Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty: Past, Present, and Uncertain Future
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War and the Constitutional Text John C
War and the Constitutional Text John C. Yoo∗ In a series of articles, I have criticized the view that the original under- standing of the Constitution requires that Congress provide its authorization before the United States can engage in military hostilities.1 This “pro- Congress” position ignores the constitutional text and structure, errs in in- terpreting the ratification history of the Constitution, and cannot account for the practice of the three branches of government. Instead of the rigid proc- ess advocated by scholars such as Louis Henkin, John Hart Ely, Louis Fisher, Michael Glennon, and Harold Koh,2 I have argued that the Constitu- tion creates a flexible system of war powers. That system provides the president with significant initiative as commander-in-chief, while reserving to Congress ample authority to check executive policy through its power of the purse. In this scheme, the Declare War Clause confers on Congress a ju- ridical power, one that both defines the state of international legal relations ∗ Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) (on leave); Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, United States Department of Justice. The views expressed here are those of the author alone and do not represent the views of the Department of Justice. I express my deep appreciation for the advice and assistance of James C. Ho in preparing this response. Robert Delahunty, Jack Goldsmith, and Sai Prakash provided helpful comments on the draft. 1 See John C. Yoo, Kosovo, War Powers, and the Multilateral Future, 148 U Pa L Rev 1673, 1686–1704 (2000) (discussing the original understanding of war powers in the context of the Kosovo conflict); John C. -
The Formation of Nato and Turkish Bids for Membership
AKADEMİK YAKLAŞIMLAR DERGİSİ JOURNAL OF ACADEMIC APPROACHES KIŞ 2010 CİLT:1 SAYI:1 WINTER 2010 VOLUME:1 ISSUE:1 FROM NEUTRALITY TO ALIGNMENT: THE FORMATION OF NATO AND TURKISH BIDS FOR MEMBERSHIP Abdulkadir BAHARÇİÇEK* Abstract The formation of NATO was a responce by the United States to the security questions of the Western Europe and North Atlantic region. Turkey also faced with a serious threat from the Soviet Union. Turkey‟s attempts of entering NATO shaped Turkish security polices as well as her relations with the rest of the world. Turkish membership to NATO can be regarded a solution to her security problems, but it may well be argued that the main cause behind that policy was the continuation of the polices of westernization and modernization. The obvious short term factor behind Turkish desire was the Soviet threat. But at the same time the ideolojical aspirations in becoming an integral part- at least in term of military alliance- of Western world without any doubt played a decisive role in Turkey‟s decision. Özet İkinci Dünya Savaşı‟ndan sonra Avrupa‟da ortaya çıkan yeni güvenlik sorunları ve özellikle Batı Avrupa‟ya da yönelen Sovyet tehdidine karşı ABD‟nin öncülüğünde NATO ittifakı kuruldu. Aynı dönemde Türkiye‟de kendisini Sovyet tehdidi altında görüyordu. Türkiye‟nin NATO‟ya girme çabaları Türkiye‟nin güvenlik politikalarını ve Batı ile olan ilişkilerini de şekillendirdi. NATO üyeliği, Türkiye açısından, güvenlik sorunlarına bir çözüm olarak görülebilir, fakat bu üye olma arzusunun arkasında modernleşme ve batılılaşma ideolojisinin bulunduğunu söylemek de yanlış olmayacaktır. Kısa dönemde Sovyet tehdidine karşı koymanın hesapları yapılırken, uzun vadede Batı sisteminin ayrılmaz bir parçası olma arzusunun Türk karar alıcılarının temel düşüncesi olduğu söylenebilir. -
NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
To Declare War
TO DECLARE WAR J. GREGORY SIDAK* INTRODUCTION ................................................ 29 I. DID AMERICA'S ENTRY INTO THE PERSIAN GULF WAR REQUIRE A PRIOR DECLARATION OF WAR?................ 36 A. Overture to War: Are the PoliticalBranches Willing to Say Ex Ante What a "War" Is? ...................... 37 B. Is It a Political Question for the Judiciary to Issue a DeclaratoryJudgment Saying Ex Ante What Is or Will Constitute a "War"? .................................. 39 C. The Iraq Resolution of January 12, 1991 .............. 43 D. Why Do We No Longer Declare War When We Wage War? ................................................ 48 E. The President's War-Making Duties as Commander in Chief ................................................ 