FREEDOM FROM FEAR
STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP ‘DIALOGUE AND DISSENT’ ANNUAL REPORT 2017
Photo PAX, “Kuron Peace Village is a peace village, set up by Bishop Paride Taban, with the aim to unite the people in that area and to set an example in South Sudan, a country torn by civil wars. One of the tribe elders has put his shoes and AK47 aside while convening with his fellow elders just outside the village”
Freedom from Fear Annual Report 2017 Strategic Partnership Dialogue and Dissent
TABLE OF CONTENT
1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 2 COMMUNITY-BASED SECURITY AND CITIZENS’ RIGHTS ...... 2
NORTHEAST AFRICA ...... 2 CENTRAL & WEST AFRICA ...... 3 THE MIDDLE EAST ...... 5 EUROPE ...... 7 LEARNED LESSONS ON THEORY OF CHANGE ...... 8 3 DEALING WITH THE PAST ...... 8
PROGRESS OF PROGRAMME ...... 8 LEARNED LESSONS ON THEORY OF CHANGE ...... 10 4 PROTECTION OF CIVILIANS ...... 10
PROGRESS OF PROGRAMME ...... 10 LEARNED LESSONS ON THEORY OF CHANGE ...... 11 5 NATURAL RESOURCES, CONFLICT AND HUMAN RIGHTS ...... 11
PROGRESS OF PROGRAMME ...... 11 LEARNED LESSONS ON THEORY OF CHANGE ...... 12 6 HUMANITARIAN DISARMAMENT ...... 13
PROGRESS OF PROGRAMME ...... 13 LEARNED LESSONS ON THEORY OF CHANGE ...... 14 7 THE FINANCIAL SECTOR AS A LEVER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND HUMAN SECURITY ...... 14
PROGRESS OF PROGRAMME ...... 14 LEARNED LESSONS ON THEORY OF CHANGE ...... 15 8 CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT ...... 16
PARTNER NETWORK ...... 16 CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT ...... 16 THE AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL – PAX PARTNERSHIP ON CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT ...... 16 9 GENDER ...... 17 10 PLANNING, MONITORING, EVALUATION AND LEARNING...... 18 11 ANNEX A: REPORTING ON DIALOGUE & DISSENT INDICATORS ...... 19
THE RESULT FRAMEWORK OF DIALOGUE AND DISSENT ...... 19 THE APPLICATION OF THE RESULT FRAMEWORK ...... 20 THE 2017 VALUES OF THE DIALOGUE AND DISSENT INDICATORS ...... 21
Freedom from Fear Annual Report 2017 Strategic Partnership Dialogue and Dissent
1 INTRODUCTION
In terms of awards, 2017 was a special year for the Freedom from Fear alliance. In September, we received the Green Star Award from the United Nations and Green Cross for drawing attention to the consequences of war on environment and people. We were praised for our pioneering role in doing innovative research and bringing organizations together to support citizens to safely clean up these toxic remnants. Later in the year, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) won the Nobel Peace Prize. PAX is a member of the International steering group of ICAN and one of the driving forces behind this campaign. It is the crowning glory of years of commitment to a treaty banning nuclear weapons, which came into being in 2017.
These recognitions are important for our work but do not automatically bring us closer to peace. At the end of 2017, 2.4 million citizens had fled South Sudan and 1.8 million people were internally displaced. Six million people are too poor to even know if they can still feed their children tomorrow. We support local peace processes in different regions in South Sudan, encourage women and young people to play their part in achieving inclusive peace, and promote dialogue between local communities and governments to gradually restore mutual trust and understanding. We help seek justice for those affected by widespread human rights violations by building local capacity to investigate and provide the evidence of such violations so that they can hold perpetrators accountable and call for reparations and measures to address the social fractures that cause and result from sexual violence.
In Syria, armed violence escalated further and systematic war crimes were committed. In the context of the dominant presence of armed actors, it is increasingly important that civil society partners have the capacity to provide a civil and nonviolent alternative. This has made us more resolute to continue our support to non-violent civil activists, and to keep reminding the international community about the suffering of the Syrian people and the horrors of the 'surrender or die' campaigns of the Syrian regime.
In Iraq, victory was declared on ISIS in 2017, although pockets of ISIS remain active. And still, the fundamental underlying causes threatening peace and citizens’ security and rights must be resolved urgently. Iraq is a deeply divided nation -- politically, ethnically and religiously. Our programmes promote respect for human rights, inclusiveness and good governance and focus on the legal protection and rights of minorities and women. We support local peace initiatives, often undertaken by young people and women who want to address the root causes of conflict and build a just society.
These internationalised intra-state conflicts are fuelled by external forces. The conflict in the Middle East is entangled in geopolitical power structures and the international community is losing its leverage to force compliance with international humanitarian law. For six years, the international community has stood by as the Syrian Government has committed crimes against humanity and war crimes with total impunity. Violations of international agreements on trade in and the indiscriminate use of controversial weapons remain unsanctioned and many companies remain unchallenged on their stake in human right violations. We combine our efforts to enhance the international regulation of controversial weapons with increasing the pressure on companies to stop supporting the production and trade of these weapons and to respect human rights and human security.
These are only a few examples of the work of the Freedom from Fear alliance in 2017. It is impossible to account for all the work we do in the context of the Strategic Partnership agreement. This report highlights the main results for each theme and region we work in. It provides a snapshot of main contours of our work, leaving out the details which make our work with courageous partners in fragile and conflict area’s so inspiring for us.
The 2017 report is a follow up of the programme document submitted as part of the Strategic Partnership agreement with the MoFA (December 2015) and consecutive annual plans and reports of the Freedom from Fear alliance. Its structure is aligned with the reporting guidelines of the MoFA. Attached to this annual report (Annex A), are the results of our work in 2017 according to the result framework of Dialogue and Dissent.
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2 COMMUNITY-BASED SECURITY AND CITIZENS’ RIGHTS
Northeast Africa 2.1.1 Development in context
Violence permeated the region in 2017 with an on-going civil war in South Sudan, wars in parts of Sudan and terrorist insurgencies in the wider Horn of Africa such as Somalia. Tribal conflict was also prevalent in the borderlands of South Sudan, Uganda and Kenya, fuelled by a flourishing illegal weapons trade. Conflict between governments and rebel groups, fragmentation or the realignment of rebel groups, has particularly hampered progress. In South Sudan the conflict has led to a significant number of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugee flows with an estimated 6.3 million people experiencing a crisis level of food insecurity. In Eastern Equatoria state, where the government has sought to crush support for the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-in-Opposition, entire communities have been displaced and forced into Uganda, leaving little scope for peacebuilding there. In the Two Areas of Sudan, a leadership dispute within the SPLM- N led to splinter factions and tribal conflict in Blue Nile.
Civic activism was hindered by increasingly restrictive government measures against civil society organizations (CSOs) across the Horn. In Ethiopia, the state of emergency and Anti-Terrorist Proclamation stifled effective human rights research. The tensions surrounding the 2017 Kenyan elections caused CSOs to suspend activities and hampered local- level dialogue across the Kenya-Uganda border. In Sudan, although the deepening economic crisis had a surprisingly positive impact on civic activism – galvanizing local activists to carry out large anti-austerity protests – the US sanctions lift has emboldened the government and its repressive security services. In Uganda, NGOs have been subject to government searches, arrests and even torture. As a result, partners are operating very cautiously.
On gender, the violent context of 2017 generally enhanced dominant male roles across Northeast Africa, but we made progress in South Sudan through a pilot project in Bentiu, which brought women to the forefront in local decision- making, and by strengthening connections between women’s groups and leaders in Unity state. Our partners in South Sudan investigated the characteristics, scale and far-reaching consequences of the endemic levels of sexual violence.
2.1.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
Considerable progress was made in this area at the local political level. Local leaders have been brought together to work with ordinary citizens and former rivals, which has resulted in tribal chiefs and commissioners jointly speaking out against violence in South Sudan, for example. The Northern Uganda Human Rights Partnership (NUHRP) was also able to involve traditional leaders at different levels to stand up against external land grabbing.
Peace committees have proven to be an effective mechanism for conducting local-level advocacy. For example, the Jie Peace Committee in Uganda effectively lobbied and mediated in the aftermath of livestock raiding, while in Karamoja, extensive lobbying combined with the provision of intelligence by peace actors ensured that the regional Uganda People's Defence Force brigade responded to local tensions and cattle looting. Similarly, peace committees in the Unity/Lakes states and throughout South Kordofan and Blue Nile in Sudan have fulfilled a mediating role.
In 2017, we succeeded in empowering local actors to exert influence at various levels of governance. In Uganda, PAX’s work with Dodoth community leaders led to the successful lobbying of national Members of Parliament to remove a poorly functioning commissioner. In South Sudan, youth clusters in Juba have begun to proactively address community issues and are recognized by local and national level authorities. In Khartoum, opposition political parties were at the forefront of anti-government protests in late 2017. The NUHRP helped ensure that youth groups in Uganda were able to gain lower level government support for their plans and interventions in creating human rights awareness in their respective communities.
At the international level, PAX made progress in lobbying through the Horn of Africa Civil Society (HoACS) forum, which has established advocacy platforms at the African Commission on Human Rights and the United Nations Human Rights Council , garnering the attention and participation of African Union and UN special rapporteurs. Moreover, Amnesty International’s report on sexual violence in South Sudan was able to gain (inter)national media attention (e.g. in NRC Handelsblad , The Boston Herald , The Guardian and The Japan Times ) and raise awareness on the issue at the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, among others.
