international security regime.”

All Member States and observers of the United Nations are automatically part of the DISEC committee. The committee also considers all disarmament and international security matters within the scope of the United Nations Charter or issues related to the functions of any other organ of the United Nations, as well as principles governing the regulation of armaments. DISEC works in close cooperation with the United Nations Disarmament Commission and the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament. It is the only main committee of the General Assembly entitled to verbatim records coverage. However, the committee does not possess power for authorized intervention of arms and imposing sanctions, unlike the Security Council. The very first General Assembly resolution, entitled “Establishment of a Commission to Deal with the Problems Raised by the Discovery of Atomic Energy”, was adopted on recommendation by the First Committee on 24 January 1946, in London. To date, DISEC has gathered in 72 opportunities to discuss topics of high relevance to international peace and worldwide stability, such as terrorism and violence in the Middle- East and Africa, eradication of weapons of mass destruction, illegal arms trade, cyber warfare and state capacity building and the peaceful uses of outer space, among others.

Image 1: UN First Committee in Session (2018) Source: UN General Assembly

II. HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM

Since space exploration started in the second half of the 20th century as part of the “space race” between the and the (USSR), outer space has been seen by nations all around the world as a new territory for development, opportunity and militarization. Since “Sputnik 1”, the first satellite ever to be launched to outer space, deployed by the USSR on October 4th of 1957, the usage of space as a differential advantage jumped from sci-fi media and literature to reality. Nowadays, the deployment and use of satellites for navigation, communication and information purposes has increased exponentially.

According to Online Index of Objects Launched into Outer Space by the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA), 4,822 satellites are currently in orbit worldwide, with the USA, and China leading the number of satellites deployed, respectively; 163 being launched only in the first half of 2018; and approximately 13% not being UN- registered. International Space law’s bedrock document, the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, affirmed "the common interest of all mankind in the progress of the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes" and provided that "the exploration and use of outer space shall be carried out for the benefit and in the interests of all countries, irrespective of their degree of economic or scientific development, and shall be the province of all mankind."

However, the treaty does not specifically delve into the use of weapons in outer space or in its militarization, apart from the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons. Nations worldwide have increased their dependence on the development and usage of satellite technologies for military purposes, including espionage, weapons testing, among others. As an increasing and tangible risk for the future of mankind, the international community has reaffirmed the importance of creating a strong framework dedicated to regulate and delimit the militarization of space and the use of the technology deployed in it.

III. CURRENT SITUATION

During the past decade, the International Community has renewed interest in space warfare. Recent developments in military and spacefaring technologies, along with heightened international tensions have increased the threat of military conflicts spilling out into outer space.

On March 1st, 2018, Russian president Vladimir Putin announced that his government was in the process of updating its anti-missile defense systems. This prompted a response from US

president Trump, which called the statement false, and denounced said action as illegal according to the now-defunct Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Donald Trump’s reaction to the announcement showed genuine concern for the consequences of Russia’s new defense capabilities, and he was not alone. Experts are worried that increased defense systems may increase the likelihood of nuclear states taking the initiative and launching nuclear strikes first in the case of conflict. Furthermore, they conclude that the increased likelihood of nuclear war could launch another arms race between Russia and the USA, which could spill over into space.

As if to prove the International Community’s concerns were right, on June 18th, 2018, US president Donald Trump announced the creation of a sixth branch of the US Military, the Space Force, stating: "It is not enough to merely have an American presence in space. We must have American dominance in space.” Later on, it was also revealed that the US Congress directed the Pentagon, in the 2019 defense bill, to begin work on a space-based missile interceptor, prompting many experts to condemn the actions of both countries as inciting a new space arms race and, potentially, a future conflict.

Image 2: US President Trump announces the creation of the Space Force Source: Alex Wong/Getty Images

IV. MAIN CAUSES OF THE PROBLEM

This may be seen as a ‘recent’ or ‘new’ problem, but the truth is that the roots of this issue come from World War II, with weapons that could be made suitable for use in outer space. Since then, what has brought us to this point in DISEC is the constant ambition of space-

faring nations to demonstrate their ability to exercise control over territory that has never been controlled before.

A. WEAPONS RACE

This cause has been present since the beginning of the polarization of the power of the countries and the territorial division, and it consists basically in the constant development and trial of weapons that are not necessarily permitted by previously approved conventions or treaties, this is a latent risk that can lead to the increase of the fragility of the international law, besides the creation of weapons that can have unrecoverable consequences to the world.

