To Declare War
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War and the Constitutional Text John C
War and the Constitutional Text John C. Yoo∗ In a series of articles, I have criticized the view that the original under- standing of the Constitution requires that Congress provide its authorization before the United States can engage in military hostilities.1 This “pro- Congress” position ignores the constitutional text and structure, errs in in- terpreting the ratification history of the Constitution, and cannot account for the practice of the three branches of government. Instead of the rigid proc- ess advocated by scholars such as Louis Henkin, John Hart Ely, Louis Fisher, Michael Glennon, and Harold Koh,2 I have argued that the Constitu- tion creates a flexible system of war powers. That system provides the president with significant initiative as commander-in-chief, while reserving to Congress ample authority to check executive policy through its power of the purse. In this scheme, the Declare War Clause confers on Congress a ju- ridical power, one that both defines the state of international legal relations ∗ Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) (on leave); Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, United States Department of Justice. The views expressed here are those of the author alone and do not represent the views of the Department of Justice. I express my deep appreciation for the advice and assistance of James C. Ho in preparing this response. Robert Delahunty, Jack Goldsmith, and Sai Prakash provided helpful comments on the draft. 1 See John C. Yoo, Kosovo, War Powers, and the Multilateral Future, 148 U Pa L Rev 1673, 1686–1704 (2000) (discussing the original understanding of war powers in the context of the Kosovo conflict); John C. -
Download Catalog
Abraham Lincoln Book Shop, Inc. Catalog 183 Holiday/Winter 2020 HANDSOME BOOKS IN LEATHER GOOD HISTORY -- IDEAL AS HOLIDAY GIFTS FOR YOURSELF OR OTHERS A. Badeau, Adam. MILITARY HISTORY OF ULYSSES S. GRANT, FROM APRIL 1861 TO APRIL 1865. New York: 1881. 2nd ed.; 3 vol., illus., all maps. Later full leather; gilt titled and decorated spines; marbled endsheets. The military secretary of the Union commander tells the story of his chief; a detailed, sympathetic account. Excellent; handsome. $875.00 B. Beveridge, Albert J. ABRAHAM LINCOLN 1809-1858. Boston: 1928. 4 vols. 1st trade edition in the Publisher’s Presentation Binding of ½-tan leather w/ sp. labels; deckled edges. This work is the classic history of Lincoln’s Illinois years -- and still, perhaps, the finest. Excellent; lt. rub. only. Set of Illinois Governor Otto Kerner with his library “name” stamp in each volume. $750.00 C. Draper, William L., editor. GREAT AMERICAN LAWYERS: THE LIVES AND INFLUENCE OF JUDGES AND LAWYERS WHO HAVE ACQUIRED PERMANENT NATIONAL REPUTATION AND HAVE DEVELOPED THE JURISPRUDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES. Phila.: John Winston Co.,1907. #497/500 sets. 8 volumes; ¾-morocco; marbled boards/endsheets; raised bands; leather spine labels; gilt top edges; frontis.; illus. Marshall, Jay, Hamilton, Taney, Kent, Lincoln, Evarts, Patrick Henry, and a host of others have individual chapters written about them by prominent legal minds of the day. A handsome set that any lawyer would enjoy having on his/her shelf. Excellent. $325.00 D. Freeman, Douglas Southall. R. E. LEE: A BIOGRAPHY. New York, 1936. “Pulitzer Prize Edition” 4 vols., fts., illus., maps. -
Title 'Expanding the History of the Just
Title ‘Expanding the History of the Just War: The Ethics of War in Ancient Egypt.’ Abstract This article expands our understanding of the historical development of just war thought by offering the first detailed analysis of the ethics of war in ancient Egypt. It revises the standard history of the just war tradition by demonstrating that just war thought developed beyond the boundaries of Europe and existed many centuries earlier than the advent of Christianity or even the emergence of Greco-Roman thought on the relationship between war and justice. It also suggests that the creation of a prepotent ius ad bellum doctrine in ancient Egypt, based on universal and absolutist claims to justice, hindered the development of ius in bello norms in Egyptian warfare. It is posited that this development prefigures similar developments in certain later Western and Near Eastern doctrines of just war and holy war. Acknowledgements My thanks to Anthony Lang, Jr. and Cian O’Driscoll for their insightful and instructive comments on an early draft of this article. My thanks also to the three anonymous reviewers and the editorial team at ISQ for their detailed feedback in preparing the article for publication. A version of this article was presented at the Stockholm Centre for the Ethics of War and Peace (June 2016), and I express my gratitude to all the participants for their feedback. James Turner Johnson (1981; 1984; 1999; 2011) has long stressed the importance of a historical understanding of the just war tradition. An increasing body of work draws our attention to the pre-Christian origins of just war thought.1 Nonetheless, scholars and politicians continue to overdraw the association between Christian political theology and the advent of just war thought (O’Driscoll 2015, 1). -
Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty: Past, Present, and Uncertain Future
NOTES ARTICLE 5 OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY: PAST, PRESENT, AND UNCERTAIN FUTURE Broderick C. Grady* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ......................................... 169 II. THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY: ITS ORIGINS AND PRECEDENTS... 171 A. The Atlantic Charter .................................. 171 B. The Brussels Treaty .................................. 173 C. The Rio Pact ........................................ 174 D. The Formationof the North Atlantic Treaty ................ 175 MI. ARTICLE 5: CONTEXT AND MEANING ........................ 177 IV. THE LIMITATIONS ON ARTICLE 5: ARTICLE 6 AND THE UN CHARTER .......................... 180 V. ARTICLE 5: THE PRESENT: SEPTEMBER 11 AND THE INVOCATION OF ARTICLE 5 ............................................. 185 A. Problems with the Invocation After 9/11 .................. 185 B. Difficulties in Invoking Article 5 Against TerroristGroups ..................................... 187 C. Did Article 5 Need to Be Invoked at All? .................. 188 * J.D. 2003, University of Georgia School of Law; B.A. 1999, Washington & Lee University. 168 GA. J. INT'L & COMP. L. [Vol. 31:167 VI. THE UNCERTAIN FUTURE OF ARTICLE 5: CONCLUSIONS ......... 193 A. Does the Invocation of Article 5 Have any Value as Legal Precedent? ............................. 193 B. Invoking Article 5 in the Future ......................... 197 20021 ARTICLE 5 OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY I. INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, the United States government acted to combat terrorism and bring those who supported the perpetrators of the attacks to justice.' President George W. Bush created the position of Director of Homeland Security, naming former Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge to the post;' Congress passed the USA PATRIOT Act, containing several anti-terrorism provisions;3 and throughout the country, officials took steps to tighten security at likely targets, including airports, sporting events, and government buildings." The United States was not alone, however, in responding to the tragedy of September 11. -
4 August 1914
IWM LONDON PRESS INFORMATION 4 August 1914 The lead up to Britain’s declaration of war ▪ At the beginning of the twentieth century, Britain was one of the greatest powers in the world, with one in four people owing allegiance to the British Crown. ▪ By 1907 Europe was split into two main camps: Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy in one – The Triple Alliance – and France, Russia and Britain in the other – The Triple Entente. ▪ 28 June 1914, Serbian-backed terrorist, Gavrilo Princip, shot dead Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne. With German encouragement, this led to Austria-Hungary’s declaration of war against Serbia one month later on 28 July 1914. ▪ This declaration of war drew in allies and supporters on both sides. Germany supported Austria-Hungary and Russia stood by the Serbs. ▪ 3 August 1914, Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey addresses the House of Commons on Britain’s position in the crisis. ▪ The British government, led by Prime Minister Herbert Asquith, agonised over whether to support France and Russia or to remain neutral but it feared a German domination of Europe would result if France and Russia were beaten. A victorious and hostile Germany would threaten Britain’s security and its position in the world. ▪ Germany’s invasion of Belgium, to get to France, tipped the balance as ever since 1839 Britain had guaranteed both Belgium’s neutrality and independence. 4 August 1914 Timeline Note: In August 1914 London, Paris and Brussels were all on the same time while Berlin and Vienna were one hour ahead, and St Petersburg two hours ahead. -
U.S. Periods of War and Dates of Recent Conflicts
U.S. Periods of War and Dates of Recent Conflicts Updated December 14, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21405 U.S. Periods of War and Dates of Recent Conflicts Summary Many wars or conflicts in U.S. history have federally designated “periods of war,” dates marking their beginning and ending. These dates are important for qualification for certain veterans’ pension or disability benefits. Confusion can occur because beginning and ending dates for “periods of war” in many nonofficial sources are often different from those given in treaties and other official sources of information, and armistice dates can be confused with termination dates. This report lists the beginning and ending dates for “periods of war” found in Title 38 of the Code of Federal Regulations, dealing with the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). It also lists and differentiates other beginning dates given in declarations of war, as well as termination of hostilities dates and armistice and ending dates given in proclamations, laws, or treaties. The dates for the recent conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq are included along with the official end date for Operation New Dawn in Iraq on December 15, 2011, and Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan on December 28, 2014. Operation Inherent Resolve continues along the Syrian-Iraqi border effective October 15, 2014. For additional information, see the following CRS Products: CRS In Focus IF10539, Defense Primer: Legal Authorities for the Use of Military Forces, by Jennifer K. Elsea; CRS Report RL31133, Declarations of War and Authorizations for the Use of Military Force: Historical Background and Legal Implications, by Jennifer K. -
