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How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China?
How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? By Moteki Hiromichi Society for the Dissemination of Historical Facts © 1 Introduction In the so-called "apology issue," which concerns Japan's conduct in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, there exists two opposing points of view: "I guess the only thing we can do is to keep on apologizing until China tells us, 'The problems between us may not be settled, but for now you have sufficiently apologized.'" -Murakami Haruki1 "A grateful China should also pay respect to Yasukuni Shrine." -Ko Bunyu2 Mr. Murakami's opinion is based on the belief that Japan waged an aggressive war against China, a belief shared by many Japanese even if they don't know the reason why. This belief holds that the Japanese should be completely repentant over that act of aggression for the sake of clearing our own conscience. There are two major problems with this point of view. First of all, it rests on the conventional wisdom that Japan was guilty of aggression towards China. Many people will perhaps respond to that by saying something like, "What are you talking about? The Japanese Army invaded continental China and waged war there. Surely that constitutes a war of aggression." However, let's imagine the following scenario. What if the Japan Self-Defense Forces launched an unprovoked attack on American military units, which are stationed in Japan in accordance with the provisions of the US-Japan Security Treaty, and a war broke out on Japanese territory? Because the fighting would be taking place in Japan, does that mean that, in this scenario, the US Army is undeniably the aggressor? No matter how distasteful a person might find the US military presence to be, under international law, Japan would be deemed the aggressor here. -
MPHATSO MOSES KAUFULU (Bsoc.Sc., UNIMA; Bsoc.Sc
USING A DYNAMIC STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO ATTEMPT TO DEVELOP A THEORETICAL SOCIOLOGY OF MALAWI BY MPHATSO MOSES KAUFULU (BSoc.Sc., UNIMA; BSoc.Sc. Hons., UKZN) A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SOCIAL SCIENCE BY FULL DISSERTATION IN SOCIOLOGY IN THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE OF THE COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL, PMB 2013 Declaration I, Mphatso Moses Kaufulu, declare that 1. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research. 2. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. 4. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. Their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced b. Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed in italics and inside quotation marks, and referenced. 5. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections. _______________________________ _______________________________ Name of Candidate Name of Supervisor _______________________________ _______________________________ Signature Signature _______________________________ _______________________________ Date Date i Dedication To my late father and mother, Dr and Mrs Kaufulu. To my sister, Mrs Chisomo Kaufulu-Kumwenda, and her newly born son Jedidiah Joshua (JJ). -
Guatemala's Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, And
Guatemala’s Maya Resurgence Movement: History, Memory, and the Reconfiguration of Power Ashley Kistler, PhD Assistant Professor Department of Anthropology Rollins College Winter Park, FL 32789 [email protected] In early 2013, a Guatemalan court tried ex-president, General Efraín Ríos Montt, for genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the country’s 36-year civil war. The conviction of the former dictator in May 2013 offered Guatemalans only a fleeting glimpse of justice, as the country’s highest court reversed his conviction a mere ten days later. Though Ríos Montt’s presidency ended thirty years ago, it alienated many Maya communities from their history and indigenous identities. This paper argues that Maya communities use cultural resurgence movements to empower themselves against political oppression and confront political obstacles. Today, the Maya resurgence movement helps some Maya to strive to recapture practices lost during the civil war and to connect to their indigenous past. By seeking to connect with their history, the Maya resurgence movement affords some members of Guatemala’s Maya community to redefine themselves in the 21st century. For some, participation in the Maya resurgence movement serves as one of the only available means of empowerment in the country’s increasingly oppressive social hierarchy. The reversal of ex- President Ríos Montt’s conviction, however, presented the Maya with yet another obstacle in their longstanding fight for equality. While many political and social factors continue to block the success of the Maya resurgence movement nationally, this paper examines how involvement in local activist projects helps the Maya to rewrite their history and redefine their indigenous identity 1 following more than 500 years of oppression. -