B. IMPROVEMENT OF DEFENSE SYSTEMS

National security is often used as an excuse by space-faring countries to develop strategies that can pose a risk to international security and relations between countries. An example of this are the rising Russia-USA tensions since the Russian Federation authorities announced the updating of their defense system, going into a grey area of the Antiballistic Missile Treaty.

V. MAIN ASPECTS OF THE PROBLEM

A. DEFINITIONS AND TYPES OF SPACE WARFARE

The existing international legal framework is ambiguous regarding the definition of concepts related to space warfare. While there is no universal legal definition, space warfare can be broadly described as military engagements that take place in outer space. Thus, it can be divided into three categories: ground-to-air, space-to-ground, and space-to-space combat. It is very important that the International Community recognizes these aspects of space warfare and includes them on the existing framework.

Ground-to-air combat, as the name suggests, consists of engaging satellites and any other orbiting object from the Earth’s surface. Ground-to-space weapons are usually thought of as ballistic or nuclear missiles. On January 2007, China took the International Community by surprise when it conducted the second satellite intercept test ever recorded. The Chinese government launched a land-based ballistic missile which targeted the ageing FY-1C polar orbit satellite. Nations around the world expressed their concerns on the intentions behind the use of said technologies, and how it could threaten the demilitarization of outer space. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union both developed laser

weaponry to use in anti-missile systems, though both programs were short-lived and achieved limited results.

Space-to-Ground combat is probably the most dangerous of the three categories, as it poses a threat to cities and other populated regions around the world. While the use of weapons of mass destruction in space is outlawed by the Outer Space Treaty, the use of laser weaponry, cyber-attacks, and tactical weapons remains largely unrestricted.

While the use of space-to-space weaponry remains largely theoretical, restrictions on it should also be imposed to stop space from becoming another battleground for military conflict between nations. Space-to-space combat would include orbiting objects attacking enemy satellites, spaceships, or space stations.

B. ADVANCES IN MILITARY TECHNOLOGY

Over 50 years have gone by since the 1967 Outer Space Treaty was signed, and the failure to update the existing framework has left gaping loopholes on the regulations against the presence of weapons of mass destruction in space. Therefore, the existing restrictions must be updated to include newly developed technologies before they can cause irreparable damage. The existing international framework outlaws the deployment or use of nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons in the Earth’s orbit, celestial bodies, or outer space. Nevertheless, certain newly-developed technologies remain unaddressed.

During the Vietnam War, the US Air Force would often drop “lazy dog” bombs in order to avoid using explosive materials. These bombs were simply solid steel rods with fins, but could reach speeds of 800 kilometers per hour and penetrate as far as 30 centimeters of concrete. Years later, the US government further developed this idea into Project Thor, which aimed to build an Earth orbiting weapon that would drop bundles of rods made of solid tungsten. These rods would reach speeds of 3,000 kilometers per second, and could wipe out entire cities in an instant, without using radioactive materials whatsoever.

Even though this project never left the planning stage, it serves as a reminder of the immense threat that unregulated space military technologies pose to world peace. Other non-conventional space military weaponry may also include high-energy lasers, cyberattacks, electromagnetic pulses (EMPs), and radiological weapons.

Image 3: Artist’s depiction of Project Thor Source: Business Insider

C. DISTINCTION AND LIABILITIES

Even though it was developed by the United States Department of Defense for military purposes, the Global Positioning System (GPS) has become one of the most widely used technologies around the world. The civilian population has such a need for it that the US Government pays for its maintenance and provides it for free. However, the US military has not stopped using it, as it plays an integral part in coordinating military operations and army logistics. In a scenario in which the United States is involved in an armed conflict against a nation that has developed space weaponry, existing space laws do not make it clear if it would be legal to attack the GPS, which would affect the United States Military as well as many other individuals, scientific organizations, private entities and governments around the globe.

Situations like the one mentioned above are related to the principle of Distinction of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Another gray area of space law is how to distinguish between military and non-combatant astronauts in the case of space conflict. Astronauts are almost universally part of the armed forces of a nation and thus, under IHL, would classify as combatants. However, the 1967 Treaty of Outer Space recognizes astronauts “as envoys of mankind in outer space and shall render to them all possible assistance in the event of accident, distress, or emergency landing on the territory of another State Party or on the high seas. [...] In carrying on activities in outer space and on celestial bodies, the astronauts of one State Party shall render all possible assistance to the astronauts of other States Parties.” The many contradictions and gray areas regarding space law must be addressed before any future space conflict causes unnecessary casualties and damage.

