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Política Y Conflicto Armado: Cambios Y Crisis Del Régimen Político En Guatemala (1954-1982)
POLÍTICA Y CONFLICTO ARMADO: CAMBIOS Y CRISIS DEL RÉGIMEN POLÍTICO EN GUATEMALA (1954-1982) VÍCTOR GÁLVEZ BORRELL POLÍTICA Y CONFLICTO ARMADO: CAMBIOS Y CRISIS DEL RÉGIMEN POLÍTICO EN GUATEMALA (1954-1982) GUATEMALA, OCTUBRE 2008 972.81052 G35p 2008 Gálvez Borrell, Víctor Política y confl icto armado : Cambios y crisis del régimen político en Guatemala (1954-1982) Guatemala, Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 2008. 183 p. : 22 cm. cuadros. ISBN : 9939-72 1.- Guatemala-Historia-1954-1982.-- 2.- Democracia.-- 3.- Política.-- 4.- Partidos políticos.-- 5.- Confl icto armado.-- 6.- Proceso electoral.-- 7.- Fraude electoral.-- 8.- Fuerzas armadas.-- 9.- Elecciones.-- 10.- Presidentes (Guatemala).-- 11.- Golpes de Estado. ©Víctor Gálvez Borrell © De esta edición: Postgrado Centroamericano de Ciencias Sociales de FLACSO. Diseño de portada: Hugo Leonel de León Pérez. Dibujo original de portada: Arnoldo Ramírez Amaya. Título “La guerra”, de la serie Los cuatro jinetes del apocalipsis. Este libro se publica gracias al apoyo de la Agencia Sueca para el Desarrollo Internacional Los criterios expresados en esta obra son de la exclusiva responsabilidad de su autor. ISBN: 978-99939-72-69-3 Editorial de Ciencias Sociales 3a. calle 4-44 zona 10, ciudad de Guatemala PBX: 24147444 Víctor Gálvez Borrell ÍNDICE PRESENTACIÓN 11 INTRODUCCIÓN 15 I. LA LARGA MARCHA POR LA DEMOCRACIA REPRESENTATIVA EN GUATEMALA 25 El modelo desviado del “liberalismo criollo” y los problemas de la democracia 26 II. LA “DEMOCRACIA LIMITADA”: 1954-1982 LA CRISIS DE 1954 Y LA POSICIÓN DEL -
Read Book Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : from Napoleon to The
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MODERN DICTATORS : FROM NAPOLEON TO THE PRESENT PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Frank J. Coppa | 344 pages | 04 Apr 2006 | Peter Lang Publishing Inc | 9780820450100 | English | New York, United States Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present PDF Book Chiang now continued to reunify China. As Supreme Leader , held ultimate and uncontested authority over all government matters under the principle of Guardianship. Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Invasion of Belgium. Hold false elections. Abacha Sani Article Contents. More than , people were arrested only during the first three years. Created the extra-constitutional Special Clerical Court system in , accountable only to the Supreme Leader and used principally for suppression of political dissent. Kenneth Sani Abacha. In terms of territory, Metternich gladly relinquished claims to the old Austrian Netherlands and the various Habsburg possessions in Germany for a consolidated monarchy at the centre of Europe. Opposition groups have been outlawed particularly Islamic ones , human rights activists have been thrown in prison and hundreds of protester killed during crackdowns. Translated by de Bellaigue, Sheila; Bridge, Roy. Europe Since An Encyclopedia. Chairman of the Council of State ; President of Chad He succeeded until , when in a violent coup, he expelled the communists from the KMT and quashed the Chinese labor unions they had created. Volume 3. Volume II: E - L. Jailed Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola , the presumed winner of the annulled presidential election; presided over execution of activist Ken Saro-Wiwa. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present Writer Zhang Jinghui was similarly handed over to China in , dying in prison in , while Demchugdongrub fled to Mongolia before being handed to the Chinese and released 13 years later. -
La Censura Impuesta a La Prensa Escrita Durante El Gobierno