Annual Report 1964-65
1964-65 Content Jan 01, 1964 CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. India's Policy of Non-alignment 1-6 II. United Nations and International Conferences 7-19 III. Disarmament 20-23 IV. India's Neighbours 24-42 V. States in Special Treaty Relations with India 43-46 VI. South East Asia 47-51 VII. East Asia 52-55 VIII. West Asia and North Africa 66-57 IX. Africa south of the Sahara 58-60 X. Eastern and Western Europe 61-73 XI. The Americas 74-78 XII. External Publicity 79-83 XIII. Technical and Economic Co-operation 84-87 XIV. Consular and Passport Services 88-95 XV. Organisation and Administration 96-104 (i) (ii) PAGE Appendix I. Declaration of Conference of Non-aligned Countries 105-122 Appendix II. International Organisations of which India is a member 123-126 Appendix III. Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Final Com- munique, July 1994 127-134 Appendix IV. Indo-Ceylon Agreement 135-136 Appendix V. Distinguished visitors from abroad 137-141 Appendix VI. Visits of Indian Dignitaries to foreign countries 142-143 Appendix VII. Soviet-Indian Joint Communique 144-147 Appendix VIII. Technical Co-operation 148-150 Appendix IX. Economic Collaboration 151-152 Appendix X. Foreign Diplomatic Missions in India 153-154 Appendix XI. Foreign Consular Offices in India 155-157 Appendix XII. Indian Missions Abroad 158-164 INDIA Jan 01, 1964 INDIA'S POLICY OF NON-ALIGNMENT CHAPTER I INDIA'S POLICY OF NON-ALIGNMENT India, ever since her independence, has consistently followed in her foreign relations a policy of non-alignment with the opposing power blocs. -
Thomas David Dubois
East Asian History NUMBER 36 . DECEMBER 2008 Institute of Advanced Studies The Australian National University ii Editor Benjamin Penny Editorial Assistants Lindy Shultz and Dane Alston Editorial Board B0rge Bakken John Clark Helen Dunstan Louise Edwards Mark Elvin Colin Jeffcott Li Tana Kam Louie Lewis Mayo Gavan McCormack David Marr Tessa Morris-Suzuki Kenneth Wells Design and Production Oanh Collins and Lindy Shultz Printed by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT This is the thilty-sixth issue of East Asian History, printed in July 2010. It continues the series previously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. This externally refereed journal is published twice per year. Contributions to The Editor, East Asian Hist01Y College of Asia and the Pacific The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Phone +61 2 6125 2346 Fax +61 2 6125 5525 Email [email protected] Website http://rspas.anu.edu.au/eah/ ISSN 1036-D008 iii CONTENTS 1 Editor's note Benjamin Penny 3 Manchukuo's Filial Sons: States, Sects and the Adaptation of Graveside Piety Thomas David DuBois 29 New Symbolism and Retail Therapy: Advertising Novelties in Korea's Colonial Period Roald Maliangkay 55 Landscape's Mediation Between History and Memory: A Revisualization of Japan's (War-Time) Past julia Adeney Thomas 73 The Big Red Dragon and Indigenizations of Christianity in China Emily Dunn Cover calligraphy Yan Zhenqing ��g�p, Tang calligrapher and statesman Cover image 0 Chi-ho ?ZmJ, South-Facing House (Minamimuki no ie F¥iIoJO)�O, 1939. Oil on canvas, 79 x 64 cm. Collection of the National Museum of Modern Art, Korea MANCHUKUO'S FILIAL SONS: STATES, SECTS AND THE ADAPTATION OF GRAVESIDE PIETY � ThomasDavid DuBois On October 23, 1938, Li Zhongsan *9='=, known better as Filial Son Li This paper was presented at the Research (Li Xiaozi *$':r), emerged from the hut in which he had lived fo r three Seminar Series at Hong Kong University, 4 October, 2007 and again at the <'Religious years while keeping watch over his mother's grave. -
DICTADOR O TIRANO General Jorge Ubico Castañeda: Dictator Or Tyrant
LA FIGURA DEL GENERAL JORGE UBICO CASTAÑEDA: DICTADOR O TIRANO General Jorge Ubico Castañeda: Dictator or Tyrant Carolina Chacón Córdova1 Resumen A lo largo de la historia política de Guatemala han surgido distintas figuras políticas dictatoriales, entre la que destaca la figura del General Jorge Ubico Castañeda. Es importante analizar su gobierno y sus intenciones desde la perspectiva de la época que gobernó y no desde una óptica actual. Esto nos servirá para poder dilucidar si gobierno fue una dictadura o una tiranía. Palabras claves Jorge Ubico Castañeda, historia de Guatemala, dictador, tirano. Abstract In the course of Guatemalan political history there have been many dictatorial governments, among which General Jorge Ubico Castañeda is a prominent figure. It is important to analyze his government and intentions from the perspective of the period of time he govern and not from current times. This will help to establish if his government was a dictatorship or tyranny. Key Words Jorge Ubico Castañeda, Guatemalan history, dictator, tyrant. Sumario: 1. Introducción 2. La situación económica al momento de asumir la presidencia 3. Su imagen social y la resolución de conflictos. 1. Introducción 1 Licenciada en Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales, Abogada y Notaria. Coordinadora de Investigación en la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad del Istmo. Correo electrónico: [email protected] Auctoritas prudentium 1 En la actualidad donde la mayoría de los países del mundo le apuestan a la democracia como el mejor de los sistemas de gobierno existentes, es desaprobada la idea de una dictadura por considerarla un sistema totalmente retrógrado, ya no apto para pleno siglo XXI. -