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Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators 1 • The African Commission on Human Rights and the UN Human Rights council recognized the importance of and engaged with the HoACS forum (DD4=2). The victims of atrocities and violations have used the forum as a channel to air their grievances (DD4=1). • Our partners in South Sudan activated and mobilized communities on security issues (DD4=2). Antagonistic communities worked together to improve trust and mutual understanding. (DD4=1). And communities engaged more with youth (DD4=1). Local authorities, ministries, donors and other organizations are increasingly acknowledging the dialogue with communities (DD3=3). Through the interventions of our partners, local authorities now proactively communicate with each other when problems arise that need solving. This has helped to de-escalate conflict and reduce cattle raiding (DD1=2).
For more information on our progress in Northeast Africa, see the chapters entitled Dealing with the Past, Protection of Civilians, Humanitarian Disarmament and Natural Resources, Conflict and Human Rights.
2.1.3 Adjustments
The violent context of 2017 means that the focus of several projects will become more local to adapt to the increase of conflict. The Borderlands programme will adjust its focus to address the growing numbers of South Sudanese refugees who have fled to Uganda and Kenya. In South Sudan, more efforts will focus on strengthening the networks of human rights monitors and the political role of peace activists.
From a lobbying perspective, we have identified arms trafficking from South Sudan as a key area to push for greater international control, and we will also explore more effective ways to influence the EU, which has a strategic interest in stemming the flow of migration from East Africa. We have also identified the 2020 national elections in Sudan as a key target for promoting civic space as a safeguard for free and fair elections.
From a gender perspective, the programme will build on the success of gender pilot projects in South Sudan in 2017. It will also seek to ensure greater gender equality at decision-making levels in peace committees, given their influential status throughout the region.
Central & West Africa 2.2.1 Development in context
Political instability combined with weak political institutions (e.g. Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi), serious security threats because of conflict (e.g. Democratic Republic of Congo) or extremist activities (e.g. Mali) and shrinking civil society space (e.g. Cameroon, Mauritania and Chad) were among the main destabilizing factors in West and Central Africa in 2017. These factors are resulting in displacement, human rights violations, high poverty levels, limited access to basic services and tensions among different population groups (e.g. Central African Republic and Democratic Republic of Congo) or with the government (e.g. Anglophone community in Cameroon). They have challenged the development and progress of our programmes in the region. Countries such as Gambia, which reformed several repressive laws and released dozens of political prisoners in 2017, as well as Burkina Faso, which drafted a new constitution conducive to advance people’s rights, show that positive change is possible if the political will is there.
The release of an Amnesty International report on the torture of Boko Haram suspects in Cameroon resulted in the organization and local partners being put under surveillance, making work in the country more complex. Similarly, the Mauritanian authorities refused an Amnesty International delegation access to the country. The failure to organize elections in DR Congo has had repercussions throughout the country, including the eastern border provinces, where we have our programmes (Ituri and North Kivu). In the province of Ituri, for instance, the risk of factions interfering under the pretence of ethnic strife increased.
1 The value of the DD indicators equals the number of outcomes (as harvested through outcome harvesting) connected to each of the DD-Indicators. Only indicators DD1, DD2, DD3 and DD4. Indicators DD5 and DD6 are included in chapter 8, capacity development. See Annex A for more details on the ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators. Not all cases have been disclosed for confidentiality and security reasons.
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2.2.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
The destabilizing factors mentioned above have revealed civil society’s perseverance. Indeed, civil society does not shy away from speaking out, even when it is under scrutiny. For instance, in Cameroon, partners became more active in condemning human rights violations publicly, despite harassment by authorities.
Successes have mainly been achieved at the local or provincial levels, which is where most of our partners seek to bring change. For instance, the effectiveness of our partners’ lobbying and advocacy efforts in North Kivu is evident from the establishment of a second office of the prosecutor in Mangurujipa and fewer cases of sexual violence in Nyamilima. A joint verification mission to Bweremana by our partner and provincial government representatives led to the immediate release of ten illegally detained persons and the transfer of a military commander, whose men had been involved in extortion practices. Since then, no new cases of extortion have been reported in this area. Results are not always immediately visible, however. For instance, in 2016 our Burundian partner lobbied provincial authorities to advance people’s right to health and education in their community, which only yielded results in 2017 with the creation of a community support fund for education.
In Ituri, citizens feel more confident and equipped to challenge government institutions to improve community security, whereas government actors are more accountable for their services to citizens. This is the result of the revival of local peace structures that inform the Comités de Sécurité Elargi, which seek to influence the behaviour of security forces. A permanent dialogue between peace committees and local authorities has led to tangible results regarding security. The coexistence of artisanal and industrial mining, a potential source of conflict, has been settled in a legal agreement and included in a proposal for the new mining code.
In Burkina Faso, the visibility and consequently the member base of the platform to advance people’s economic, social and cultural rights grew and now consists of 27 associations with another five interested in joining. Together they submitted a shadow report to inform the 2018 Universal Periodic Review of Burkina Faso.
Not all partners are lobbying for change, as some programmes have not yet reached this stage (e.g. Mali, CAR). In these cases, the focus is on improving their monitoring and reporting skills, which will help them to develop more informed and evidence-based advocacy strategies in the future.
Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • Through our partners’ training and support, peace committees in the north-east of Congo were able to secure the engagement of local authorities on security issues (DD3=4). An early warning system has been set up enabling communities to inform the public and respond quickly to emerging security incidents. Coordination was established with the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Monusco) to increase the coverage of the system. This has generated tangible results regarding security (DD1=2). • The coexistence of artisanal and (semi-) industrial mining in the north-east of Congo requires constant monitoring to mitigate emerging conflicts between the different mining interests. Through our lobby we were able to secure the presence of an industrial mining company in regular meetings with civil society to monitor and address security-related issues (DD3=1). Artisanal mining companies entered into an agreement on co-existence with one of the industrial companies. As a result of our partners’ lobby, the recommendations regarding artisanal miners were presented and discussed in parliament and partially integrated into the proposal for the new mining code (DD2=2).
For more information on progress in Central and West Africa, see the chapters entitled Dealing with the Past and Natural Resources, Conflict and Human Rights.
2.2.3 Adjustments
Although contextual developments have challenged some progress in the implementation of our programmes, they have also confirmed the importance of continuing building the capacity of civic change agents to promote dialogue and increase pressure on authorities (administrative, military, police) and/or international actors for the sake of human rights and security. Increasingly, shrinking space and tensions have led to requests to strengthen the work of civil society in Chad and Mauritania. Considering the limited access to Mauritania, we will need to find alternative ways, by organizing training events in neighbouring countries or distance coaching, for example. Moreover, we have adopted stronger (digital) safety and security measures to address growing security concerns, whether caused by increased repression and
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surveillance or by ongoing conflict. On a more positive note, the shrinking of civic space has given new impetus to the Great Lakes Network, which is now focusing its regional lobby strategy on the promotion of democratic processes, while strengthening civil society’s non-violent resistance.
At the programmatic level, PAX, Amnesty International and Free Press Unlimited will seek to develop a regional lobby programme to tackle insecurity and the securitisation of migration with a focus on G5 Sahel 2.
To counter the effects of the crisis in part of Ituri, where outsiders interfered under the pretence of ethnic strife, PAX and its local partner will increase the number of peace meetings to improve the balance between the Hema and Lendu ethnic groups.
Finally, the focus of our project in Cameroon will partly move away from the Boko Haram conflict towards the conflict in Anglophone regions.
The Middle East 2.3.1 Development in context
Regional power struggles, military involvement by international and regional actors, a growing presence of non-state armed groups, political stagnation and a shrinking civic space are dominating the current context in the Middle East. At the same time, activists and civil society are demonstrating enormous resilience and the ability to adapt to the most difficult circumstances.
Throughout 2017, violent conflicts dominated some countries in the Middle East and loomed in others. These conflicts are highly interconnected and often have a cross-border and proxy character. The involvement of regional powers, regional non-state actors and international actors is limiting the influence of local actors. International and regional military interventions and the growing dominance of armed actors in Iraq and Syria are displaying a disregard of international human rights law and threaten human security and rights (e.g. there have been more incidences of forced displacement since the liberation of Mosul). The massive displacement of people resulting from these conflicts is a potential driver of new conflict. In areas taken over from ISIS, tensions between Arab and Kurdish communities have increased and there is a risk of victor’s justice. If there is not a serious effort to address victims’ rights and grievances (Dealing with the Past), new rounds of conflict are almost inevitable. Hosting communities, internally and in neighbouring countries, struggle with the mass influx of displaced and the displaced face obstacles to return. On a more positive note, the (near) defeat of ISIS has provided access to areas that were previously inaccessible and where the needs are extremely high.
Displacement and conflict are affecting gender relations. In Iraq, men are recruited under the auspices of a highly gendered discourse that praises their role as masculine protectors of the community, and of women in particular – which is creating new conflict potential and disproportionate violence against women. In Europe, the fear of terror and the massive influx of refugees means stability and security are being prioritized over human security and human rights in the countries we work in.
2.3.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
Despite the violent context and shrinking civic space, our support has enabled partners in the Middle East to adapt to the tough circumstances. Young activists have bravely addressed tensions in their own communities and created space for dialogue. The capacity of citizens to engage with authorities has been strengthened. Peace committees in Iraq, youth initiatives in all the countries we operate in and local neighbourhood committees in East Jerusalem have engaged in dialogue with authorities and provided platforms for citizens to raise their concerns.
In the context of occupation and the dominant presence of armed actors, it is increasingly important that civil society partners have the capacity to provide a civil and nonviolent alternative. Partners in Syria run schools and youth centres to provide these kinds of alternative spaces. What’s more, arts and culture offer an alternative space for communities to interact in. Youth peace embassies in Iraq have been developing inclusive alternatives to sectarian discourse and thinking.
2 G5 Sahel or G5S is an institutional framework for coordination of regional cooperation in development policies and security matters in west Africa.