While existing space laws state that countries are fully responsible for damages caused to property or nationals belonging to another country as a result of space-related activities, some aspects still remain unaddressed. Recalling the example of the 2007 China anti-missile test, the destruction of the satellite caused massive amounts of debris to travel throughout the Earth’s atmosphere. It is estimated that around 28% of the debris that is orbiting the Earth could be attributed to the Chinese weather satellite. That raises questions regarding the extent of liabilities of governments regarding debris. Debates still ensue on how to determine and enforce responsibility if a person, object or structure is ever damaged by space debris.

D. NATIONAL DEFENSE SYSTEMS

Immediately after the end of the Cuban Missile Crisis, the US government focused on creating a missile defense system in order to avoid another similar situation from happening again. The Safeguard Program included an arsenal of ballistic missiles, which would be used to intercept any foreign weapon that could reach the USA. Nevertheless, the Program was only designed to protect nuclear missile launch sites, and could never have been extended to protect the whole mainland United States.

Due to these technological limitations, the USA sought other ways to avoid nuclear war. The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABMT) was signed in 1972 by the United States and the Soviet Union, and established limitations on the development of defense systems: only a single system with up to 100 interceptor missiles was allowed, and only a single target could be protected at a time by the system. The reasoning behind the ABMT was based on the supposition that by forcing both superpowers to be vulnerable to nuclear devastation, they would do everything in their power to avoid nuclear confrontation. This was called the principle of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). After the fall of the Soviet Union, the interest in maintaining the ABMT diminished and it was eventually terminated in 2002 when the United States pulled out.

Since then, the U.S. has developed anti-ballistic missile technology through the Missile Defense Agency, both for domestic use and to share with allies. Russia has also announced it is also developing similar technologies. Nowadays, the legality and effectiveness of anti- missile technology have not been seriously discussed, even though they are an integral part of space combat and defense.

Image 4: Concept Design of Reagan’s 1983 Strategic Defense Initiative Source: Constructed Worlds

VI. CONSEQUENCES AND IMPACT OF THE PROBLEM

When it comes to a problem that involves weapons with high risk of destruction, the damage control and prevention systems have to be improved and updated in order to avoid situations that can threat the stability of the world, the testing and development of weapons that can function in outer space can cause the following:

A. UNILATERAL DOMINANCE OF ONE POWER

As not every country has the same capability of developing weapons that can be used or installed in outer space conditions, the constant testing and creation of this kind of military resources is a significant risk if they are in the wrong hands. The international community has to make sure that there is a balance in this kind of development in order to avoid the colonization ambitions of powerful countries to become a reality in unexplored territory in space.

B. ALTERATION OF FUTURE ENVIRONMENT

Throughout history, there have been several investigations to discover if in a future some places in outer space can have living conditions for human beings. In case that this happens, the excessive presence of weapons and ‘defense systems units’ can change the way that this

new environment develops and the way it can be conditioned for humans to use. If we want to think about future generations and the way they can take advantage of the resources that outer space can offer, then we should avoid the massive production of weapons that can be used to negatively alter the specific places that could be adapted for human life to exist.

VII. CASE STUDY: CHINA’S ANTI-SATELLITE MISSILE TESTS

On January 1 of 2007, The Chinese government managed to destroy one of its own ageing weather satellites using a medium-range ballistic missile. The satellite was approximately 500 miles above the Earth’s atmosphere. At the moment, it represented the first significant escalation in the space weapons race in 20 years: the only 2 superpowers that managed to do so before were the Russian Federation, as part of the Soviet Union, and the USA during the 1980s, during the Cold War. Although the missile utilized by China used relatively old- fashioned technology, the incredible speed in which the Chinese have been developing space technology suggests they could be developing more sophisticated laser technology to do the job.

A month later, Beijing announced the Chinese government didn’t plan to perform similar tests in the nearby future, but the January 11 test had already established the growing prowess of China’s space program as well as its capability to protect itself from satellite surveillance in the event of war. Despite immediate global demands for an explanation for the test, China waited several days before releasing an official response.