1 UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA ESCUELA DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN “LA CENSURA IMPUESTA A LA PRENSA ESCRITA DURANTE EL GOBIERNO DEL ING. JORGE ANTONIO SERRANO ELÍAS” ILIANA MIRELLA MÉRIDA BARRIOS GUATEMALA, OCTUBRE DE 2004 2 UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA ESCUELA DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN TRABAJO DE TESIS “LA CENSURA IMPUESTA A LA PRENSA ESCRITA DURANTE EL GOBIERNO DEL ING. JORGE ANTONIO SERRANO ELÍAS” PRESENTADO POR: ILIANA MIRELLA MÉRIDA BARRIOS PREVIO A OPTAR EL TITULO DE LICENCIADA EN CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN ASESORA MA. ARACELLY MÉRIDA GUATEMALA, OCTUBRE DE 2004 3 RESUMEN UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA ESCUELA DE CIENCIAS DE LA COMUNICACIÓN INVESTIGADORA: ILIANA MIRELLA MÉRIDA BARRIOS TÍTULO: “LA CENSURA IMPUESTA A LA PRENSA ESCRITA DURANTE EL GOBIERNO DEL ING. JORGE ANTONIO SERRANO ELÍAS. PLANTEAMIENTO DEL PROBLEMA: ¿ Hubo o no censura a la prensa escrita durante el gobierno del Ing. Jorge Serrano Elías? TÉCNICA E INSTRUMENTO: La recopilación bibliográfica de libros: tesis, entrevistas, encuestas y análisis descriptivo del contenido de los periódicos de Prensa Libre, Siglo Veintiuno y la Hora tomando como base los adjetivos calificativos. PROCEDIMIENTO PARA OBTENER INFORMACIÓN: Para llegar a lograr los objetivos que se trazaron en la investigación, fue necesario el análisis descriptivo de los periódicos de: Prensa Libre, Siglo Veintiuno, y la Hora en el que se limitó a investigar sobre las opiniones de editoriales y artículos en cuanto a la crítica del gobierno de Jorge Antonio Serrano Elías y Censura a la Prensa, con el estudio del Adjetivo calificativo, que determina una cualidad en el sustantivo, en este caso se estableció sí fue favorable o desfavorable la opinión de los artículos y editoriales hacía el gobierno en el mes de mayo de 1993. -
Biografía Política Guatemala
BIOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA de Francisco Villagrán Kramer GUATEMALA / Francisco Villagrán Kramer BIOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA de GUATEMALA -los pactos políticos de 1944 a 1970- .', , . ~ ,'.. (" :," ~-; ~ : : ",:' ..1, ,. _ l 3L~ ~ Z? ,)..:+ \, 'a ,~Dt:5 V712 Villagrán Kramer, Francisco Biografía política de Guatemala: los pactos políticos de 1944 a 1970. 2da. edición Guatemala: FLACsq, 1993. S04p. 1. Políticos - Guatemala. 2. Historia Guatemala. 3. Análisis histórico. Publicación de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, FLACSO, programa Guatemala.. Diseño 'de portada: Rossina Cazali Grabado: Juan Antonio Franco Los criterios expresadosen esta obra son de la exclusiva responsa bilidad de su autor.. Este libro se publica gracias a la colaboración de Swedich Ageney for Research Co-operation wíth developing countries (SAREC). Impreso en Impresos Industriales, 1994 3a. calle 3-17, zona 9, Guatemala, C. A. Teléfonos: 316624 - 314369 FAX: 316328 ÍNDICE PRIMERA PARTE Presentación XIII Nota liminar XVII Capítulo I 1 La Revolución de Octubre de 1944 I Preludio revolucionario 1 11 Capitulación del Partido Liberal Progresista 11 111 La Junta Revolucionaria y los principios de la revolución 15 IV La Constituyente de 1945 y el acuerdo político con el ejército 25 Capítulo n 45 El primer gobierno de la revolución y el pacto del barranco I El programa inicial 46 11 El pacto del barranco 49 III Proyección institucional de la revolución 53 IV Proceso electoral prematuro y politización del ejér cito 63 V Asesinato del jefe de las fuerzas armadas 68 VI Epílogo 80 Capitulo m 87 El gobierno de Jacobo Arbenz, los pactos de caballeros y su renuncia Introducción 87 I El espectro de la confrontación política e ídeoló gica 91 11 El "pacto de caballeros" y el compromiso de unificación 103 11I La "operación exito" y el segundo "pacto de caba 113 lleros" IV Concertación en el exterior 116 V El frente interno. -
I Implementation of the Peace Accords in Guatemala 1990-The Present
Implementation of the Peace Accords in Guatemala 1990-the Present: Relationships of Cooperation, Complementarity, and Competition between the Government and NGOs By Nicole Kleiman-Moran Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the College of Literature, Science, & Arts at the University of Michigan in partial fulfillment for the requirement for the degree of Bachelor of Arts (International Studies with Honors) 2016 Thesis Committee: Professor Sueann Caulfield Doctor Anthony Marcum I Abstract Title of Thesis: Implementation of the Peace Accords in Guatemala 1990-the Present: Relationships of Cooperation, Complementarity, and Competition between the Government and NGOs Nicole L. Kleiman-Moran, Bachelor of Arts, 