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In Iraq we have also been making progress on gender and we pressured police authorities to engage with our partners, as a result of which women have felt confident enough for the first time to share their cases of gender-based violence with government authorities. Our partners in Syria and Iraq have strengthened their gender strategy.
We linked our local work with partners to advocacy on the national and international levels. Evidence provided on Syria, for example, informed policies, decisions and the operational planning of key actors such as the UN, EU, their member states and humanitarian actors.
We organized and developed regional learning and exchange activities on demographic change and on civic engagement with armed groups, which has led to more coherence and mutual understanding between the programmes, as well as a basis for joint policy development and advocacy.
Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • We and our partners are acknowledged as a genuine authority working for and with Syrian activists (DD3=1). In the Netherlands, citizens expressed their solidarity with people besieged in Ghouta and supported nonviolent activists (DD4=1). In Syria, our partners mobilized activists to help those involved in the besiegement of and attacks against civilians in eastern Ghouta. They motivated Druze and Souna youth to work together and to mitigate tensions in their community; and facilitated Kurdish and Arab youth to visit the Yezidis community for the first time (DD4=3). In Hassakeh, a dialogue space was opened for youth to engage with decision makers (DD3=1). • With the backing of local authorities and the support of parents (DD4=2) our partner managed to set up and run a school in war-torn areas in Syria as a response to the negative impact of conflict on education and as a response to the need for a place that does not tolerate extremism or exclusion and educates children based on inclusive and democratic values (DD2=2; DD1=1). • The EU abstained from supporting reconstruction in places where it suspected ‘demographic engineering’ was taking place. The research document ‘No Return to Homs’ by PAX and the Syria Institute played a role in PAX’s advocacy efforts to the EU (DD2=1). • In Iraq our partners activated and mobilized citizens from different communities to organize themselves in local peace committees, so they could develop mutual understanding and trust between communities (DD4=4). Community leaders were trained and motivated to take up a leadership or supporting role in this endeavour (DD4=3). The international donor community engaged with the committees on early warning, conflict mitigation and the process of returning IDPs to their homeland (DD4=1). • Since 2017, international actors involved in Iraq have been stressing the importance of consulting with local communities in the reconstruction and stabilization of Iraq (DD3=1). In the north-western part of Ninewa, our partners’ training, community meeting, and linking and learning activities have led to the participation and leadership of local authorities in civil society initiatives and community consultations (DD3=1). • We have been advocating governmental engagement in Iraq, especially on gender-related issues. The ministry responsible for police training has increasingly demonstrated its willingness to work with our partner on gender- sensitive police training. Civil society organizations and several government institutions have joined forces to campaign against gender-biased law amendments. Our partners’ advocacy efforts and interventions played a key role in this (DD3=2). Empowered by sharing experiences and our partners’ support, women felt confident enough to share their experiences with female government authorities and ask for support from the family protection unit (DD3=2). • In East Jerusalem, our partners activated and mobilized communities and their leaders to take up issues related to Israel’s plans with the city and develop informal governance (DD4=1). Our partners lobbied the PLO and the Palestinian Authority for stronger engagement in East Jerusalem, with success (DD4=1; DD3=1). Religious leaders were willing to coordinate their actions regarding the Al-Aqsa mosque, and they were urged not to frame the resistance in terms of religious conflict (DD3=1). Our Israeli and Palestinian partners coordinate their lobbying efforts towards the international community more regularly (DD4=1).
For more information on progress in the Middle East, see the chapters entitled Dealing with the Past, Protection of Civilians and Humanitarian Disarmament.
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2.3.3 Adjustments
As the influence of armed actors grew and governance systems in general lack legitimacy, accountability and responsiveness, some of the programmes show a deviation from the generic ToC, which focuses on the behavioural change of legitimate authorities as an outcome. The regional project on civic engagement with armed groups will enable the development of more targeted ToCs addressing armed groups, e.g. how and when to develop a relationship with armed groups. In addition, some of the programmes had already shifted their focus away from the behavioural change of authorities towards strengthening the role of citizens and civil society, in order to reinforce the programmes’ ability to develop nonviolent and advocacy strategies.
Amnesty International continues to contribute to the monitoring and documentation of PAX’s partners in Iraq, including the issue of forced displacement in future follow-up training to respond to its growing occurrence. Because the military defeat of ISIS has provided access to areas that were previously inaccessible, the current programmes will be adjusted to target these areas. In areas where violent conflict is ending, more attention will be given to Dealing with the Past activities and promoting victims’ rights.
Europe 2.4.1 Development in context
Wider Europe (including the EU but also programme countries on its periphery) is becoming less open and more nationalistic and illiberal. Within the EU itself, populists and far-right movements are on the rise, highlighting political and socio-economic divisions. The further polarization of societies is a major threat. A growing number of citizens, including in the countries where we operate, are encountering discrimination, xenophobia and the violation of basic human rights in their everyday lives.
In Ukraine and Kosovo, democratic institutions and the rule of law are weak. Formal peace processes have yielded negligible results. The EU-facilitated Pristina-Belgrade dialogue is moribund, and the results from the implementation of agreements emanating from that dialogue are mixed. Serbia continues to undermine Kosovo’s sovereignty, and relations between Serb citizens and the Kosovo government are tense. The Minsk agreements (Minsk II) failed to end the conflict in Ukraine due to Russia’s lack of political will, unviable provisions in the agreement itself, and the inability of the international community to change Russia’s aggressive foreign policy through sanctions. The ceasefire is regularly violated, leading to almost daily reports of casualties on both sides. The Donbas became one of the most heavily mined regions in the world, and one increasingly isolated by a trade blockade imposed by Kiev.
The politics of isolation and protectionism, both inside and around the EU, are also benefiting the Russian Federation, which is using every opportunity to undermine the unity of the European community. Hybrid warfare, and the failure to withdraw weapons and disengage in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood, are early warnings of more violence to come on the Ukrainian front and elsewhere. Russian influence will also contribute to continued political instability and fragility in the Western Balkans. Preventative measures and a more robust stance are essential, as well as effective dialogue.
2.4.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
By introducing participatory mechanisms in decision making and inclusive governance, we helped local civil society groups to make their authorities more responsive. In Kosovo, we promoted the participation of citizens in local governance processes through municipal policy changes, institutional reform and state-citizen dialogue. Together with our partners we helped seven municipalities to engage in local, central and inter-municipal trust building, dialogue and cooperation, which has led local authorities to become more open to the meaningful integration of Serb citizens into the country’s governance framework.
In Ukraine, we made effective use of on-going decentralized reform to equip local partners (CSOs and local authorities) in communities close to the frontline with participatory mechanisms of inclusive governance that allowed them to engage with each other in joint projects and longer-term cooperation strategies. Despite political sensitivities linked to the on- going war, we activated and mobilized citizens in five municipalities to help strengthen the resilience of citizens in Ukraine and their ability to withstand the rhetoric of polarization, fear and animosity and instead engage in dialogue as a means of solving conflict. As a result, the local authorities engaged more with the role of CSOs in local communities.
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Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • Our partners in Ukraine carried out activities to activate and mobilize youth in conflict prevention, intercultural dialogues and inter-group awareness (DD4=2). This led to an enhanced understanding, trust and cooperation between civil society and local government in Ukraine (DD3=7) and to the first hopeful signs of engagement of marginalized groups in their communities (DD2=2). The cooperation between local government and civil society in the pilot city of Pershotravensk was formalized in a multi-annual cooperation strategy (DD2=1). • We are also witnessing the increased political participation of our partners in Kosovo (DD4=2) and the emergence of increasing trust and understanding between civil society and municipalities (DD3=1).
2.4.3 Adjustments
The Ukraine Programme will enhance its focus on the political dimension of the programme, building on relationships gained through previous activities (civic actors, local government and youth). We will achieve this through a scenario- mapping exercise for the conflict region. Furthermore, we will systemize our in-house expertise on regions with non- government-controlled territories, so we can have a more effective impact on the conflict dynamics in Ukraine and Kosovo with partners in areas that do not fall under central state control. Our work with youth as agents of peace will promote dialogues and joint activities with young leaders from Russia. The latter will enable us to better integrate the Russian perspective into the programme.
Learned lessons on Theory of Change
The Theory of Change of Community-based Security and Citizens’ Rights (CBS&CR) is essentially about building bridges between (antagonistic) communities with partner organizations, contributing to the peaceful solution of conflict and therefore to the social cohesion of societies. By engaging with partner organizations, local authorities, the military and police, or by increasing pressure on these parties and by improving access to community-level justice, we contribute to the development of a responsive and legitimate state and more political space for civic action.
Many CBS&CR programmes are challenged by a changing context and difficulties engaging in dialogue with authorities. Although the general ToC bases its strategy on the assumption that governments are open to dialogue, governmental institutions, local and national, are not always willing to engage with our partners to discuss the issues that concern them. Civic change agents can only be effective peacebuilding and human rights actors if they find the space to operate with local authorities and power structures. Therefore, the general ToC should be adapted to include willingness to engage in dialogue as an intermediary goal instead of assuming that this willingness is already there. Much like the Middle East, focusing on local authorities is risky. Advocating the rights of local communities via international bodies seems more feasible than engaging with local governments.
While local communities and CSOs in the Middle East do not necessarily perceive non-state authorities as legitimate, the latter are needed to address the needs of local communities. In Europe, our programs are equally facing difficulties to engage with non-formalised or non-state actors. A learning trajectory on specifically this issue has started in 2017.
