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Thomas David Dubois East Asian History NUMBER 36 . DECEMBER 2008 Institute of Advanced Studies The Australian National University ii Editor Benjamin Penny Editorial Assistants Lindy Shultz and Dane Alston Editorial Board B0rge Bakken John Clark Helen Dunstan Louise Edwards Mark Elvin Colin Jeffcott Li Tana Kam Louie Lewis Mayo Gavan McCormack David Marr Tessa Morris-Suzuki Kenneth Wells Design and Production Oanh Collins and Lindy Shultz Printed by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT This is the thilty-sixth issue of East Asian History, printed in July 2010. It continues the series previously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. This externally refereed journal is published twice per year. Contributions to The Editor, East Asian Hist01Y College of Asia and the Pacific The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Phone +61 2 6125 2346 Fax +61 2 6125 5525 Email [email protected] Website http://rspas.anu.edu.au/eah/ ISSN 1036-D008 iii CONTENTS 1 Editor's note Benjamin Penny 3 Manchukuo's Filial Sons: States, Sects and the Adaptation of Graveside Piety Thomas David DuBois 29 New Symbolism and Retail Therapy: Advertising Novelties in Korea's Colonial Period Roald Maliangkay 55 Landscape's Mediation Between History and Memory: A Revisualization of Japan's (War-Time) Past julia Adeney Thomas 73 The Big Red Dragon and Indigenizations of Christianity in China Emily Dunn Cover calligraphy Yan Zhenqing ��g�p, Tang calligrapher and statesman Cover image 0 Chi-ho ?ZmJ, South-Facing House (Minamimuki no ie F¥iIoJO)�O, 1939. Oil on canvas, 79 x 64 cm. Collection of the National Museum of Modern Art, Korea MANCHUKUO'S FILIAL SONS: STATES, SECTS AND THE ADAPTATION OF GRAVESIDE PIETY � ThomasDavid DuBois On October 23, 1938, Li Zhongsan *9='=, known better as Filial Son Li This paper was presented at the Research (Li Xiaozi *$':r), emerged from the hut in which he had lived fo r three Seminar Series at Hong Kong University, 4 October, 2007 and again at the <'Religious years while keeping watch over his mother's grave. During his vigil-a Innovation in East Asia" conference at The custom called shou mu ��-the grave in rural Jiutai tL i:1 county of cen­ Australian ational University, 29 November, tral Jilin a;ff province had become known as a "filialtomb" (xiaozifen $': 2007. I am deeply grateful to the organizers rJY:), one of a handful that sprouted up in the heartland of the Japanese­ of both events for their hospitality. I have benefited from the kind advice and assist­ sponsored state of Manchukuo Each day, hundreds of pilgrims mm'i g). ance of many friends and colleagues, and from throughout Manchuria visited the tomb to pray, burn incense, and particularly thank Cheng Shuwei, Zhang take back handfuls of earth for its reputed spiritual power. When Li did Yang and Yu Qun of the Northeast Teachers' end his prescribed period of mourning, the occasion was marked by a University in Changchun, Zhang Jinchun, independent scholar in Liaoyuan, Chi Zhen formal Confucian ritual, attended by thousands, and presided over by a and Chen Liang recently of the National number of Manchukuo's political luminaries. University of Singapore, and two anony­ At first glance, this stOlY seems less than remarkable. Graveside piety mous readers from the journal. As always, something more than gratitude is reserved had long been an important part of Chinese mourning practice, and for for Misako Suzuki. centuries the imperial Chinese state had extended its support and recog­ Every effort has been made to include binh nition to such expressions of filial devotion. Even as many in Republican and death dates for persons mentioned in this China were turning their backs on Confucian tradition, the Manchukuo paper, however in some cases these could government spared no effort in portraying itself as the champion of a not be obtained. Only those persons with known dates have this information following Confucian revival. The new state had invested heavily in the ideals and their name. trappings of Confucian ritual, and it is easy to imagine that they might have wished to bask in the ambient glow of even somewhat extreme customs such as the mourning regimen of filial sons. However, Manchukuo's filialtombs reveal something rather more com­ plex than simple state appropriation or manipulation of popular custom. For one, although it is often characterized as a simple puppet of Japanese 3 4 THOMAS DAYID DUBOIS imperialism, the Manchukuo state was in fact a complex network of ideals and interests. On the whole, neither the Manchukuo government nor its Japanese officials actively encouraged extreme practices such as filial vigils, nor the transformation of these graves into sacred sites. Rather, it was its stratum of Chinese officials, in particular those who had ties to certain new religious organizations, who supported the sites with money and public prestige. Moreover, these Chinese elites did not create the custom of graveside vigils, they merely adopted a custom that already existed and was spreading on its own. The filial sons themselves entered their