Money and Power in the Roman Republic

Home , 151 BC, 180s, 70 BC, 72 BC, Ambitus, Asculum

COLLECTION LATOMUS Fondée par M. Renard en 1939 Continuée par J. Dumortier-Bibauw et C. Deroux (directeur honoraire) Dirigée par D. Engels VOLUME 355

Hans Beck, Martin JeHne, and John Serrati (eds.) Money and Power in the Roman Republic

Éditions latomus bruxelles 2016

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Preface...... 7

Hans Beck, Martin Jehne, John Serrati Introduction...... 9

1. currencies of Power

David B. Hollander (Iowa State) Lawyers, Gangs and Money: Portfolios of Power in the Late Republic..... 18

Cristina Rosillo-López (Sevilla) Cash Is King: the Monetization of Politics in the Late Republic...... 26

Jonathan Edmondson (York) Investing in Death: Gladiators as Investment and Currency in the Late Republic...... 37

Brahm Kleinman (Princeton) Rhetoric and Money: The lex Aurelia iudiciaria of 70 B.C...... 53

Wolfgang Blösel (Duisburg-Essen) Provincial Commands and Money in the Late Roman Republic...... 68

2. money and State Action

Bruno Bleckmann (Düsseldorf) Roman War Finances in the Age of the Punic Wars...... 82

John Serrati (McGill/Ottawa) The Financing of Conquest: Roman Interaction with Hellenistic Tax Laws. 97

Nathan Rosenstein (Ohio State) Bellum se ipsum alet? Financing Mid-Republican Imperialism...... 114

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3. wealth and Status

Hans Beck (McGill) Money, Power, and Class Coherence: the ambitus Legislation of the 180s B.C...... 131

Elio Lo Cascio (Sapienza) Property Classes, Elite Wealth, and Income Distribution in the Late Republic...... 153

Francisco Pina Polo (Zaragoza) Cupiditas pecuniae: Wealth and Power in Cicero...... 165

Elizabeth Deniaux (Paris) The Money and Power of Friend and Clients: Successful Aediles in Rome...... 178

Martin Jehne (Dresden) The Senatorial Economics of Status in the Late Republic...... 188

Bibliography...... 208 Indices ...... 232

001_98368_CollecLatomus_Beck.indb 6 18/04/16 14:37 Wealth, Power, and Class Coherence. The ambitus Legislation of the 180s B.C.

Hans Beck

In 182 B.C. the Roman senate readjusted the financial administration of public games. The decree was stipulated in response to an immediate incident: the aedile Ti. Sempronius Gracchus had spent so much money on his lavish games that the event became a financial burden not only on Italy and the socii, but also on the overseas provinces. 1 In his attempt to entertain and impress – and, it should be added, recommend himself to – the Roman people, Sempronius evidently went too far; he practically forced the senate to intervene. Beyond the particular case in question, during the course of the 180s the financial administration of games had generally started to come under the scrutiny of the senate. For the greater part of the 3rd century B.C., the impensae ludorum (expenses for annual games) were usually covered by public funds that were allocated by the censors or the aediles. If the games in question were ludi uotiui (“votive games”), held by commanders to honor a vow they had made in battle, then the standard procedure was that the senate granted them the right to use some of the war spoils that were accumulated during the previous campaign. 2 In 200, this funding practice enabled the curule aediles to throw magnificent games and even repeat the performances of one day (31.50.1-2). 3 Only three years later, in 197, the plebeian aediles held games that were repeated for a total of seven times in a row, while the curule aediles threw jaw-dropping

1 Liv. 40.44.11-12. – Thanks are due to the workshop participants and to Karl-J. Höl- keskamp for thoughtful comments and suggestions for further improvement. 2 Mommsen 1887/1888: 295-6. 517-22 (aediles). 1128-9; Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 507-8; cf. Sabbatucci 1954: 262-93; Baltrusch 1989: 106-111 with note 447; see also Bernstein 1998: 67-76, 143-7, who discusses the piecemeal evidence. In Livy (24.18.10- 11) the censors commission public contracts to furnish supplies for the games, which cast some light on the process. For ludi uotiui, the allocation of funds depended on whether the commander had deposited the spoils in the treasury before his request was made; see also below on the issue of ownership of war spoils. 3 Sex. Aelius Paetus (cos. 198) and M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. 196), cf. MRR I: 323; Beck 2005a: 325-6, 357. The Plebeian Games of that year were thrice repeated by L. Terentius Massiliota (pr. 187) and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus (cos. 182).