By demonstrating the ability to use an anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon, China was able to show off its growing military might in space to its neighbors and the world. Most importantly, from the US perspective, China’s capacity to destroy satellites means it can target one of America’s biggest military weaknesses during wartime: the reliance on satellites for intelligence gathering and the operations of high-precision weaponry, as evidenced during periods of armed conflict in middle-eastern areas such as Iraq and Afghanistan. A nation with the capability to destroy satellites can also threaten to severely disturb essential daily functions, from financial transactions to telephone communication to power grids, controlled by timing signals sent by global positioning satellites (GPS). “We could be propelled back into the nineteenth century” by such a disruption, said William C. Martel, a professor of international security studies at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a former member of the U.S. Air Force Scientific Advisory Board.

Condemnation followed China’s test in large part because it increased the quantity of debris in the earth’s orbit by about 10 percent. The last ASAT test by the United States, conducted in 1985, left some three hundred pieces of debris, which took seventeen years to burn up in the earth’s atmosphere. The Chinese test left over three times more debris at a higher

altitude, meaning the fragments will take longer to clear out. Any one of the three hundred satellites—representing some $100 billion—that lie in the Chinese debris cloud could become potentially damaged or destroyed. Furthermore, the debris left as a result of the Chinese anti-satellite test was clearly against the guidelines created in UNISPACE III in 1999, which established the importance of maintaining in a correct state both Earth and Outer Space environment. Nowadays, countries such as Japan, , US and Russia have voiced concern about Chinese technological prowess in outer space and how nations can be regulated in order to follow the international conventions and treaties already in force.

Image 5: Diagram detailing China`s Anti-Missile Test Source: Telegraph UK

VIII. RELEVANT PAST ACTIONS

A. OUTER SPACE TREATY (1967)

Considered the cornerstone of all governance instruments related to outer space, the treaty considers the freedom of exploration and the use of space for the benefit and interest of all countries, the non-appropriation of outer space (claims of sovereignty), including the Moon and other celestial bodies, and the prohibition of the deployment of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in outer space. However, the treaty does not mention any explicit prohibition on the militarization of outer space. Furthermore, it does not make reference to the possible applications space could have during war or periods of armed conflict. In the UN General Assembly resolution 69/32, the international community recognizes that the existing legal regime itself does not guarantee the prevention of an arms

race in space. However, the resolution reiterates, “that the prevention of an arms race in outer space would avert a grave danger to international peace and security”.

B. OTHER SPACE TREATIES

Other four relevant treaties in line to reinforce the framework set by the Outer Space Treaty were adopted. The Rescue agreement (1968), requires states to assist an astronaut in case of accident, distress, emergency or unintended landing. The Liability Convention (1972) establishes the standards of liability for damage caused by space objects. The registration convention (1975) requires states to register all objects launched into outer space with the United Nations. The Moon agreement (1979) elaborates on the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty as they apply to the Moon and other celestial bodies. However, in contrast with the rising speed in which technology develops and the advances in space exploration, in the last century no treaty or convention addressing the weaponization of outer space has been adopted or discussed yet.

C. UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON THE EXPLORATION AND PEACEFUL USES OF OUTER SPACE (UNISPACE)

Recognizing the potentials of space technology for development and the need for international cooperation to guarantee the peaceful uses of outer space, the United Nations organized three UNISPACE conferences to engage states and international organizations to further joint efforts for the future of space-related affairs. UNISPACE I (1968) focused on raising awareness of the vast potential of space benefits for all mankind; UNISPACE II (1982) addressed the concerns of how to maintain the outer space for peaceful purposes and prevent an arms race in outer space as essential conditions for peaceful exploration and use of outer space. UNISPACE III (1999) centered in protecting the global and space environment and increase developing countries access to space science and its benefits. In June 2018, the international community gathered in Vienna for UNISPACE 50+, which will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of UNISPACE I and will serve as an opportunity for the international community to analyze the course of space cooperation.