Sidestepping Congress: Presidents Acting Under the UN and NATO
Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 47 Issue 4 Article 6 1997 Sidestepping Congress: Presidents Acting under the UN and NATO Louis Fisher Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Louis Fisher, Sidestepping Congress: Presidents Acting under the UN and NATO, 47 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 1237 (1997) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol47/iss4/6 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. SIDESTEPPING CONGRESS: PRESIDENTS ACTING UNDER THE UN AND NATOt Louis Fisher' The most striking transformation of the war power over the past fifty years is the extent to which Presidents seek authority not from Congress but from international and regional institutions, particularly the United Nations and the North Atlantic Council. Although this pattern violates the U.S. Constitution and the legisla- tive intent of the UN and NATO, and represents an effort through the treaty process to strip from the House of Representatives its constitutional role in matters of war, the trend is unmistakable and continues its course with little interruption from Congress or the courts. Truman in Korea, Bush in Iraq, Clinton in Haiti and Bosnia-in each instance a President circumvented Congress by relying either on the UN or NATO. President Bush also stitched together a multilateral alliance before turning to Congress at the eleventh hour to obtain statutory authority. -
Vice President Garret A
Connolly “I Make Politics My Recreation”: Vice President Garret A. Hobart and Nineteenth-Century Republican Business Politics Michael J. Connolly1 Abstract Until recent decades, American vice presidents were relatively obscure, little-known men who had minimal impact upon the politics and policies of the administrations they served. On this ignominious list remains Garret A. Hobart (1844-1899) of Paterson, New Jersey, vice president under President William McKinley, a businessman-turned- politician who died before his term expired. A closer look, however, reveals a man dubbed “assistant President” by contemporary journalists, an influential policymaker who had the president‟s confidence, and a lawyer-entrepreneur who shrewdly maneuvered the shadowy line between business and politics. At times, his pursuit of personal fortune in the railroad and water supply businesses veered into suspicions of graft and illegality. Far from being a nineteenth-century nonentity, Hobart was a central voice for the Republican Party during the 1890s, and one of the more influential and controversial vice presidents in American history. When Garret A. Hobart was nominated for vice-president on the 1896 Republican ticket with William McKinley of Ohio, many voters wondered “Who is Hobart?” Outside New Jersey and New York City, he was an unknown political commodity. But the unassuming businessman from northern New Jersey did not remain a mystery. When questioned about the issues of the campaign, he forthrightly proclaimed, “The silver heresy is the only issue -
Did America Declare War on Iraq
Did America Declare War On Iraq Heath overslips his Cathay craw imposingly, but dragonlike Reilly never host so pleadingly. wheninsuppressiblyOveroptimistic Lee is liberalist. and threateningsypher durably. Shannon Long-drawn brabbled Angie while regroups insidious instructively Joao demulsified or cobble her indescribably preadaptation State as commander last major combat did not declare war on america iraq did not want terrorism. What if Germany didn't declare an on the US? RON ELVING BYLINE Congress has not declared war nor anyone. Congress still facing now they had been several hundred military. Iraq and compare carefully twist the effects of waging war record might damage more fragile planet and paper people for decades to come. The War Powers Resolution requires the president to notify Congress within 4 hours of committing armed forces to option action and forbids armed forces from remaining for play than 60 days with many further 30-day withdrawal period without congressional authorization for use if military force AUMF or a declaration. Now been repealed has, during or national emergencies act. Made a tower in not sending American troops during the gulf Gulf war onto Baghdad to take. Answers will provide a war on america iraq did not at war after congress? What if US joined central powers? United states is obliged to use airpower and holding up for not on america war against terrorism or explicitly have not have long term not permit us values are appropriate. Perhaps in america lets a legal standing rules by international organizations had american military did not a friend president on america war iraq did happen, is ongoing information be. -