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ludi Romani that were said to be more magnificent than anything the city had witnessed before. 4 Yet, the spiral of spectacular performance and rising expenses had its limi- tations, at least when state funds were concerned. In 191, the senate advised the consul P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica (who happened to be one of the curule aediles of 197) to fund the games he had vowed as propraetor a few years earlier either from previous war spoils or sua ipse impensa (“from his own money”: 36.36.1-3). Whichever it was, Scipio went on to celebrate magnificent ludi uotiui for a full ten days, most likely paid out of his own pocket. 5 Such a use of private funds once again complicated the matter; for if magistrates were allowed to resort to their family wealth when equipping games in the name of the republic, then the accumulation of monetary assets itself would become a powerful tool in politics. The connection was obvious. It took the senate only four years to contain the development. When, in 187, the propraetor M. Fulvius Nobilior (cos. 189) requested to hold ludi magni in accordance with a vow to Jupiter, he suggested that when his spoils went to the treasury, the funds for those games were to be encumbered and thus retrievable at a later date. The senate agreed to this in principle, but, in addition, stipulated that there should be an overall funding ceiling for Nobilior’s games: HS 80,000 in total. 6

1. Aristocratic Competition, Public Performances, and Money

By the time of Sempronius’ aedileship in 182, the issue of funds and financing of public games was not new, and his actions came as no surprise. Indeed, over the past decade magistrates and imperium-holders sought to set ever new prec- edents in the staging of games, accelerating the spiral of pomp, pageantry and pay. This evidently impacted the performance culture of the Roman republic. As games grew more lavish, so did the expectations of those who attended them. The post-Hannibalic War years mark a watershed in the festival culture of the republic in this regard, with ever increasing splendor in the choreography of games and staggering additions to, and repetitions of, the program. 7 But, in the political culture of republican Rome, the performative dimension of civic

4 Liv. 33.25.1-3. Curule aediles, P. Cornelius Scipio (cos. 191) and Cn. Manlius Vulso (cos. 189); aediles of the plebs, M’. Acilius Glabrio (cos. 191) and C. Laelius (cos. 190), cf. MRR I: 333. 5 Cf. Bernstein 1998: 272-4. 6 Liv. 39.5.7-10. 7 Livy’s record attests to the dramatically accellerated extension or repetition (in part or entirely) of the ludi Romani and/or Plebeian Games in the decade after 201 B.C. (in 7 out of 11 years from 201 to 191). In 197, the super-year of games, the Roman Games were repeated thrice and the Plebeian ludi for a total of seven times. Cf. 31.4.5-7 (201); 31.50.2-5 (200); 32.7.13-15 (199); 32.27.8 (198); 33.25.1-3 (197); 33.42.9-11 (196); 36.35.2 (191).

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rituals and games was only one aspect in a wider canon of political and social practices. 8 The interconnectedness between public performance and the exercise of political power was in itself complex and highly malleable, with many ties that cut through the most basic principles of Roman society. As was demonstrated by Karl-J. Hölkeskamp in a series of studies, in the face-to-face communication that was so characteristic of the conduct of politics at Rome – in elections and public speeches, during festivals and processions, or at religious ceremonies – the interaction between the noble elite and common people was neither casual nor free-floating, but encoded in the shape of civic rituals. Those rituals rendered the situation in which they were performed meaningful and legitimate, and, effectively, they “structure[d] and channel[ed] the interaction between rulers or ruling classes … and the ruled as co-present audience and addressees”. 9 The thrust towards higher spending and a thriving increase in expenses for games and celebrations, therefore, not only affected the actual entertainment of public performances. Along with these new developments, the inherent governance of the relation between the various status groups of Roman society at a key moment of their social interaction was exposed to adaptation and change. At the same time, a plain observation can be made. In the aftermath of the Second Punic War, the role of economic assets became increasingly important in the political arena. This does not necessarily point to a crude monetization model, with associated patterns of decadence and declining morale in politics. Notoriously little is known about Rome’s public finances prior to the Hanni- balic War; 10 and in the early decades after 200, the situation was yet vastly different from the days of the late republic, when the competition for distinc- tions and commands was as much determined by symbolic capital as it was by real money. It is a truism, however, that the outcome of the Second Hanni- balic and the Second Macedonian Wars did alter the economic realities of Rome. 11 The persistent influx of monetary resources from abroad changed the