2016 Thesis directed by: Sueann Caulfield and Anthony Marcum The 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords attempted to address the major issues and grievances remaining from a 36 year long civil war that had ravaged the country. Peace Accord implementation requires work both from a government and NGOs. Using the relationship typology developed by Adil Najam and Jennifer Costen, this study finds that the Guatemalan government formed three distinct types of relationships (cooperation, complementarity, and competition) with the NGOs depending on the persistent post conflict issue. The Guatemalan Government assumed a relationship of cooperation with the NGOs on human rights and memorialization issues. The two entities assumed a relationship of complementarity on refugees and on indigenous rights. Finally, the entities assumed a relationship of competition on justice issues. Applying political survival theory, developed by James Morrow, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Randolph Siverson and Alastair Smith, onto the relationship types utilized in post conflict Guatemala, I argue that these relationships developed as a result of the political survival motivation by the Government who formed these relationships to retain its power in post-conflict Guatemala. -
Guatemala's Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, And
Guatemala’s Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, and the Reconfiguration of Power Ashley Kistler, PhD Assistant Professor Department of Anthropology Rollins College Winter Park, FL 32789 [email protected] In early 2013, a Guatemalan court tried ex-president, General Efraín Ríos Montt, for genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the country’s 36-year civil war. The conviction of the former dictator in May 2013 offered Guatemalans only a fleeting glimpse of justice, as the country’s highest court reversed his conviction a mere ten days later. Though Ríos Montt’s presidency ended thirty years ago, it alienated many Maya communities from their history and indigenous identities. This paper argues that Maya communities use cultural resurgence movements to empower themselves against political oppression and confront political obstacles. Today, the Maya resurgence movement helps some Maya to strive to recapture practices lost during the civil war and to connect to their indigenous past. By seeking to connect with their history, the Maya resurgence movement affords some members of Guatemala’s Maya community to redefine themselves in the 21st century. For some, participation in the Maya resurgence movement serves as one of the only available means of empowerment in the country’s increasingly oppressive social hierarchy. The reversal of ex- President Ríos Montt’s conviction, however, presented the Maya with yet another obstacle in their longstanding fight for equality. While many political and social factors continue to block the success of the Maya resurgence movement nationally, this paper examines how involvement in local activist projects helps the Maya to rewrite their history and redefine their indigenous identity 1 following more than 500 years of oppression. -
CAPITULO III Dictadura Militar, Partidos Políticos Y Luchas Revolucionarias
Temas de nuestra américa ISSN 0259-2339 CAPITULO III Dictadura militar, partidos políticos y luchas revolucionarias En 1954 fracasó la Revolución El indiscutible avance capitalis- Democrático-burguesa en Guate- ta, junto al debilitamiento de las mala. A partir de esa fecha reapa- clases dominantes vinculadas al recieron con toda su intensidad los negocio cafetalero, impidieron a rasgos autoritarios y represivos que Castillo Armas completar sus pla- habían caracterizado al Estado oli- nes de restauración oligárquica. gárquico hasta la caída de Ubico; La imposibilidad de reconstruir las aunque ahora esa política se repe- viejas estructuras de dominación tía en un contexto histórico-so- condujo a la formación de un he- cial diferente. La Revolución de terogéneo bloque de poder integra- 1944-1954 dejó como saldo una do por los herederos de los antiguos Guatemala mucho más moder- sectores hegemónicos agrario-expor- na, en la que definitivamente se tadores y los grupos burgueses emer- habían impuesto las relaciones