3 DEALING WITH THE PAST
Progress of programme 3.1.1 Development in context
In the past few years, the recurrence of violent conflict worldwide increased interest in programmes that focus on Dealing with the Past and Transitional Justice (DwtP/TJ) and attempts to address the root causes of conflict. Yet some countries continue to ignore international law and support specific warring parties. The overall reorientation of the US administration is disturbing because it is devaluing human rights and human security. This change in policy is reflected in strategy, day-to-day decisions and decreased funding for DwtP/TJ. Meanwhile in the EU promotors of ‘illiberal democracy’ continue to gain ground (Poland, Hungary and Croatia). In some areas of DR Congo, renewed violence has created a new flow of displaced persons. In Burundi the human rights crisis deepened throughout 2017. And in the case of South Sudan, shrinking civil space forced us to rethink our strategies, for example regarding public statements on TJ- related issues.
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Nevertheless, the international community has formally backed the development of DwtP/TJ programmes in countries such as Kosovo, South Sudan, Iraq and Ukraine. Sometimes DwtP/TJ is an integral part of a peace treaty, reflecting the growing understanding that DwtP/TJ is a key element of any sustainable post-conflict reconstruction process. Still, in many cases operationalising DwtP/TJ strategies and programmes is extremely problematic and quite often does not extend beyond paying lip service.
In 2017, the European Commission started preparations for the development of a renewed strategy for the Western Balkans, in response to the deteriorating political climate in the region and the growing influence of Russia and, to a lesser extent, Turkey. This is opening up new opportunities to strengthen the political agenda on DwtP/TJ in the region In South Sudan, no substantial progress was made on the Transitional Justice agenda of the peace treaty as the implementation of the treaty as a whole was hampered. The outlook is more positive regarding local initiatives, as is the case in Iraq. After the most extreme fighting ended, communities made an effort to return to normality, which required dealing with past conflict through local memorialization and storytelling activities.
3.1.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
Though our DwtP programme is still in development, results are starting to come in from South Sudan and Kosovo. In South Sudan initial results show a partnership has been formed, with assistance provided by Impunity Watch, between academia and civil society organizations. Specific progress was made in cooperation with the association of ‘Juba Massacre Widows’, who gained public and political support for their annual commemoration. The Transitional Justice Working Group is focusing on revitalizing the TJ chapter of the Agreement for the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS), while at the same time contemplating how to develop a broader vision on TJ for the country.
In Kosovo, our partners found themselves in the middle of sensitive political and public discussions about the Specialist Chamber and the plan for a Commission for Truth and Reconciliation. Research and activities developed in partnership with Kosovo-based partners helped to highlight the necessary conditions (sincere commitment to accountability and adequate outreach) for making such initiatives supportive of genuine TJ processes.
In Iraq, thanks to a good network of partners and useful consultation with UNDP and other international agencies, we seized the opportunity to work more on TJ – both in the local context of some sub-districts in Ninewa province and at the national advocacy level. Despite renewed conflict in the northern part of the country, in particular between Arabs and Kurds, we were able to start working with local partners on Dealing with the Past projects. Activities included inter- community storytelling, victim participation, and public and political discussion on the need for inclusive justice processes. A working visit by a Yezidi delegation to Srebrenica (July 2017) was particularly useful and helped lay the foundation for a longer-term Yezidi TJ strategy.
In Burundi, Impunity Watch invested heavily in the relation between local communities, TJ and gender-based violence. Their research on victim participation has made them a key reference for policymakers.
Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators 3 • Our partners in Kosovo published a report about public engagement with the Kosovo Specialist Court. As a reaction, the government of Kosovo delegitimized the Specialist Court and threatened to abolish it. This led the EU to take strong protest measures to ensure that Transitional Justice remains high on the political agenda (DD3=1). Both Albanian and Serbian CSOs showed stronger engagement in working on issues related to the Kosovo Specialist Court (DD4=2). • As a result of our South Sudanese partner's continuous efforts to have authorities present at the commemoration of 1992 Juba massacre, the Jubek state governor spoke publicly and named a bridge in Juba town after one of the victims. This acknowledgment is an important step in helping victims to deal with the past through memorialization and truth finding. (DD3=1).
See the CBS&CR programmes in Northeast Africa, the Middle East and Europe for programme linkages.
3 DwtP-Iraq indicator values have been integrated into the Iraq CBS&CR programme.
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3.1.3 Adjustments
In DR Congo, plans were explored, in partnership with Impunity Watch, to develop DwtP work in Ituri and the Kivus. The necessary conditions to embark on this work were not sufficiently met, however Impunity Watch will continue to develop projects in the Kivus, using its many years of experience in Burundi, while we will shift our focus to Haut-Uele in response to a clear demand from local victims there.
In the Western Balkans, new opportunities are emerging as the EU renews its attention for the region. A key challenge will be to develop a sound demand-based lobbying strategy, in collaboration with partners throughout the region, as the whole accession strategy is still highly state-driven and technocratic. Initially it seemed as if cooperation would be possible in Kosovo regarding outreach in relation to the Specialist Court. However, the Specialist Court opted for only minimal outreach and therefore the focus shifted more towards working with civil society on this issue.
Learned lessons on Theory of Change
Since the programme is still not fully operational, there are no learned lessons yet regarding the ToC of Dealing with the Past.
4 PROTECTION OF CIVILIANS
Progress of programme 4.1.1 Development in context
In 2017, widespread violence against civilians underscored the importance of our work linking local civilian security needs with security actors’ abilities to advance the protection of civilians.
Concerns grew in 2017 about a growing acceptance of high numbers of civilian casualties in warfare. The budgets for the protection of civilians (PoC) mandate are decreasing, in large part due to the negative attitude of the current US administration towards the UN system. This is weakening international ability to respond adequately to situations in which civilians need protection. At the same time, we noticed a growing interest in international debates on improving mission track records, using the unique local perspectives from our Human Security Surveys (HSS).
4.1.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
In 2017, key agencies showed a growing interest in our work on PoC and human security. UNMISS was increasingly willing and able to use civilian perspectives in planning and evaluating missions and to engage directly with the communities in question. In South Sudan we made progress in amplifying local demands for protection and explored new ways of addressing these strategies with local authorities and UNMISS. UNDP in Iraq showed a keen interest in the potential of the HSS methodology. There were HSS data collections in Basra, Kirkuk and Salahaddin. Feedback sessions and community dialogues were set up when the conflict situation allowed.
NATO adopted a PoC Military Concept after multiple rounds of input from stakeholders, including PAX, providing guidance on how to integrate civilian perspectives and human security concepts in training, exercises and missions.
The Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) and Ministry of Defence (MoD) showed a marked interest in the application of PoC and human security approaches in their policies and in planning for the UNSC seat in 2018. The Dutch Armed Forces further increased their use of people-centred approaches in educational tracks.
Identity indicators such as gender, age and ethnicity are applied in the surveys and included in advocacy approaches for improved PoC activities, while specific gendered aspects of human security were added to the HSS methodology following several reviews in 2017.
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Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • Our input in the report by the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy entitled ‘Veiligheid in een wereld van verbindingen’ (Security in an Interconnected World) informed Dutch parliamentarians on human security in the context of an integrated approach to security and development. A parliamentarian hearing and follow-up talks have put the topic of accountability for civilian causality rates in armed conflict high on the parliament’s agenda (DD3=2). • (Informal) discussions with NATO institutions enabled us to push the development of a NATO policy on civilian protection, leading to the adoption of a PoC action plan and Military Concept. (DD2=1, DD3=1). • Our Human Security Surveys in Iraq and South Sudan helped our partners to mobilize communities to focus on their security issues (DD4=2). They were able to secure the engagement of local authorities on disarmament issues (DD3=2). • New links were established with UNMISS in South Sudan allowing communities to discuss their security concerns directly with the UN peace mission (DD3=1). The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) are increasingly willing to use civilian perspectives to guide their support to UN missions and to apply civilian perspectives in the evaluations of PoC missions (DD3=1).
See the CBS&CR programmes in Northeast Africa and the Middle East for linkages with other programmes.
4.1.3 Adjustments
We continue to find new ways to enhance the relevance of the HSS and transfer knowledge and managerial responsibility to local partners. We have increased our efforts to map and address civilian harm with our new partner organizations Airwars, Bellingcat and the Center for Civilians in Conflict.
Learned lessons on Theory of Change The ToC continues to adequately link our local and international efforts to advance the protection of civilians. In 2017 we learned that visual representations of our HSS data effectively create opportunities to communicate contextual security dynamics. This enabled us to contribute constructively to dialogues on local protection demands, UN mission performance, NATO PoC implementation and national MOD policy, training and exercises.
5 NATURAL RESOURCES, CONFLICT AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Progress of programme 5.1.1 Development in context
The corporate responsibility to respect human rights as stated in the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPS) and OECD guidelines is well established. However, governments worldwide are failing to effectively clarify the real-life implications of human rights norms in the economic sphere. Therefore, the participation of civil society, such as our organizations, in multi-stakeholder platforms is indispensable for achieving the goals of these principles and guidelines through adequate policy development in the business sector. Our focus is on the financial sector because of its leverage over other sectors, and the extractive industries because of its presence in conflict areas.
The Colombian Peace Process has created a conducive environment for the Blood Coal Campaign, especially the part that deals with Transitional Justice and the issue of holding unarmed ‘third parties’, amongst which companies, to account for their role in the armed conflict (corporate/third party accountability). Rising gold prices have accelerated gold mining exploration activities, exposing vulnerable local populations in violent and oppressive environments to risks associated with industrial mining. The gradual phasing out of coal because of the Paris Agreement may eventually reduce the pressure that European energy companies can exert on mining companies, thereby giving us less of a window to push for improvements through the coal supply chain.
In the context of the Lundin liability case, there were sustained, targeted efforts in 2017 in South Sudan, allegedly by Sudanese and South Sudanese security agents and Lundin operatives, to persuade witnesses to side with Lundin Petroleum and not tell the truth in the Swedish war crimes investigation. This included determined efforts to locate witnesses, bribery, intimidation, hostile house visits to relatives and direct death threats.