8 The realm of public performance has been widely examined in recent years, cf. Flower 2004 for an overview. Individual civic rituals, the triumph: Itgenshorst 2005; Hölkeskamp 2006; Beard 2009; the various pompae: Beck 2005b; Hölkeskamp 2006 and 2008; games and spectacles: Bernstein 1998; Bell 2004; Beacham 1999; aristocratic houses: Beck 2009. For a survey of concepts and related key themes see also Beck/Wiemer 2009. 9 Hölkeskamp 2011: 166 and passim; cf. also the titles listed in the previous note. 10 See the survey of the evidence by Frank 1933, which is still fundamental; cf. also Erdkamp 1998; Rosenstein 2004; Andreau 2010; von Reden 2010, on the monetary aspect. 11 This was demonstrated by Toynbee’s magisterial study (1965) on the effects of the Hannibalic War on Roman society. Rosenstein 2004 now offers of course a much more nuanced picture. Cf. also Scheidel 2007, who operates on the assumption of a war-related alteration of the Italian economy.

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basis of the treasury. And, no matter who actually owned the manubiae, 12 it is safe to assert that this income also widened the economic abilities of the ruling elite. As the state budget and private wealth skyrocketed, the exercise of political influence at Rome became increasingly intertwined with issues of monetary assets. The senate responded to this development in a timely manner, if not swiftly. For the greater part of the 3rd century B.C., the financing of games did not appear to have been controversial. If there was a moment of crisis, it was most likely resolved by ad-hoc measures of the censors that were effective enough to contain the issue and find an immediate solution that cooled down the tensions between magistrates and the senate. 13 Under the impact of ever-increasing budgets, however, the situation became more entangled. After 200, the demand for ad-hoc solutions arose on almost an annual basis. In some sense, the action taken against Fulvius Nobilior was ad-hoc, as well; the stipulated funding ceiling of HS 80,000 for his games was, when decreed in 187, a regulation that applied only to Nobilior. The stipulation appeared to be an easy and effective strategy to settle the issue that had arisen over the use of private funds. To top the state funds that were earmarked for the event when the manubiae (“war spoils”) were transferred to the treasury, Nobilior was allowed to draw on his personal funds and run his games on a mixed budget, yet only up to a fixed amount. At the same time, the senatorial decree had a loophole. The ceiling of HS 80,000 applied to the total of expenses from public and private funds, but it disregarded other financial sources such as contributions from socii or ‘volun- tary’ installments from the provinces. Sempronius seems to have creatively exploited this loophole in 182 B.C. when he evaded Nobilior’s decree by col- lecting donations from abroad – according to Livy, this entailed extracting funds from the provinces – and thus securing the necessary funds for his extrav- agant games. In its reaction to this, the senate moved away from ad-hoc conflict resolution to a more comprehensive regulation, stipulating that future organizers of games “should not invite, compel, or accept contributions” (Liv. 40.44.11) for their event. In 179, only three years later, the sponsor of votive games in honor of Jupiter was reminded to observe both the decree for Fulvius Nobilior and the

12 The issue is notoriously hard to assess. In similar vein, it is difficult to see if the great victories of the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. were actually won at an economic profit or loss, cf. N. Rosenstein’s contribution to this volume. But the precarious balance between military expenses that were permanently high and the influx of spoils that were even higher but also more contingent and volatile made it almost certainly necessary that the manubiae went to the state treasury. This did not include the praeda, which was whatever the soldiers looted and which belonged to them. Against Shatzman 1972b, it was argued persuasively by Churchill 1999 and Rosenstein 2011 that the generals did not own the war spoils. 13 Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 399. 412-4. Cf. also Suolahti 1963: 20-79, who discusses the few attested instances; Baltrusch 1989: 5-29, 106-111.