gentes, constituidos por industriales y de tipo burgués, aún cuando financieros, asociados al capital mono- persistieran importantes ves- polista norteamericano. tigios semifeudales y una inmensa masa indígena El denominador común de esa alianza fue marginada como expo- un inusual y distorsionado crecimiento nente del patético atra- económico, acompañado de nuevas entre- so económico y social gas de los recursos naturales —níquel y pe- del país. tróleo, por ejemplo— al imperialismo y de la sobreexplotación del campesinado y la clase obrera. La coronación de este bloque de poder se efectuó en 1957 con la fundación de una vigorosa federación patronal —el Comité Coordinador de Asociaciones Agrícolas, Comerciales y Financieras Número extraordinario 2013 61 Temas de nuestra américa Número Extraordinario 2013 ISSN 0259-2339 (CACIF)— que desde entonces ex- mejor el papel punitivo del ejército presa mejor que los propios partidos dentro de un esquema político to- burgueses las inquietudes e intereses davía más restringido —plasmado de las clases dominantes. -
OPTICS and the CULTURE of MODERNITY in GUATEMALA CITY SINCE the LIBERAL REFORMS a Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate St
OPTICS AND THE CULTURE OF MODERNITY IN GUATEMALA CITY SINCE THE LIBERAL REFORMS A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By MICHAEL D. KIRKPATRICK © Michael D. Kirkpatrick, September 2013. All rights reserved. Permission to Use In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the department Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copy or publication use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any use which may be made of any material in my thesis. i ABSTRACT In the years after the Liberal Reforms of the 1870s, the capitalization of coffee production and buttressing of coercive labour regimes in rural Guatemala brought huge amounts of surplus capital to Guatemala City. Individual families—either invested in land or export houses—and the state used this newfound wealth to transform and beautify the capital, effectively inaugurating the modern era in the last decades of the nineteenth century. -
DICTADOR O TIRANO General Jorge Ubico Castañeda: Dictator Or Tyrant
LA FIGURA DEL GENERAL JORGE UBICO CASTAÑEDA: DICTADOR O TIRANO General Jorge Ubico Castañeda: Dictator or Tyrant Carolina Chacón Córdova1 Resumen A lo largo de la historia política de Guatemala han surgido distintas figuras políticas dictatoriales, entre la que destaca la figura del General Jorge Ubico Castañeda. Es importante analizar su gobierno y sus intenciones desde la perspectiva de la época que gobernó y no desde una óptica actual. Esto nos servirá para poder dilucidar si gobierno fue una dictadura o una tiranía. Palabras claves Jorge Ubico Castañeda, historia de Guatemala, dictador, tirano. Abstract In the course of Guatemalan political history there have been many dictatorial governments, among which General Jorge Ubico Castañeda is a prominent figure. It is important to analyze his government and intentions from the perspective of the period of time he govern and not from current times. This will help to establish if his government was a dictatorship or tyranny. Key Words Jorge Ubico Castañeda, Guatemalan history, dictator, tyrant. Sumario: 1. Introducción 2. La situación económica al momento de asumir la presidencia 3. Su imagen social y la resolución de conflictos. 1. Introducción 1 Licenciada en Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales, Abogada y Notaria. Coordinadora de Investigación en la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad del Istmo. Correo electrónico: [email protected] Auctoritas prudentium 1 En la actualidad donde la mayoría de los países del mundo le apuestan a la democracia como el mejor de los sistemas de gobierno existentes, es desaprobada la idea de una dictadura por considerarla un sistema totalmente retrógrado, ya no apto para pleno siglo XXI. -
Mayan Q'eqchi' Voices on the Guatemalan National Reparations