D. COMMITTEE ON THE PEACEFUL USES OF OUTER SPACE (COPUOS)

An Ad Hoc committee was established in 1958 by the General Assembly to consider the activities and resources of the United Nations, the specialized agencies and other international bodies relating to the peaceful uses of outer space, organizational arrangements to facilitate international cooperation in this field within the framework of the United Nations and legal problems which might arise in programs to explore outer space. In 1959, the General Assembly established COPUOS as a permanent body. Members of

COPUOS are States and since then, the membership of COPUOS has grown continuously, making COPUOS one of the largest Committees in the United Nations. In addition to States a number of international organizations, including both intergovernmental and non- governmental organizations, have observer status with COPUOS and its subcommittees: The Scientific and Technical Subcommittee and the Legal Subcommittee.

IX. POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS

The first approach to preventing a space arms race is to expand the existing international framework through the United Nations. Since the Cold War and the many years that followed, the United Nations has adopted several resolutions calling for the prevention of an arms race in space through negotiations and diplomacy. At the insistence of China, the UN established an Ad Hoc Committee on the Conference on Disarmament with the purpose of negotiating a new treaty restricting the weaponization of space. The Conference on Disarmament, which works by consensus, has been unable to achieve its goal due to resistance from the United States, which denies the existence of a space arms race.

An alternative solution would be to stop dependence on complex multilateral negotiations and international consensus by encouraging bilateral disarmament agreements between nations participating in the arms race. This approach could be modeled after the US-Russia START treaties. However, allowing world powers to dictate the terms of their disarmament may yield limited results, and the gaps in international space legislation would still have to be addressed separately.

Regardless of how the committee chooses to approach the solution, it is of vital importance that the new treaty addresses the following issues: • Ban or restrict the use, testing or deployment of non-conventional weapons in space, regardless of which of the three categories they belong to. • Address the legality of land or space-based antiballistic missile systems, and the effects of such systems on nuclear deterrence. • Bridge the gaps and contradictions in space law, so that it is compatible with International Humanitarian Law and other relevant legal frameworks in the case of conflict. • Establish procedures to encourage peaceful conflict resolution and international mediation in order to avoid military engagements in space. • Create mechanisms to ensure compliance to the conditions present in the treaty, and liability for those states that refuse to follow their obligations.

X. QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION MUST ANSWER (QARMAs)

1. What measures can be taken to stop the development of an arms race in outer space? What mechanisms can be used to include all nations - regardless of whether they are capable of reaching space - and encourage cooperation? 2. Should new treaties and agreements be drafted, or can the existing framework be expanded and updated? 3. Which technologies should be restricted to ensure the peaceful uses of outer space? How can we stop both present and future spacefaring nations from developing them? 4. How can the UN restrict non-peaceful uses of space without affecting commercial activities and information gathering? 5. Should defensive anti-missile systems be considered illegal? How can a clear distinction between what is defensive and offensive space weaponry be established?

XI. CONFERENCE PREPARATION

A. RESEARCH

The success of your experience in RAIMUN will depend heavily on how much preparation you put in before the conference actually begins. Although research may not seem like the most fun or exciting activity leading up to a conference, if you put in the necessary effort, it will definitely pay off during the conference. You will be more knowledgeable, more prepared, and more confident to deal with whatever comes your way. As you do your research, you may want to keep a page of notes on key facts, figures, policies and other important information. Bring a copy of your notes to the conference in order to use them as a reference (bear in mind that electronic devices are not allowed during committee sessions).

B. POSITION PAPERS

A Position Paper is a policy statement in which delegates analyze and present their country’s view on the issue being discussed, also focusing on past national and international actions in order to propose innovative but viable solutions. Your position paper should always include a heading with the title (“Position Paper”), your delegation (the country you are representing), your committee (full name), the topic you are discussing (as stated in your study guide), your full name and the name of your school. Additionally, a standard position paper is comprised of three paragraphs: • Your first paragraph should include a brief introduction to the topic, always

connecting the issue to your country. Try to include statistics, data and catchy phrases that may apply. Always bear in mind that you should be focusing on answering the question “Why is the issue relevant to my country?” and explain your country’s situation and policy in relation to the issue. • Your second paragraph should include a brief summary of past UN action related to the issue being discussed, always expressing the opinion of your country in relation to the measures that you are mentioning. Try to focus on which specific actions have had an impact on your country, and explain how you believe that these measures can be improved. • Your third paragraph should focus on proposing solutions, always according to your country’s policy. Try to be creative and propose original ideas that will help other delegates (and your dais) to remember your contribution to the debate. Finally, do not forget to write a strong closing sentence.