vigils voluntarily, and for a variety of different reasons. The relatively weak influence of Manchukuo officialdom over the proliferation of filial tombs explains their unorthodox nature: the departures from traditional Confucian mourning practice, as well as the very un-Confucian vows, prayers, healing, and tales of divine efficacy that would characterize any Chinese sacred site. It also explains how the tombs were able to survive the fall of Manchukuo, and why they were tolerated well into the 1950s (and in some cases later) Taken together, the story of filial tombs before, during and after the existence of Manchukuo reveals the density of com­ mercial, political and devotional interests that develop around religious practice, in which the state is only one voice, and even then rarely a uni­ fied one. Finally, as further proof that histOlY never really dies, these same debates have been to some degree reconstituted in a recent proposal by Figure1 the Changchun Department of Tourism (Changchun shi luyou ju fit'irl1 Map of cen tral Manchukuo. Map Jj1h1f¥JaJ) to reconstruct a filial tomb as part of their planned Chinese Filial by author Virtue Culture Park (Zhonghua xiaoxian wenhua yuan CP3J:¥'ifJZ1t[�)). \. , .' '- .... , i .�- \ .... ... .1 j Background .....: \ .. ,- \, ! MONGOLIA i.:, '- " ! . � ' For centuries, the Chinese impe­ ", . _ .. ..- . ,.. \...... Ii ,/ \ .... , Harbin ! rial institution was largely inseparable ' .. ,. .,� Yushu )t, j . , JJ '-... .. from Confucian ethics and ritual. As .. _ .... .. REPUBLIC j I '..... ". 1 ' . early as the Han 1� dynasty (206BC­ OF CHINA { XJNJING I. \.... USSR . I' Jluta1 ..- ,-----t-. ...r" AD220), Confucian thought came to � . - (Changchun) , : : . .. 0. ' -. � . !in ' ".. 0......... }il' ·p·'l1 \. !Vladivostok . eclipse rival schools of statecraft as . � i . .. ::' . ...• . ..r'" .". •••••1':.. j the official orthodoxy of the empire, a \ Fengtian b J" .. .. Li;oyuan . status that was later augmented by the ! . ;f�:: ."".. (Shen) �� .... "'· ..· �: ���. I " numerous laudatory titles conferred . , r-...:....-L... ge- -en-d-----, 1 ,,,. .4'" "".',,) posthumously upon Confucius him­ .. , .. ' sfLiaoyang ./ 1 ntcrnational \. " " l' .. � self, and later still, by a system of civil Beiping ..... I' boundary " / t ""CHOSEN . , ..-. I J "'f�� QAPAN) Trunk Railwa)' selvice examinations that recruited of­ \ ,---' .. ..." ,--' I .. , Minor Railway ficialsbased on their knowledge of the tt Tianjin ., : Cangl Dalian o 100 200 300km Confucian classics and commentaries. t , , I I -.... Possibly the most sweeping expansion MANCHUKUO'S FILIAL SONS 5 of state support for Confucianism was instituted in the later fourteenth 1 Edward L. Farmer, Zhu Yuanzhang and century by the first Ming emperor, Zhu Yuanzhang *jtJij! (r. 1369-1398), Early Ming Legislation: The Reordering of Chinese Society Following the Era of Mongol who, among much else, penned commentaries on good governance (such Rule, Sinica Leidensia, Vo1.34. (Leiden: EJ. as the 1375 "Instructions to Save the World" Zishi tongxun �t!tJi!H[!Ii), paid Brill, 1995) . for the distribution of morality tracts out of state coffers, and wrote the Arif Dirlik, "Ideological Foundations of l 2 rules of proper mourning practices into state law. Like much else from the New Life Movement: A Study in Counter­ the early Ming, this level of state support for Confucianism remained in revolution," Jo urnal of Asian Studies 34.4 (1975) 945-80; Lloyd E. Eastman, place until the end of the imperial system in 1911. TheAbortive Revolution: China Under Nationalist Rule, The early twentieth century presented widely divergent views of the 1927-1937, Harvard East Asian Series, 78 role Confucianism would play in the post-imperial order. Given its associ­ (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), chapter 2; Jennifer Lee Oldstone-Moore, "The ation with the moribund Qing dynasty and failings of the early Republic, m New Life Movement of Nationalist China: it is perhaps little surprise that Confucianism was pilloried by political and Confucianism, State Authority and Moral social reformers, most notably in the May Fourth Movement of the late Formation" (PhD diss., University of Chicago teens and twenties. Confucian tradition, reformers argued, had caused the Divinity School, 2000). Chinese people to value empty ritual form over real function, filled them 3 During his years in Tianjin, Pu Yi was often counseled by former Qing officials on the with boastful xenophobia, gave rise to all manner of graft and corrup­ need to form a state that would revive Manchu tion, and generally made China unable to cope with the modern world. glory, as well as provide a moral beacon to This iconoclastic trend again reversed during the 1930s, with Chiang China. Aixinjueluo Pu Vi, Wo de qian ban Kai-shek's �ir D (1887-1975) consolidation of power, and the urgent sheng [My Early Lifel (Beijing: Qunzhong chubanshe, 2007), p . 17 84. outline the need for a social reformation to counter a variety of looming crises. The p 8- I legal policies towards religion in Manchukuo answer was Confucian revival.
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