The International Journal of Transitional Justice, Vol. 4, 2010, 4–25, doi: 10.1093/ijtj//ijp024 Advance Access publication: 9 December 2009 Life Is Priceless: Mayan Q’eqchi’ Voices on the Guatemalan National Reparations Program Lieselotte Viaene∗ Abstract1 Little in-depth research has been conducted on or attention paid to the experience and opinions of survivors regarding issues such as reparation, justice, reconciliation and truth in dealing with the aftermath of atrocities. Less still has been said of the way in which vic- tims’ identities impact on these views or are considered in the design of programs aimed at redress for past violations. This article focuses on Guatemala’s National Reparations Pro- gram (PNR) as critically viewed by Mayan Q’eqchi’ victims. The Q’eqchi’ are the second- largest Mayan group in the country and among the most severely affected by the internal armed conflict of 1960 to 1996. In Guatemala, the dominant culture is nonindigenous, al- though the majority of the population is indigenous Maya. This raises the complex issue of the actual and potential role of cultural context in dealing with grave human rights violations. In this regard, it is pertinent to establish how reparation is understood in differ- ent cultural contexts and to question how governmental reparations programs take these contexts into account. The results of extensive ethnographic field research conducted be- tween 2006 and 2009 reveal the need for a locally rooted and culturally sensitive PNR. Introduction We want the president to listen to us, that our words may reach him, that he may know what happened. -
Truth Commissions and Reparations: a Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Honors Theses (PPE) Philosophy, Politics and Economics 5-2021 Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Anthony Chen Student Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Political History Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Chen, Anthony, "Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru" (2021). Honors Theses (PPE). Paper 43. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors/43 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Abstract This paper seeks to gauge the effectiveness of truth commissions and their links to creating material reparations programs through two central questions. First, are truth commissions an effective way to achieve justice after periods of conflict marked by mass or systemic human rights abuses by the government or guerilla groups? Second, do truth commissions provide a pathway to material reparations programs for victims of these abuses? It will outline the conceptual basis behind truth commissions, material reparations, and transitional justice. It will then engage in case studies and a comparative analysis of truth commissions and material reparations programs in four countries: Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Peru. -
The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala Wola a Wola Report on the Cicig Experience
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA WOLA A WOLA REPORT ON THE CICIG EXPERIENCE THE CICIG: AN INNOVATIVE INSTRUMENT FOR FIGHTING CRIMINAL REPORT ORGANIZATIONS AND STRENGTHENING THE RULE OF LAW 6/2015 THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON LATIN AMERICA KEY FINDINGS: FORCES THAT OPERATED DURING THE 1960-1996 ARMED CONFLICT. The Guatemalan state did not dismantle these counterinsurgency forces after the 1996 peace accords, allowing for their evolution into organized crime and organized corruption. These transformed entities co-opted state institutions to operate with impunity and achieve their illicit goals. They continue to threaten Guatemalan governability and rule of law. UNIQUE TO GUATEMALA. These parallel structures of repression have morphed into organized crime groups in many countries that have endured armed conflicts. LA COMISIÓN INTERNACIONAL CONTRA LA IMPUNIDAD EN GUATEMALA, CICIG) IS A UNIQUE MODEL OF COOPERATION FOR In contrast to other international mechanisms, the CICIG is an independent investigative entity that operates under Guatemalan law and works alongside the Guatemalan justice system. As a result, it works hand in hand with the country’s judiciary and security institutions, building their capacities in the process. The CICIG has passed and implemented important legislative reforms; provided fundamental tools for the investigation and prosecution of organized crime that the country had previously lacked; and removed public officials that had been colluding