50 F. The Specious Dichotomy Between "General War" and Undeclared "'Limited War"........................... 56 II. THE COASE THEOREM AND THE DECLARATION" OF WAR: POLITICAL ACCOUNTABILITY AS A NORMATIVE PRINCIPLE FOR IMPLEMENTING THE SEPARATION OF POWERS ........ 63 A. Coasean Trespasses and Bargains Between the Branches of Government ....................................... 64 B. PoliticalAccountability, Agency Costs, and War ........ 66 C. American Sovereignty and the United Nations .......... 71 III. THE ACCOUNTABLE FORMALISM OF DECLARING WAR: LESSONS FROM THE DECLARATION OF WAR ON JAPAN .... 73 A. Provocation and Culpability: Is America Initiating War or Is Pre-Existing War "Thrust Upon" It? ............. 75 B. The Objectives of War: The President'sLegislative Role as Recommender of War .............................. 79 * A.B. 1977, A.M., J.D. 1981, Stanford University. Member of the California and District of Columbia Bars. In writing this Article, I have benefitted from the comments and protests of Gary B. Born, L. Gordon Crovitz, John Hart Ely, Daniel A. Farber, John Ferejohn, Michael J. Glennon, Stanley Hauerwas, Geoffrey P. -
Title 'Expanding the History of the Just
Title ‘Expanding the History of the Just War: The Ethics of War in Ancient Egypt.’ Abstract This article expands our understanding of the historical development of just war thought by offering the first detailed analysis of the ethics of war in ancient Egypt. It revises the standard history of the just war tradition by demonstrating that just war thought developed beyond the boundaries of Europe and existed many centuries earlier than the advent of Christianity or even the emergence of Greco-Roman thought on the relationship between war and justice. It also suggests that the creation of a prepotent ius ad bellum doctrine in ancient Egypt, based on universal and absolutist claims to justice, hindered the development of ius in bello norms in Egyptian warfare. It is posited that this development prefigures similar developments in certain later Western and Near Eastern doctrines of just war and holy war. Acknowledgements My thanks to Anthony Lang, Jr. and Cian O’Driscoll for their insightful and instructive comments on an early draft of this article. My thanks also to the three anonymous reviewers and the editorial team at ISQ for their detailed feedback in preparing the article for publication. A version of this article was presented at the Stockholm Centre for the Ethics of War and Peace (June 2016), and I express my gratitude to all the participants for their feedback. James Turner Johnson (1981; 1984; 1999; 2011) has long stressed the importance of a historical understanding of the just war tradition. An increasing body of work draws our attention to the pre-Christian origins of just war thought.1 Nonetheless, scholars and politicians continue to overdraw the association between Christian political theology and the advent of just war thought (O’Driscoll 2015, 1). -
Civilian Personnel Regulations AMENDMENTS
NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION Civilian Personnel Regulations AMENDMENTS Record of amendments Strike out corresponding number as each amendment is inserted 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 Design and lay-out : NATO Graphics Studio APRIL 2005 CONTENTS 1 Amdt 25 / June 2016 Contents Preamble PART ONE Article RULES GOVERNING MEMBERS OF THE STAFF Chapter I - Recruitment and employment 1 - 3 Chapter II - Appointments, assignments and contracts 4 - 6 Chapter III - Separation 7 - 11 Chapter IV - Obligations and responsibilities 12 - 14 Chapter V - Work 15 - 17 Chapter VI - Security 18 - 21 Chapter VII - Salaries, allowances, supplements, advances and loans 22 - 36 Chapter VIII - Travel and removal 37 - 41 Chapter IX - Leave 42 - 46 Chapter X - Social securities and insurances 47 - 51 Chapter XI - Provident Fund 52 - 54 Chapter XII - Reports, performance assessment, 55 - 58 grades, advancement, changes of post or grade Chapter XIII - Discipline 59 - 60 Chapter XIV - Administrative review, complaints and appeals 61 - 62 Chapter XV - Pension Schemes 63 - 67 2 CONTENTS APRIL 2005 Amdt 25 / June 2016 PART TWO RULES APPLICABLE TO CONSULTANTS AND TEMPORARY PERSONNEL Chapter XVI - Consultants 68 - 76 Chapter XVII - Temporary personnel 77 - 87 PART THREE STAFF REPRESENTATION Chapter XVIII - Staff Associations and Staff Committees 88 - 90 PART FOUR ANNEXES 1.A. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization the Origins of NATO the NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION
The Origins of N A TO THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION European Economic Recovery power production), and dollar reserves to pay for necessary and European Integration imports. The war had rent the social fabric of many nations, setting social class against social class and ethnic group n the aftermath of the total defeat of Nazi Germany in against ethnic group. Political tensions were exacerbated by 1945, Europe struggled to recover from the ravages of the participation of many Europeans in collaborationist occupation and war. The wartime Grand Alliance be- regimes and others in armed resistance. Masses of Europe- tweenI the Western democracies and the Soviet Union ans, radicalized by the experience of war and German collapsed, and postwar negotiations for a peace settlement occupation, demanded major social and economic change foundered in the Council of Foreign Ministers. By 1947 and appeared ready to enforce these demands with violence. peace treaties with Italy and the defeated Axis satellites were The national Communist Parties of Western Europe stood finally concluded after protracted and acrimonious negotia- ready to exploit this discontent in order to advance the aims tions between the former allies, but the problem of a divided of the Soviet Union.2 and occupied Germany remained unsettled. U.S. leaders were acutely aware of both the dangers of In April 1947 Secretary of State George Marshall re- renewed conflict in Europe and of their ability to influence turned from a frustrating round of negotiations in the the shape of a postwar European political and social order. Council of Foreign Ministers in Moscow to report that the Fresh from the wartime experience of providing major United States and the Soviet Union were at loggerheads over Lend-Lease aid to allied nations and assistance to millions of a prescription for the future of central Europe and that the refugees through the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Soviets appeared ready to drag out talks. -
4 August 1914
IWM LONDON PRESS INFORMATION 4 August 1914 The lead up to Britain’s declaration of war ▪ At the beginning of the twentieth century, Britain was one of the greatest powers in the world, with one in four people owing allegiance to the British Crown. ▪ By 1907 Europe was split into two main camps: Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy in one – The Triple Alliance – and France, Russia and Britain in the other – The Triple Entente. ▪ 28 June 1914, Serbian-backed terrorist, Gavrilo Princip, shot dead Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne. With German encouragement, this led to Austria-Hungary’s declaration of war against Serbia one month later on 28 July 1914. ▪ This declaration of war drew in allies and supporters on both sides. Germany supported Austria-Hungary and Russia stood by the Serbs. ▪ 3 August 1914, Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey addresses the House of Commons on Britain’s position in the crisis. ▪ The British government, led by Prime Minister Herbert Asquith, agonised over whether to support France and Russia or to remain neutral but it feared a German domination of Europe would result if France and Russia were beaten. A victorious and hostile Germany would threaten Britain’s security and its position in the world. ▪ Germany’s invasion of Belgium, to get to France, tipped the balance as ever since 1839 Britain had guaranteed both Belgium’s neutrality and independence. 4 August 1914 Timeline Note: In August 1914 London, Paris and Brussels were all on the same time while Berlin and Vienna were one hour ahead, and St Petersburg two hours ahead. -
No. 541 BELGIUM, CANADA, DENMARK, FRANCE, ICELAND
No. 541 BELGIUM, CANADA, DENMARK, FRANCE, ICELAND, ITALY, LUXEMBOURG, NETHERLANDS, NORWAY, PORTUGAL, UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND and UNITED STATES OF AMERICA North Atlantic Treaty. Signed at Washington, on 4 April 1949 English and French official texts communicated by the Permanent Representa tive of the United States of America at the seat of the United Nations. The registration took place on 7 September 1949. BELGIQUE, CANADA, DANEMARK, FRANCE, ISLANDE, ITALIE, LUXEMBOURG, PAYS-BAS, NORVEGE, PORTUGAL, ROYAUME-UNI DE GRANDE-BRETAGNE ET D©IRLANDE DU NORD et ETATS-UNIS D©AMERIQUE Trait de l©Atlantique Nord. Sign Washington, le 4 avril 1949 Textes officiels anglais et français communiqués par le représentant permanent des Etats-Unis d'Amérique au siège de l'Organisation des Nations Unies. L'enregistrement a eu lieu le 7 septembre 1949. 