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5.1.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
In November 2017, a large meeting of victims of Sudan’s oil war was held in Nairobi. It united youth and elderly, women and men, educated and non-educated people from various clans, church leaders, and representatives from all major centres accommodating Nuer refugees and their women’s groups. The meeting decided to continue as a network organization named Liech Victims’ Voices. Its main goal is to provide victims with access to remedy, which it hopes to achieve in the wake of a war crimes trial in Sweden against Lundin Petroleum executives.
We have been able to provide critical assistance to the Swedish war crimes investigation, including protection to witnesses in the case. Meetings with responsible civil servants and coalition building with national NGOs have laid the foundation for successfully engaging with the Swedish and Norwegian governments and with Lundin Petroleum shareholders after the trial commenced.
We have helped victims’ groups in Colombia to meet, allowing them to develop a joint strategy. Following our campaign, one of the mining companies in Colombia, Prodeco/Glencore, has publicly expressed solidarity with victims of human rights abuses, expressed sympathy with their efforts to find the truth and seek reparation, and taken steps towards initiating a reconciliation dialogue. This could open the door to ensuring effective remedy for victims of abuses. Energy companies (Vattenfall and ENEL) have exercised effective pressure on mining companies by requiring coal suppliers to take specific meaningful steps to carry out human rights due diligence and fulfil their responsibilities regarding legacy issues. Meanwhile, we have continued to put pressure on financial institutions to use their leverage to get their clients to respect human rights norms.
Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • Our partner in Colombia in the Blood Coal campaign mobilized victims to prepare for a possible reconciliation dialogue and made both society-at-large and the authorities aware of their stake in the reconciliation process (DD4=1). The Special Envoy for Natural Resources of the Dutch MoFA agrees that mining companies need to take reconciliation measures, and Verdad Abierta (research centre) has published articles on the forced displacement of people in the coal mining region of César. Increasingly, energy companies are pressuring mining companies to start negotiations on compensation (DD3=4). Enel announced that it will stop buying coal from Colombia (DD2=1). In September 2017, the mining companies Prodeco/Glencore attended the commemoration of victims of the massacres in their zones of influence (DD3=1). • The Voluntary Principles Initiative developed and improved procedures and guidelines for companies and governments on business and human rights compliance. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights acknowledged the impact of a SOMO/Shift/PAX study on disengagement (DD3=1).
5.1.3 Adjustments
The strength of our work lies in the ability to connect local issues with international processes and we will continue to look for specific cases to support our overarching goals. In late 2017 we selected a case of illegal gold smuggling in a conflict environment in Latin America for development into a project on security and human rights. We are planning to review the balance of our focus on engagement and advocacy, and on the local and the international levels.
Learned lessons on Theory of Change
Our various counterparts’ knowledge of international standards differs greatly, and a great deal of time and effort goes into corporate and governmental ‘capacity building’. The lesson learned here is that a content-based discussion of the elementary aspects of international standards is crucial for a shared understanding of these norms and will contribute to our partnerships in the long run and increase the effectiveness of our ToC.
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6 HUMANITARIAN DISARMAMENT
Progress of programme 6.1.1 Development in context
There have been several positive developments regarding the international regulation of controversial weapons, though there is continued human suffering as a result of the use of these weapons in countries such as Syria and Yemen. The continuing arms trade with warring parties and the use of armed drones and other weapons remains alarming and a cause of great concern.
Some states are refraining from joining international treaties or disregarding the norms set in these treaties (e.g. cluster munitions and the threat to resume nuclear weapons testing). In some cases, states focus their discussion on procedures and technicalities and avoid discussing the implementation of the content of the treaty (e.g. the Arms Trade Treaty). On the other hand, so-called ‘champion’ states are continuing to regard international treaties as an effective means of regulation. The adoption in 2017 of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons by 122 states is strong evidence of this. The treaty has a strong gender component and explicitly recognizes the disproportionate effect of nuclear weapons on women and girls, and their underrepresentation in decision-making processes regarding nuclear weapons.
Progress had been slowing down on the Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas and killer robots dossiers. This is partly due to the successful ban on nuclear weapons, which absorbed the time of many of the same political actors, as well as some states not living up to their financial obligations, which has resulted in the absence or cancellation of a number of international meetings. This has not affected civic activism. On the contrary, it has stimulated civil society to find other ways to make progress on these issues.
We have also pushed to increase women’s efforts and participation in disarmament, which is necessary as mansplaining seems to remain the norm: with some actors, decades of professional expertise means nothing if the person is not male.
6.1.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
The programme's most significant milestone in terms of behavioural change among actors was the adoption of the Treaty to Prohibit Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). The role played by civil society in generating support for the successful initiation and conclusion of this treaty was recognized when the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), of which PAX is a steering group member. This has strengthened and underlined the importance of civic activism.
While the Netherlands did not sign the treaty, the new government has left open the possibility of engaging with the TPNW in the future. This bans another weapon of mass destruction through an international treaty, and starts the process of strengthening the norm that rejects nuclear weapons as unacceptable. Existing treaties, such as the treaty that bans cluster munitions, were strengthened by two additional ratifications, and two additional states have indicated they will prohibit the financing of cluster munitions. The UN Environmental Assembly’s adoption of resolutions in 2016 and 2017 on the protection of the environment in armed conflict and dealing with conflict pollution caused by wars and terrorism were directly linked to advocacy on this subject. PAX won the UN Green Star Award for its work on this theme, reaffirming the significant role PAX is playing on this subject. Regarding explosive weapons, drones and killer robots we have noticed a behavioural change among states and multilateral organizations in that they have started to publish their positions on these issues.
The involvement of civil society, business (on killer robots), financial institutions and the media appear to be growing slightly but steadily in issues regarding weapons. And we are witnessing the development of new coalitions between states and civil society regarding war and the environment.
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Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) was passed on 7 July 2017 (DD2=1). It led to the Nobel Peace Prize for ICAN, opening up new opportunities to influence and support the debate (DD3=1). More youth are engaged in nuclear disarmament (DD4=1). • Our (and our allies’) lobbying efforts strengthened the position of several humanitarian disarmament topics on the political agenda of authorities, countries and negotiation processes, e.g. the development of lethal autonomous weapons, the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, armed drones and the environmental impact of conflict (DD3=8). • There was slight progress regarding the universalization of the Convention on Cluster Munitions, with two new countries ratifying the convention (DD2=1).
6.1.3 Adjustments
No strategic changes are foreseen for Humanitarian Disarmament. The adjustments to the changes in context described above all fall within the Theory of Change. While the category of states that do not abide by international treaties is also less susceptible to civic activism focused on changing their behaviour, the ToC actively takes this phenomenon into account, and we are in fact witnessing positive developments in that field: the progressive establishment of norms is having a positive impact even on these states.
There are new opportunities on a more tactical/operational level. These include a shift in the debate on nuclear weapons within the Netherlands, which will need to focus on keeping the issue high on the agenda and building on the momentum of the Nobel Peace Prize. Another opportunity is the MoD’s acquisition of Reaper drones, which could be an incentive for the Netherlands to take a leading position in the wider drone debate. Our Cluster Munitions programme will shift its focus to taking stock of the treaty’s success and increasing the number of signatories to make interpretative statements.
Learned lessons on Theory of Change
For the Theory of Change for Humanitarian Disarmament, the main lesson learned is that behavioural change is created by the interplay between the actors it includes (states and companies) and the actor pursuing change (civil society). The programme continues to improve its ability to pull the right levers at the right time on specific issues.
It would be interesting to explore whether the success of the Nuclear Weapons Ban Treaty is one of the reasons why there has been less progress in other dossiers. It assumes that there is a threshold to the number of topics that the international community can handle at a single point in time.
7 THE FINANCIAL SECTOR AS A LEVER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND HUMAN SECURITY
Progress of programme 7.1.1 Development in context
There is an increasing range of opportunities to engage the financial sector on human rights and human security considerations in corporate decision-making, both globally (for example in the United States and the United Kingdom) and in the Netherlands. We consider the financial sector to be a strong lever for advancing our goals in the areas of humanitarian disarmament and human rights.
7.1.2 Progress on Lobby & Advocacy
Progress was made in all projects related to the financial sector. Internationally, continued pressure persuaded nine more financial institutions to draft a policy to exclude or limit exposure to producers of nuclear weapons. And financial institutions have excluded or limited exposure of producers of cluster munitions.
In the Netherlands, the most important development has been the signing and implementation of the Dutch Banking Sector Agreement on responsible investment and human rights. A first official progress report on actions taken by banks (and the other actors) is expected in mid-2018. During the negotiations and implementation of the agreement we noticed that several banks had changed their behaviour, both at the policy level and through their participation in several working
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groups. The latter generated different levels of constructive dialogue. Dutch insurance companies and pension funds are negotiating similar agreements. They have shown an interest in signing a covenant on responsible investment. The work on these agreements shows what is possible in our strategic partnership with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, although we would like to see the government take a more active position on upholding the highest international standards.
Cooperation between PAX and Amnesty International regarding the financial sector has intensified. Both organisations have a common strategy and staff members work as team with regular joint strategy meetings and learning sessions. Both parties played a strategically important role in the Dutch Banking Sector Agreement and in negotiations leading to additional financial sector agreements.
Whereas we are working together with banks in the context of the Banking Sector Agreement, they are – paradoxically – less willing to cooperate with us in our work on the Fair Banking Guide, which temporarily hampered our progress on research. However, cooperation between the strategic partners Amnesty International and PAX has intensified regarding the Fair Banking Guide. And insurers are demonstrating a positive tendency to cooperate with the Fair Insurers Guide. Internationally, the signing of the Nuclear Weapons Ban treaty has created new opportunities to engage with the financial sector, since the treaty implicitly prohibits investing in producers of nuclear weapons. This has provided us with a legal basis (in addition to moral and ethical arguments) for pressuring the financial sector to stop investing in the production of nuclear weapons.