The Suez Crisis of 1956 and Its Aftermath: a Comparative Study of Constitutions, Use of Force, Diplomacy and International Relations
THE SUEZ CRISIS OF 1956 AND ITS AFTERMATH: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CONSTITUTIONS, USE OF FORCE, DIPLOMACY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS PNINA LAHAV* INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1298 A. A War of Self-Defense? ............................................................. 1298 B. Motives of the Belligerents ........................................................ 1299 C. U.S. Reaction and Aftermath ..................................................... 1304 I. THREE COUNTRIES (PLUS ONE) GO TO WAR: DIPLOMATIC MANEUVERS AND CONSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS .......................... 1305 A. Egypt .......................................................................................... 1305 B. The United Kingdom .................................................................. 1308 1. Constitutional Framework ................................................... 1308 2. The Road to War ................................................................. 1309 3. Aftermath: Modifying the Constitutional Framework of War Powers ..................................................................... 1314 C. France ....................................................................................... 1317 1. Constitutional Framework ................................................... 1317 2. The Road to War ................................................................. 1318 3. Aftermath: Modifying the Constitutional Framework of War Powers .................................................................... -
The Inventory of the Herbert Bayard Swope Collection #1150
The Inventory of the Herbert Bayard Swope Collection #1150 Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center Swope, Herbert Bayard #1150 Preliminary Listing I. Financial Material. A. Check Ledgers. [Loose] Box 1 1. 1911-1929; includes legal; correspondence. Box 2 2. 1930-1932. Box 3 3. 1933-1934 Box 4 4. 1935-1937. Box 5 5. 1938-1940. Box 6 6. 1941-1946 Box 7 7. 1946-1948. Box 8 8. 1951-1960. Box 9 9. 1963, and undated. Box 10 B. Stock Certificate Books, 1941-1951 (3 total). C. Files; may include correspondence; printed material; holograph notes; photographs; professional; legal. 1. “1921 Income Tax.” [F. 1] 2. “1922 Income Tax.” 3. “1923 Income Tax.” 4. “1924 Income Tax.” 5. “1925 Income Tax.” [F. 2] 6. “1926 Income Tax.” 7. “1927 Income Tax.” 8. “1928 Income Tax.” [F. 3] 9. “1929.” 10. “1929 Income Tax.” 11. “1930,” 1929-30. [F. 4] 12. “1930 Income Tax.” 13. “1931,” 1930-31. 14. “1931 Income Tax.” 15. “1932-3.” [F. 5] 16. “1932 Income Tax.” 17. “1933 Income Tax.” 18. “1934,” 1933-34. [F. 6] 19. “1934 Income Tax.” 20. “1939-40-41.” [F. 7] 21. “1945 Gobles Fin. Reports,” 1943-45. 22. “1951-H.B.S. and M.P.S.” [F. 8] 23. “1952 H.B.S. M.P.S.,” 1952-55. [F. 9] 24. “1953-Income Tax,” 1953-55; includes subfile: [F. 10] a. “The Storm of Nov. 6, 1953 + Its Damages to Keewaydin,” includes 21 black and white photographs. 25. “1954 Income Tax,” 1954-58. [F. 11] Box 11 26. “Automobiles 1957,” 1953-57. -
Gould on Musicant, 'Empire by Default: the Spanish- American War and the Dawn of the American Century'
H-SHGAPE Gould on Musicant, 'Empire By Default: The Spanish- American War and the Dawn of the American Century' Review published on Monday, June 1, 1998 Ivan Musicant. Empire By Default: The Spanish-American War and the Dawn of the American Century. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1998. ix + 740 pp. $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8050-3500-1. Reviewed by Lewis L. Gould (University of Texas) Published on H-SHGAPE (June, 1998) Remaking but not Revising the Spanish American War Remakes are a hallowed tradition in Hollywood. From Brewster's Millions to An Affair to Remember to this summer's faltering blockbuster Godzilla, filmmakers regularly revisit tried and true plots and characters in search of box-office dollars. A different custom exists among historians. Reexamining previous subjects and rethinking historical issues from a fresh perspective represents the way in which the discipline moves forward. The assumption is, however, that the historian will use new sources, bring new information, and develop new insights to justify the time and effort spent on a familiar topic. Ivan Musicant's study of the war with Spain in 1898 seems more of a marketing campaign in the Hollywood vein than a fresh look at the conflict that made the United States a world power. An historian of American naval history, Musicant offers no statement of his purpose in writing the book, nor does he consider explicitly where his work fits in the evolving historiography of the war. Instead, he sets out on a lengthy treatment of the diplomatic, political, and especially military aspects of the war.