The "Tar Baby" Option: American Policy Toward Southern Rhodesia
The "tar baby" option: American policy toward Southern Rhodesia http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp2b20030 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The "tar baby" option: American policy toward Southern Rhodesia Author/Creator Lake, Anthony Publisher Columbia University Press (New York) Date 1976 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, United States Coverage (temporal) 1965 - 1974 Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 968.9104 L192t Rights By kind permission of Anthony Lake and Columbia University Press. Description This study of U.S. policy toward white Rhodesia, based on extensive interviews with U.S. -
The Manchurian Incident
Part 1 - The Manchurian Incident Chronology 1911 October 10 - Xinhai Revolution 1922 February 6 - Nine-Powers Treaty (Washington Naval Conference) 1931 September 18 - Manchurian Incident 1932 March 1 - Manchukuo is founded September 4 - Lytton Report is released 1933 March 27 - Japan withdraws from the League of Nations (effective 1935 March 27) May 31 - Tanggu Truce 1935 June 10 - He-Umezu Agreement 1936 December 12 - Xian Incident 1937 July 7 - Marco Polo Bridge Incident July 11 - Local ceasefire agreement July 29 - Tongzhou Massacre August 9 - Murder of Sublieutenant Oyama August 13 - Battle of Shanghai August 15 - Chiang Kai-shek issues general mobilization order August 21 - Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact October 2 - Landing of Japan's 10th Army at Hangzhou Bay leads to the collapse of the Chinese Army in Shanghai November 5 - Japan makes peace offer through German Ambassador to China Oskar Trautmann December 1 - Order to capture Nanking is issued December 13 - Fall of Nanking, the Japanese Army enters Nanking December 22 - Japan reissues its peace terms through Trautmann 1938 January 16 - First Konoe Statement cuts ties with Chiang Kai- shek's regime November 3 - Second Konoe Statement declares a new order in Asia December 22 - Third Konoe Statement enunciates the principles of friendly relations with neighbors, anti-communism, and economic cooperation 1940 March 30 - Establishment of the Republic of China in Nanking 1943 November 5-6 - Greater East Asia Conference is convened in Tokyo 1 How did 10,400 Japanese soldiers occupy Manchuria? On September 18, 1931, a line of the South Manchuria Railway at Liutiaogou, about eight kilometers north of the city of Mukden, was blown apart. -
Carlos Castillo Armas, the United States and the 1954 Counterrevolution in Guatemala
CARLOS CASTILLO ARMAS, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 1954 COUNTERREVOLUTION IN GUATEMALA Andres Alberto Tapia B.A., University of California, Davis, 2009 THESIS Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY at CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO FALL 2011 CARLOS CASTILLO ARMAS, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 1954 COUNTERREVOLUTION IN GUATEMALA A Thesis by Andres Alberto Tapia Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Joseph Palermo __________________________________, Second Reader Patrick Ettinger ____________________________ Date ii Student: Andres Alberto Tapia I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Mona Siegel Date Department of History iii Abstract of CARLOS CASTILLO ARMAS, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 1954 COUNTERREVOLUTION IN GUATEMALA by Andres Alberto Tapia Statement of Problem The 1954 overthrow of President Jacobo Arbenz Gúzman orchestrated by the United States has been approached by various points of view by different historians. While many aspects of the overthrow such as the involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency, the influence of the United Fruit Company, and the Guatemalan government’s relation to communism have all been covered, one crucial player in the overthrow, Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas, has not gained the same critical attention. Castillo Armas acted as the counterrevolutionary the CIA chose to lead the overthrow of Arbenz therefore understanding how he received the role and how he performed his task is important to understanding this historical moment. -
T K E S O U T H a F R I C a N I N S T I T U T E O F I N T E R N a T I O N a L a F F a I R S WE SJL JNSWUIL Or Ikk '. M^.;?.^