The Dutch civil servants pension fund ABP decided to divest from producers of nuclear weapons in early 2018, after years of campaigning. The Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global, which had already excluded some producers of nuclear weapons, significantly expanded its list of excluded companies. This is a major step forward, because these funds are among the biggest in the world. The fact that they are government-related pension funds is likely to resonate all the more.
Two insurers have changed their policies and are now excluding companies involved in controversial arms trade. This move can be attributed to the Fair Finance Guide. The guide’s section on gender has become mandatory in the coalition, which signifies the importance the coalition attributes to gender in relation to the financial sector.
Progress according to ‘Dialogue and Dissent’ indicators • Increasingly states are considering the option of prohibiting investment in controversial arms according to the guidelines in treaties and conventions (DD3=3). Six insurers active in the Dutch market engaged in dialogue with PAX to discuss investment in controversial arms trade (DD4=1). Several financial institutions stated that they would no longer invest in controversial arms (DD2=4). As a result, fewer financial institutions are investing in nuclear weapons, and the last two US-based producers of cluster munitions announced that they have terminated their cluster munition production (DD1=2). • The Dutch insurance and pension sectors have both initiated a process to negotiate a similar sector agreement on the implementation of the OECD guidelines and the UNGPs (DD3=1).
7.1.3 Adjustments
No strategic changes are foreseen for the programmes focusing on the financial sector. However, several adjustments on a more operational level are likely to happen. As part of the Fair Finance Guide, activities regarding pension funds are being set up, which will be coordinated with our efforts to reach a covenant on responsible investment in this sector. The international reports on investments in cluster munitions and nuclear weapons will diversify in methods that can be used to reach additional companies (cluster munitions) and outline a communication strategy (nuclear weapons) to generate broader and more sustained media attention.
Learned lessons on Theory of Change
One lesson learned is that as we increase and formalize our options for dialogue with financial institutions, their response so far has generally been to ask us to put less pressure on them publicly. We therefore need to safeguard our role as an organization that initiates public debate and ensures public accountability for financial institutions.
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8 CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT
Our collaborative relationship with our partners is the core of our work to achieve the strategic objectives of the Freedom from Fear programme. Capacity Development is an integral part of this relationship and goes beyond the implementation of trainings and workshops. Our partner relationships include a blend of informal and formal capacity development through learning by doing together, through linking and learning and through on the job coaching and advising. Through this our partners are supported to be well equipped to facilitate dialogue and negotiation processes or to collect evidence that they can use to hold authorities to account on issues such as human rights and security, civic space and respect of diversity. This will help to build social cohesion, more responsive and legitimate institutions, and an enabling environment for citizens’ rights. In addition, organizational strengthening helps to build our partners’ sustainability and resilience.
Partner network
In 2017, PAX and Amnesty International’s partner portfolio in the countries covered by the Freedom from Fear- programme included 62 local partners, ranging from churches, peace and human rights activists, grassroots community- based organizations, local and national NGOs, (trans)national coalitions and networks. Some partners are well established, others are small and emerging, often operating in harsh and insecure contexts. In general, the way we work with partners can be described as a joint undertaking in research, analysis, strategy development, programme design and implementation. This approach, which requires frequent contact and field visits, enhances mutual learning.
As this document shows, our work with our partners yielded results in 2017. Yet collaboration did not always go as smoothly as expected, sometimes due to the context on the ground, sometimes due to internal factors with partners (e.g. in Mali and Ethiopia). In most cases, these challenges can be overcome in time or by offering organizational strengthening as we did in Cameroon, for example. In other cases it may require us to re-evaluate, and possibly terminate, these partnerships in 2018 (e.g. in the Central African Republic and DR Congo).
Capacity development
The main focus of capacity development has been on human security/rights monitoring, lobbying and advocacy, and activism with increased attention for risk mitigation and (digital) security to counter security threats stemming from repressive regimes and conflict. In 2017, for instance, our partners in Sudan and South Sudan received training and on- the-job support by IT experts, improving their awareness and level of protection. We have also shared our expertise on mediation and dialogue, community mobilization, dealing with the past, gender and organizational strengthening (finance, administration and funding –acquisition).
Capacity development support is tailored to the specific needs of partners and in PAX’s case it is registered in individual partner capacity-building plans . In 2017, a total of 48 partners received capacity support, 35 PAX partners, 13 Amnesty Partners and 1 joint PAX/Amnesty partners. For Amnesty International, the past year has proven that linking its partners’ capacity building to its research has a positive effect on the work its partners carry out because the latter receives more visibility and consequently has more impact. Amnesty International benefits from this as the organization has extensive sources of reliable information. As such, we will reinforce this approach in the coming years.
With regard to lobbying and advocacy specifically, we provided capacity development support to 16 partners in Burkina Faso, Zimbabwe, Iraq, Syria, East Jerusalem, the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes Region.4 In most cases, this led to increased capabilities and results: in 2017, for instance – thanks to joint strategizing by PAX and its partners – the HoACS forum managed to attract attention and secure keynote introductions by prominent officials on the shrinking space for civil society at side events of the African Commission for Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Council. A joint PAX- HoACS report further increased the forum’s international reputation and credibility.
The Amnesty International – PAX partnership on capacity development
As in previous years the partnership between PAX and Amnesty International in 2017 built on targeted programmatic cooperation. Good examples include the training Amnesty International provided to a PAX partner in East Jerusalem on
4 For security reasons the names of partner organizations are not mentioned here.
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economic, social and cultural rights . This training activity, which the partner considered an eye-opener, will strengthen its capacity to claim citizen rights for the inhabitants of Jerusalem from local authorities. For PAX’s partners in Ituri, Amnesty International facilitated an exchange visit to their partners in North Kivu, followed by training, to familiarize them with systemized security and human rights monitoring. This has helped PAX’s partners to collect evidence which it can use to approach and lobby government security actors.
Work continued in 2017 on Amnesty International’s Business and Human Rights package, with PAX’s Natural Resources programme staff taking an advisory role. A first handbook explaining international standards relevant to businesses' impacts on human rights and their application to various actors is almost ready for printing. A second handbook is being drafted to complement the first handbook by providing methods and tools to put the aforementioned standards into practice when protecting the rights of those adversely affected by businesses. The content of both handbooks will form the basis for the development of specific training sessions. The package will be piloted in 2018 among Amnesty International’s partners first.
In 2017, a strategic decision was made to no longer develop a joint lobbying, campaigning and activism package as this would duplicate too much material that already exists. Instead PAX and Amnesty International have chosen a more targeted approach, which includes developing a series of training modules tailored to the different entry levels of beneficiaries (from beginners to advanced).
9 GENDER
Gender norms, roles and inequalities continue to play a role in our programmes’ contexts. At times, violent conflict and displacement have led to the reinforcement of traditional power structures – which often support gender discrimination and result in diminished public space for women and girls, and an increase in sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Gender stereotypes are prevalent in narratives informing military recruitment processes, and the role and concerns of women continue to be overlooked in disarmament and security sector reforms. At international disarmament events, mansplaining and all-male panels continue to be the norm. While men continue to dominate high-level decision-making processes, women and youth are increasingly active in local peace building and conflict prevention initiatives. In 2017, our focus on gender-inclusive practices led to results, for example: • Development of gender-specific advocacy strategies that include the meaningful participation of women (e.g. Humanitarian Disarmament), documenting gendered experiences of civilians (PoC), and a greater role for women in policymaking while engaging men in bottom-up peace initiatives (Ukraine). • Incorporation of revised gender-sensitive approaches in the design, implementation and management of projects, for example how data is collected, and community engagement sessions are organized for the Human Security Survey in South Sudan and Iraq. • Successful approach to demonstrate that gender inequality is a root cause of conflict and endemic in all programmes in Iraq. For example, the national Iraqi police force has demonstrated a willingness to cooperate with our local partner on enhancing their gender-sensitive capacities and training curriculum. • Establishment of a women-led peace and dialogue group in South Sudan, connecting needs-based dialogues between and across residents of the community, and the initiation of a PoC site. The committee at the PoC site (men only) first refused to meet with the group. Eventually they ‘allowed’ the women to read their statements, which is a first step for female engagement with an important peacebuilding actor on the ground.
Several of our programmes have made progress in terms of our partners’ capacity development on gender, for example: • Amnesty International uses a gender lens in all its capacity-building activities to create awareness of the different effects that human rights violations and safety and security issues have on male and female human rights defenders and/or victims. • PAX started increasing young activists’ awareness on gender dynamics to enhance gender-sensitive programming in Syria. This capacity-building process is likely to continue in 2018. • In Iraq, gender has been mainstreamed in capacity-building tracks throughout the programme. For example, academics were trained in gender-sensitive research methodologies to collect case studies for joint advocacy on harmful gender norms and SGBV. Moreover, Amnesty International trained PAX’s local partner to effectively monitor, document and report on SGBV incidents. • PAX has provided training to women in South Sudan on advocacy and tools for enhancing women’s meaningful participation in peacebuilding processes, which has laid the foundations for organising dialogues within communities on gender norms, and for engaging community/traditional leaders (mostly men).
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• One partner in North Kivu recognized that it had a gender imbalance in its monitoring team and requested Amnesty International to support the recruitment and capacity building of seven additional female monitors. • A total of ten human rights monitors from two partner organizations – both male and female - were taught the skills to do effective research on the characteristics, scale and consequences of sexual violence in South Sudan. They interviewed 168 victims of sexual violence, including 16 men, the results of which were incorporated into Amnesty International’s report ‘Do not remain silent’, which received international media attention.