244 United Nations — Treaty Series_________1949 No. 541. NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY1. SIGNED AT WASH INGTON, ON 4 APRIL 1949 The Parties to this Treaty reaffirm their faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and their desire to live in peace with all peoples and all governments. They are determined to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilization of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. They seek to promote stability and well-being in the North Atlantic area. They are resolved to unite their efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security. They therefore agree to this North Atlantic Treaty: Article 1 The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, to settle any international disputes in which they may be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered, and to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. -
Denmark Last Updated: July 2021
Denmark Last Updated: July 2021 CYBERSECURITY POLICY Strategy Documents Danish Cyber and Information Security Strategy 2018-2021 Ministry of Finance Introduces 25 initiatives organized in 3 benchmarks: 1. Everyday Safety for Citizens and Businesses: Central government together with critical sectors is enhancing its technological preparedness as the threat scenario evolves in order to be able to protect essential societal functions against cyberattacks or other major information security incidents; 2. Better Competencies: Citizens, businesses and authorities have access to the requisite knowledge and are qualified to address the increasing level of cyber and information security challenges; and 3. Joint Efforts: Risk-based security management is an integral part of central government management and management of critical sectors. there must be a clear division of roles and responsibilities in the area of cyber and information security for authorities and businesses providing key societal functions. Source Source 2 2018-2021 Digital Strategy 2016-2020 Agency for Digitalisation (Digitaliseringsstyrelsen) Three main goals with three focus areas each: 1. Digital solutions must be easy-to-use, quick and ensure high quality 2. Digitalisation must provide good conditions for growth 3. Security and confidence must be in focus at all times Source May 2016 A Strong Defence of Denmark: Proposal for New Defence Agreement 2018 – 2023 Ministry of Defence Calls for capability for military operations in cyberspace, including the ability to protect own network infrastructure, and also to affect opponents’ use of cyberspace. To establish a Centre for Cyber Security under the Ministry of Defence To further develop a Computer Network Operations (CNO) capability in order to provide a capacity that can execute defensive and offensive military operations in cyberspace. -
U.S. Periods of War and Dates of Recent Conflicts
U.S. Periods of War and Dates of Recent Conflicts Updated December 14, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21405 U.S. Periods of War and Dates of Recent Conflicts Summary Many wars or conflicts in U.S. history have federally designated “periods of war,” dates marking their beginning and ending. These dates are important for qualification for certain veterans’ pension or disability benefits. Confusion can occur because beginning and ending dates for “periods of war” in many nonofficial sources are often different from those given in treaties and other official sources of information, and armistice dates can be confused with termination dates. This report lists the beginning and ending dates for “periods of war” found in Title 38 of the Code of Federal Regulations, dealing with the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). It also lists and differentiates other beginning dates given in declarations of war, as well as termination of hostilities dates and armistice and ending dates given in proclamations, laws, or treaties. The dates for the recent conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq are included along with the official end date for Operation New Dawn in Iraq on December 15, 2011, and Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan on December 28, 2014. Operation Inherent Resolve continues along the Syrian-Iraqi border effective October 15, 2014. For additional information, see the following CRS Products: CRS In Focus IF10539, Defense Primer: Legal Authorities for the Use of Military Forces, by Jennifer K. Elsea; CRS Report RL31133, Declarations of War and Authorizations for the Use of Military Force: Historical Background and Legal Implications, by Jennifer K.