Each delegation is responsible for submitting a Position Paper to [email protected] by August 31st. The general format of Position Papers is one page long, single-spaced, with size 11 Times New Roman font. Please make sure to cite every source that you use in your Position Paper.

C. RULES OF PROCEDURE

The Rules of Procedure will guide a delegate’s participation throughout the debate. They contain the rules governing the debate, speeches, points and documents, as well as the rules governing the vote. The Rules of Procedure may be found on our webpage: www.mun.raimondi.edu.pe. Nevertheless, delegates shall bear in mind that the Secretariat and the Committee Directors may provide variations to these rules.

D. WRITING RESOLUTIONS

The purpose of the debate, as stated in our philosophy, is to encourage you to develop comprehensive and pragmatic solutions to the topic being discussed. These solutions should be embodied in a document called a resolution. The process of drafting a resolution consists of two main written stages: the Working Paper and the Draft Resolution. Working Papers are a point of reference for discussion in committee that contain concrete ideas on the topic under discussion. They do not require a specific format. In contrast, Draft Resolutions are a formal document in which the committee determines the actions to be taken in order to solve the problems under discussion. They have a specific format and must include a certain number of signatories (this will be defined by the dais at the start of the debate).

XII. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bowcott, Owen (2013) Outer space demilitarisation agreement threatened by new technologies. The Guardian. London. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/science/2013/sep/11/outer-space-demilitarisation-weapons- technologies

Combined Air Operations Centre (2008) Disharmony in the Spheres. The Economist. The Economist Ltd. London. Retrieved from: https://www.economist.com/briefing/2008/01/17/disharmony-in-the-spheres

Editorial Board (2018) Trump in Space. . New York. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/27/opinion/trump-space-force-military.html

Kbonn (2015) How-to Model UN Research: GA First Committee – DISEC. Best Delegate. Retrieved from: http://bestdelegate.com/how-to-model-un-research-ga-first-committee- disec/

Kilibarda, Pavle (2016) Space law revisited (1/3): “The notion of ‘peaceful uses’ and the Outer Space Treaty. Humanitarian Law & Policy. . Retrieved from: http://blogs.icrc.org/law-and-policy/2016/11/07/space-law-peaceful-uses/

Kremlin (2018) Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly. Moscow. Retrieved from: http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/56957

Nicholson, Brendan (2007) World fury at satellite destruction. The Age. Melbourne. Retrieved from: https://www.theage.com.au/national/world-fury-at-satellite-destruction- 20070120-ge416d.html

Shainin, Jonathan (2006) Rods from God. New York Times Magazine. New York. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/10/magazine/10section3a.t-9.html

Stephens, Dale & Steer, Cassandra (2016) Conflicts in Space: International Humanitarian Law and its Application to Space Warfare. Annals of Air Space and Law. University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia. Retrieved from: https://www.law.upenn.edu/live/files/7859- conflicts-in-space-stephens-steerjan-2016pdf

United Nations General Asembly (2018) Disarmament and International Security (First Committee). United Nations Website. Retrieved from: http://www.un.org/en/ga/first/

United Nations Office of Outer Space Affairs (2018) 2222 (XXI) Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies. Retrieved from: http://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/ourwork/spacelaw/treaties/outerspacetreaty.html

United Nations Office of Outer Space Affairs (2018) COPUOS History. Retrieved from: http://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/ourwork/copuos/history.html

United Nations Office of Outer Space Affairs (2018) Treaties. Retrieved from: http://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/aboutus/history/treaties.html

United Nations Office of Outer Space Affairs (2018) UNISPACE Conferences. Retrieved from: http://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/aboutus/history/unispace.html

Ware, Alyn (2018) Weaponization of Space. Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. Retrieved from: http://www.nuclearfiles.org/menu/key-issues/space-weapons/basics/introduction- weaponization-space.htm

Watson, Rob (2007) China test sparks space arms fears. BBC News. Retrieved from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/6278867.stm

Zissis, Carin (2007) China’s Anti-Satellite Test. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved from: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/chinas-anti-satellite-test

XIII. DISCLAIMER

This background guide has been created by its authors for Promotora Internacional de Debate (PRIDE Perú) and meant to be used exclusively for Raimondi Model United Nations (RAIMUN) 2018. The authors of this background guide claim no copyright or any kind of intellectual property or legal right for the content of this document. However, this document may not be distributed or reproduced without the express written consent of its authors, unless used exclusively for educational purposes.