10 PLANNING, MONITORING, EVALUATION AND LEARNING
PME and learning activities in 2017 included: • Introducing outcome harvesting as a monitoring mechanism for PAX’s programme work with the aim of having the first outcome harvest in early 2018 that can feed into the SP report for 2017. Amnesty International will build upon PAX’s lessons learnt in this area and explore in 2018 to what extent they can adopt this mechanism for monitoring progress, including for their mid-term review. • Designing all projects according to the general thematic theories of changes in multi-annual project plans (PAX) and country plans (Amnesty International). These project/country-specific ToCs are the basis for planning, monitoring, evaluating, reporting and publishing by the International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI). Outcome harvesting enables more detailed learning and reflection on the ToCs at both the project and general thematic levels. This might lead to adjustments/differentiations of the general ToCs. However, at this moment, it is still too early to make changes at the general level. • Finalizing (quality check and additional information gathering) the baselines for all projects (PAX) and country programmes (Amnesty International) that started before 1 October 2016 in the first months of 2017.5 Baselines and targets have been integrated into IATI activity files. • Implementing two evaluations and one learning review in 2017. A quality assessment of these evaluations on validity, reliability and usability is pending.
In 2017, Amnesty International’s staff was encouraged to follow courses that were directly relevant to their work, such as courses on human rights research methods and participatory gender auditing, as well as on safety and security. At PAX, 43 staff members participated in one or several of five programmatic learning cycles on community-based security; evidence-based advocacy; new technologies; engagement of non-state armed groups; and nonviolent action. Methods for learning varied from classical training to action learning. The action learning method introduced a more reflective way of listening and questioning PAX’s work based on individual learning questions. In a workshop about the engagement of non-state armed groups, a new combination of storytelling and critical incidents was used to explore and compare the existing knowledge and experiences of partners in this area. It helped to bring to light valuable information and more generic lessons, as reflected in a detailed report (due to appear in 2018).
Some lessons learnt: • Outcome harvesting proved to be an appropriate tool for programme managers to document the results of their programme. Further assessment of the process and results should clarify whether learning was enhanced by outcome harvesting. • The reflective space and different kind of dialogue that were created, especially in the action learning methodology, were much valued by most (though not all) participants. • PAX has an enormous amount of experience readily available and knows how to put theory into practice. However, organizing, analysing and documenting, sharing and then ensuring its implications for the quality of PAX’s work is a challenge. • The power of learning questions has been taken on board, as can be observed in the annual reports of programmes, which specifically formulate learning questions. The effectiveness of individual learning questions, and the motivation of staff to participate in action learning, depended on whether the questions had personal and programmatic relevance. Learning questions that were broad and implied innovation did not really take off.
5 We informed MoFA of the progress of the baseline process in a memo dated 21 December 2016.
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11 ANNEX A: REPORTING ON DIALOGUE & DISSENT INDICATORS
The Result Framework of Dialogue and Dissent
Reporting on Dialogue & Dissent consist of both quantitative and qualitative elements. The following six core indicators will be used for reporting, both quantitative as well as qualitative.
Indicator name Indicator description DD1 # of laws, policies and norms, implemented for sustainable and inclusive development. DD2 # of laws, policies and norms/attitudes, blocked, adopted, improved for sustainable and inclusive development DD3 # of times that CSOs succeed in creating space for CSO demands and positions through agenda setting, influencing the debate and/or creating space to engage. DD4 # of advocacy initiatives carried out by CSOs, for, by or with their membership/constituency DD5 # of CSOs with increased L&A capacities DD6 # of CSOs included in SPs programmes
For operationalisation in the context of the Freedom from Fear programme, the following guidelines are used for each indicator (adapted from the revised Dialogue Result Framework).
Indicator Result Adaptation from result framework D&D DD1 Adequate practice of new/improved laws, policies, and We do not apply the quality criteria of D&D framework societal norms: of “with appropriate regulatory measures, courses of action, funding, quality assurance and evaluation”, since • (Starting) implementation of existing / new / this is in most of our cases not realistic. The reference is blocked laws, policies and norms that there are reliable signs that actors start acting according to (the spirit) of proper implementation of new or existing policies, laws and norms.
DD2 Inclusive legislation, policies, societal norms in support of citizens people to access their rights, services and opportunities:
• Adoption : successful passing of a new law, policy or norm • Improvement : successful passing of a proposal for an improvement of an existing law, policy or norm • Blocking : successful opposition to a policy or law; preventing cuts or other negative changes to a law, policy or norm.
DD3 Our (partners) involvement: advocacy activities of us Since our lobby and advocacy is the result of our lobby and / or our partners start having effect in the sense that and advocacy as well as that of our partners, we have their demands are being heard and that they are made that explicit in the description of the result. We involved in decision making processes of targeted further added some categories, to have a stronger actors: alignment with our work. • Supporting our (partners’) cause / advocacy goal • Creating space to engage : (starting) engagement of • Relying on our authority the targeted areas with us / with our partners to discuss policies, laws and norms to bring them in line with our cause. • Influencing the debate : targeted actors adopt / show goodwill to our (partners’) terminology, rhetoric, framing and argumentation. • Agenda setting : targeted actors place CSO issues on the agenda. • Supporting : targeted actor shows its accordance with our (partners’) cause / advocacy goals to put leverage on the holder of our (partners’) concern.
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Indicator Result Adaptation from result framework D&D • Relying on our authority : targeted actor relies on our (partners’) authority to feed the actors’ position in the debate. DD4 Our (partners’) advocacy: we and our partners activate Since our lobby and advocacy is the result of our lobby and educate citizens, mobilise support, build bridges, and advocacy as well as that of our partners, we have and employ advocacy initiatives: made that explicit in the description of the result. We further added building bridges since that is a major part • Political participation : we / our partners advise, of our work in communities: create mutual pressure and persuade state officials, private sector understanding and trust in and between antagonistic representatives, societal actors, multi-stakeholder communities as an extra leverage on (local) authorities platforms and the wider public to address the for inclusive policies. issues / claims of excluded or marginalised groups. • Mobilisation : we / our partner mobilise support and Although we recognise the importance of capacity create networks necessary for collective advocacy. development for our partners’ advocacy, we do not see • Building Bridges : we / our partner build bridges in DD4 as mainly the impact of capacity building but as an and / or between communities to creating space to integral part of our lobby and advocacy trajectories. develop / implement an inclusive agenda. • Activation : we / our partners inform / educate citizens, interest groups and other CSOs on issues / claims. DD5 Our partners improve their capacity to lobby and In the D&D framework this indicator refers to capacity advocate: building as an intervention. In our interpretation this result refers to the improved lobby and advocacy of our • Our partners show their improved capabilities in partners, that is: the functioning of our partners in lobby their lobby and advocacy activities and advocacy has improved and / or their legitimacy has • Our partners have increased their legitimacy increased.
o Through their links with their
constituency o Through their authority / credibility DD6 The scope of our partner network :
• number of partners
The application of the result framework
PAX and Amnesty apply the result framework differently:
PAX: • makes use of its PME system and collects results though outcome harvesting. Each outcome is then linked to one of the D&D indicators, DD1-DD4. • The value of the DD indicators equals the number of outcomes connected to the DD-Indicator. This differs from the units of measurement of the DD indicators as stipulated in the D&D guidelines. e.g. # of laws, # of times, # of initiatives. • The indicators DD5-DD6 refers directly to partners and the development of their capacity. These results are also part and parcel of PAX PME system, but these are not collected through outcome harvesting but through the partner monitoring system of PAX. This system was not fully operational at the time of reporting, so we noticed an underreporting of DD5. We will take measures to improve the system.
Amnesty: • Amnesty will collect and analyse the information for the DD1-DD4 indicators in their Mid Term Review (2018). These values will become available later. • The values of their DD5-DD6 indicators has been collected through their existing partner monitoring system.
Further: • Not all outcomes are disclosed publicly for security and / or tactical reasons. • In IATI, the DD1-6 indicators from PAX and Amnesty will be distinguished through a suffix (AI/PAX).