TKE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS WE SJL JNSWUIL Or iKk '. M^.;?.^ v,^,;t;c jNOT TO BE REMOVED U. D. I, IN RHODESIA PROFESSOR BEN COCKRAM SMUTS HOUSE UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND JOHANNESBURG November, 1965 U. D» I. IN RHODESIA £he text of an address given to the Natal Branch of the South African Institute of International Affairs at Natal University, Durban, by Professor 3. Cockram, Jan Smuts Professor of International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand, on the 30th November, 1965 THE BRITISH BACKGROUND 1. The Dichotomy of British Colonial Policy How is it that British policy towards Rhodesia has reached a point where less than 250,000 whites have been driven in despair to face a nation of 50,000,000, and when, as if these odds were not sufficient, Britain has invoked the backing of the 110 member states of the United Nations? The explanation lies, I believe, in a fundamental dichotomy which has characterised British colonial policy since the 18th century. It may be possible to go further back, but I have always traced it myself to the appointment in 1763 of two superintendents for the (Red) Indians, one north, one south of the Ohio River, and the drawing of a boundary line along the Appallachian Mountains, west of which no white settlements were to be permitted. Trade with the Indians was to be regulated, Indian lands were no longer to be exchanged for guns, firewater or trinkets, and the Indians were to be secure in their hunting grounds. British- troops were to remain in North'America to keep the peace between the colonists and the Indians. -
List of Delegations to the Seventieth Session of the General Assembly
UNITED NATIONS ST /SG/SER.C/L.624 _____________________________________________________________________________ Secretariat Distr.: Limited 18 December 2015 PROTOCOL AND LIAISON SERVICE LIST OF DELEGATIONS TO THE SEVENTIETH SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY I. MEMBER STATES Page Page Afghanistan......................................................................... 5 Chile ................................................................................. 47 Albania ............................................................................... 6 China ................................................................................ 49 Algeria ................................................................................ 7 Colombia .......................................................................... 50 Andorra ............................................................................... 8 Comoros ........................................................................... 51 Angola ................................................................................ 9 Congo ............................................................................... 52 Antigua and Barbuda ........................................................ 11 Costa Rica ........................................................................ 53 Argentina .......................................................................... 12 Côte d’Ivoire .................................................................... 54 Armenia ........................................................................... -
RS#09: Source 6 - Eisenhower Memoirs, 1963
Educational materials developed through the Baltimore County History Labs Program, a partnership between Baltimore County Public Schools and the UMBC Center for History Education. RS#09: Source 6 - Eisenhower Memoirs, 1963 In 1963, three years after the end of his presidency and nine years after the Guatemalan coup, President Dwight D. Eisenhower published his memoirs, A Mandate for Change. Eisenhower never acknowledged the CIA’s role in the coup or in Operation PBSUCCESS. The troubles had been long-standing, reaching back nine years to the Guatemalan revolution of 1944, which had resulted in the overthrow of the dictator General Jorge Ubico. Thereafter, the Communists busied themselves with agitating and with infiltrating labor unions, peasant organizations, and the press and radio. In 1950 a military officer, Jacob Arbenz, came to power and by his actions soon created the strong suspicion that he was merely a puppet manipulated by Communists. The American republics (other countries in Latin America) wanted no Communist regime within their midst. They recognized that subversion by Communism was only another form of aggression, even more evil than that achieved by naked military force. However, in unstable regions where revolutions and rioting were not uncommon, where some governments were being maintained by dictatorial means, where resentments against the United States were sometimes nurtured by groups other than Communist cells, it was difficult to differentiate positively between Communist influence and uncontrolled and politically rebellious groups. For example, on February 24, 1953, the Arbenz government announced its intention, under an agrarian reform law (land reform law), to seize about 225,000 acres of unused United Fruit Company land.