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The 2017 values of the Dialogue and Dissent Indicators
1. # of laws, policies and norms, implemented for sustainable and inclusive development. Theme: CBS&CR: 5 outcomes • NE and CW Africa; 3 outcomes: mobilisation of local communities on security issues leading to three outcomes of local authorities taking successful measures to mitigate conflict. • CW Africa; 1 outcome: early warning system leading to a faster response of public security forces in case of security incidents. • Middle East; 1 outcome: operationalisation of four schools in war torn and polarised context based on inclusive and democratic principles. Sub-Theme: financial system as leverage: 2 outcomes • 2 outcomes of companies acknowledging international agreements on controversial weapons: fewer financial institutions invested in selected nuclear weapon producing companies; the ones that continue investing in nuclear weapons invested more money though. The last two U.S. cluster munition producers publicly announced that they terminated their cluster munition production. Not Disclosed: 5 outcomes DD1-value: 12 outcomes
2. # of laws, policies and norms/attitudes, blocked, adopted, improved for sustainable and inclusive development Theme: CBS&CR: 5 outcomes • CW Africa; 2 outcomes: in DR Congo, a new mining code including recommendations regarding the artisanal mining was discussed in Parliament and ready for approval. A legal agreement signed between industrial mining company MGM and 4 artisanal mining cooperatives regarding the coexistence of both mining forms in Haute Uele. • Middle East; 2 outcomes; adoption of education principles (inclusiveness, democratic) in 4 schools in war torn Syria and capacitation of teachers accordingly. The adoption of conditionalities on EU support to reconstruction of Syria: (1) no funding for reconstruction until political transition is firmly on its way, and 2: no engagement in early recovery/stabilisation efforts that could support social and demographic engineering. • Europe; 1 outcome: multi annual strategy in city of Pershotravensk on cooperation between city council and civil society. Theme: Humanitarian Disarmament: 2 outcomes • Madagascar and Benin ratified the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) and the majority of UN member states (130+) negotiated at the United Nation in New York a legally-binding instrument to prohibit nuclear weapons, leading towards their total elimination. Sub-Theme: financial system as leverage: 4 outcomes • Financial institutions showcase their increased engagement to exclude cluster munition producers from their investment portfolio. 4 Japanese financial institutions stating their intention to do the same. • More financial institutions published policies that explicitly forbid investment in nuclear arms production or published them to have these policies assessed. Theme: NRC&HR: 1 outcome • In May energy company ENEL announced it would stop buying coal from Colombia after making an assessment of the (human rights) impact in the mining region of Cesar. Theme: Protection of Civilians: 1 outcome • NATO Adopts Protection of Civilians Action Plan, including timelines for implementing PoC Policy and development of PoC military concept, training modules and exercise elements. Not Disclosed: 10 outcomes DD2-value: 24 outcomes
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3. # of times that CSOs succeed in creating space for CSO demands and positions through agenda setting, influencing the debate and/or creating space to engage. Theme: CBS&CR: 27 outcomes • NE and CW Africa, 8 outcomes: our partners created space for local communities to engage with local authorities on security and protection, daily life problems and access to justice. Youth organisations have more opportunities to engage with local leaders, relevant institutions and donor organisations. In DR Congo, Haute Uele, the political playing field is now more conducive for local communities perspectives on security. Community security structures effectively collect information on the local security situation which is being used in their engagement with local security actors. Middle East, 9 outcomes: • In Iraq, we found support from international actors in Iraq on the importance to consult local communities in order to make reconstruction and stabilisation more conflict sensitive; local authorities and civil society / youth groups collaborate and coordinate their activities. • On gender in Iraq, our partners allied with governmental institutions to campaign against proposed amendments to the Personal Status Law. Our partners sensed an increasing willingness of police authorities on the importance of gender training for the police. Victims of domestic violence found engagement from authorities on their security concerns. • We are acknowledged as a leading authority working in Syria with non-violent activist. In East Jerusalem religious leaders were willing to coordinate their actions with community leaders. • Europe, 10 outcomes: In Ukraine, the association of municipalities rely on the authority of our partners on local governance; and municipalities work more closely together and learn from each other on local governance, also in Kosovo. There is an increased trust and more collaboration between local government and civil society. Marginalised groups feel more engaged with community affairs. Theme: Dealing with the Past, 2 outcomes: • In South Sudan the Jubek State government officially honoured the victims of the 1992 Juba massacre. In Kosovo, the EU took position in favour of Transitional Justice, responding to public statements of the government against Transitional Justice. Theme: Humanitarian Disarmament: 8 outcomes • UN agencies and state actors take up and share our concerns on the use of explosive weapons and on conflict and environment; political parties in the Netherlands take positions re. armed drones. Several state actors share our concerns re. lethal autonomous weapons. 116 CEO’s from tech companies expressed this concern too. • The Noble Peace Price for ICAN opens up more doors for broader and deeper engagement with relevant actors on nuclear disarmament. Sub-Theme: financial system as leverage: 4 outcomes • More countries view investment in cluster munition producers as prohibited by the CCM; more than 20 countries publicly identified financing as a form of assistance that would be prohibited by the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. • The Dutch insurance and pension sectors have both initiated a process to negotiate a sector agreement on the implementation of the OECD guidelines and UNGPs. Theme: NRC&HR: 8 outcome • Blood Coal Campaign: the Special Envoy for Natural Resources of the Dutch MoFA stated that mining companies in César, Colombia need to take reconciliation measures, and Verdad Abierta (research centre) has published articles on the forced displacement of people in the coal mining region of César. Increasingly, energy companies are pressuring mining companies to start negotiations on compensation. In September 2017, the mining companies Prodeco and Glencore attended the commemoration of victims of the massacres in their zones of influence. • The Voluntary Principles Initiative developed and improved procedures and guidelines for companies and governments on business and human rights compliance. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights acknowledged the relevance of a SOMO/Shift/PAX study on disengagement. Theme: Protection of Civilians: 7 outcome • Our input in the report by the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy entitled ‘Veiligheid in een wereld van verbindingen’ (Security in an Interconnected World) informed Dutch parliamentarians on human security in the context of an integrated approach to security and development. A parliamentarian hearing and follow-up talks have put the topic of accountability for civilian causality rates in armed conflict high on the parliament’s agenda. • NATO discusses with stakeholders the development of the PoC Military Concept.
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3. # of times that CSOs succeed in creating space for CSO demands and positions through agenda setting, influencing the debate and/or creating space to engage. • Our Human Security Surveys in Iraq and South Sudan helped our partners to secure the engagement of local authorities on disarmament issues. • New links were established with UNMISS in South Sudan allowing communities to discuss their security concerns directly with the UN peace mission. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) are increasingly willing to use civilian perspectives to guide their support to UN missions and to apply civilian perspectives in the evaluations of PoC missions. Not Disclosed: 39 outcomes DD3-value: 95 outcomes
4. # of advocacy initiatives carried out by CSOs, for, by or with their membership/constituency Theme: CBS&CR: 31 outcomes • NE Africa, 7 outcomes: the HoACS forum attracted the attention of and received acknowledgement from the African Commission on Human Rights and the UN Human Rights council. The victims of atrocities and violations have used the forum as a channel to air their grievances. Our partners in South Sudan activated and mobilized communities on security issues, antagonistic communities worked together to improve trust and mutual understanding and communities engaged more with youth. Middle East, 17 outcomes: • In the Netherlands, we mobilized citizens to express their solidarity with besieged people in Ghouta and to support nonviolent activists. In Syria, our partners mobilized activists to help those involved in the besiegement of and attacks against civilians in eastern Ghouta. They motivated Druze and Sunni youth to work together and to mitigate tensions in their community; and they facilitated Kurdish and Arab youth to visit the Yezidis community for the first time. Our partner mobilised parents and institutions around a school based on inclusive and democratic principles. • In Iraq our partners activated and mobilized citizens from different communities to organize themselves in local peace committees enabling them to develop mutual understanding and trust between communities. Community leaders were trained and motivated to take up a leadership or supporting role in this endeavour. The international donor community engaged with the peace committees on early warning, conflict mitigation and the process of returning IDPs to their homeland. • In East Jerusalem, our partners activated and mobilized communities and their leaders to take up issues related to Israel’s plans with the city and to develop an informal governance. Our partners lobbied the PLO and the Palestinian Authority for stronger engagement in East Jerusalem. Our Israeli and Palestinian partners coordinate their advocacy efforts towards the international community more regularly. • Europe, 7 outcomes: Our partners in Ukraine carried out activities to activate and mobilize youth in conflict prevention, intercultural dialogues and inter-group awareness. We are also witnessing the increased political participation of our partners in Kosovo. Theme: Dealing with the Past, 2 outcomes: • Both Kosovar Albanian and Kosovar Serbian CSOs showed stronger engagement in working on issues related to the Kosovo Specialist Court. Theme: Humanitarian Disarmament: 1 outcome • We mobilised youth to engage in nuclear disarmament. Sub-Theme: financial system as leverage: 1 outcome • Six insurers active in the Dutch market engaged in dialogue with PAX to discuss investment in controversial arms trade. Theme: NRC&HR: 1 outcome • Our Colombian partner in the Blood Coal Campaign mobilized victims to prepare for a possible reconciliation dialogue and made both society-at-large and the authorities aware of their stake in the reconciliation process. Theme: Protection of Civilians: 2 outcomes • Our Human Security Surveys in Iraq and South Sudan helped our partners to mobilize communities to focus on their security issues. Not Disclosed: 22 outcomes DD3-value: 60 outcomes
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5. # of CSOs with increased L&A capacities Theme: CBS&CR: Capacity building to 43 partners, 9 partners monitored with observed enhanced capacity • NE Africa : 12 partners • CW Africa: 1 partners • Middle-East: 15 Partners • Europe: 1 Partner • Amnesty International NL: 14 Partners Theme: Dealing with the Past: Capacity building to 3 partners, 1 partner monitored with observed enhanced capacity • NE Africa: 2 partners • CW Africa: 1 partner Theme: NRC&HR: Capacity building to 1 partners • CW Africa: 1 partners • Plus one partner form Dealing with the Past / CW Africa Theme: Protection of Civilians: 0 partners • One partner from CBS&CR / Middle East DD5-value: 10 partners
6. # of CSOs included in SPs programmes Theme: CBS&CR: 55 partners • NE Africa: 14 partners (9 NGOs, 1 network, 1 other) • CW Africa: 1 partner (1 Network) • Middle East: 23 partners (9 NGOs, 10 CBOs, 1 Network, 1 informal Group, 2 Other) • Europe: 3 Partners (2 NGOs, 1 Other) • Amnesty International NL: 14 partners Theme: Dealing with the Past: 6 partners • NE Africa: 3 partners (1 CBO, 1 NGOs, 1 other) • CW Africa: 1 partner (1 NGO) • Europe: 2 partners (2 NGOs) Theme: NRC&HR: 2 partners • NE Africa: 1 partners (1 NGOs) • CW Africa: 1 partners (1 CBO, 1 Network) • Plus one partner from CBS&CR / NE Africa • Plus one partner from DwtP / CW Africa Theme: Protection of Civilians: 1 partner • NE Africa: 1 partner • Plus two partners from CBS&CR / Middle East DD6-value: 65 partners (PAX 51, Amnesty 14)
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