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one issued in response to Tiberius Semprionius actions. 14 Within less than two decades after the Hannibal War, then, the financial administration of games underwent an increasing regularization. In short, the trajectory went from traditional management to ad-hoc regulation to the explicit spelling out of the most basic governing principles. At the (temporary) end of this process, the traditional procedure was replaced with a new piece of quasi-legislation. In the year of Sempronius’ aedileship, in 182 B.C., another law related to public performances was stipulated. By decree of the senate, the tribune of the plebs C. Orchius carried a law to limit the number of guests at private banquets. The details of this lex Orchia de cenis are lost, but it is usually thought to endorse exemplary lifestyles. 15 In light of similar prescriptions, for instance the leges Oppiae of 215 which targeted the display of luxury items in the public sphere of the city, such an interpretation of the lex Orchia appears plausible. 16 But the leges Oppiae were already abrogated at the time of the lex Orchia (in 195), and the spirit in the later 180s differed significantly from that of 215, the year following the military disaster on the battlefield at Cannae. A more nuanced understanding of the lex Orchia is possible. For the stipulation of ceilings for guest-lists and, hence, the attempt to regulate both the expenses and the pomp of conuiuia again points to the performative realm of public life at Rome. As with the celebration of lavish games, the holding of at-large banquets spoke to, and in turn exuberated, the social distinction of their hosts. On a minimalist interpretation, then, the lex Orchia of 182 illustrates that public banquets, too, had become an arena of aristocratic competition, that the attempts made by patrons to excel in that competition had increased significantly, and that ever-increasing sums of money were spent in order to facilitate that goal. 17 Since the conclusion of the Second Punic War, the role of wealth and money played a growing part in Roman politics, and due to new sources of income secured by victory over Carthage and Macedon, it did so to new heights. From the record of senatorial decrees in the first two decades after 200, it is obvious that the members of the ruling elite quickly embraced the idea of exploiting the opportunities that came with the unprecedented influx of financial resources. In light of an omnipresent climate of competition for public office and distinction,

14 Liv. 40.44.11-12: neue quid ad eos ludos arcesseret cogeret acciperet faceret aduersus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio consulibus de ludis factum esset. (12) decreuerat id senatus propter effusos sumptus, factos in ludos Ti. Semproni aedilis, qui graues nonmodo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis, sed etiam prouinciis externis fuerant. 15 Macr., Sat. 3.17.2-4; Festus s.v. percunctatum p.280-2 Lindsay = Elster 2003: # 160 (bibliography); cf. Bleicken 1955: 67; Baltrusch 1989: 77-81. 16 Liv. 34.1.2-3; Val. Max. 9.3.1; Oros. 4.20 = Elster 2003: # 98. 17 Cf. also Lintott 1990: 5-6; Harris 1979: 89, who highlights the seperate thrusts of the lex Orchia and the leges Oppiae.

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it is not surprising that the noble families in Rome picked up on this trend and employed creative strategies to increase their stakes by, literally as well as metaphorically, capitalizing on rising monetary resources – public, private, or from third parties. 18

2. New Heights in the Competition for Public Office-Holding

In a celebrated passage, Cicero declares that the fierce political competition in those years, notably the rivalry between candidates at elections, precipitated yet another response of the senate, i.e., the first-time stipulation of laws that governed the career path of public offices. In the same passage, Cicero claims that such laws did not exist “among the old ancestors of a past age”. 19 The hazy reference to old ancestors might point to the 4th or 3rd centuries B.C. However, despite Cicero’s notorious over-glorification of those ages and their exemplary heroes, the general observation holds true. It is reasonably clear that in the 150 years after the implementation of the consular constitution, traditionally (and for good reasons) dated to 367/6 B.C., very few so-called cursus laws, or leges annales, existed that governed the holding of office, let alone the rivalry between candidates who competed for public office. The holding of magistracies was governed by traditional practices, not by laws. There were some prescriptions in place, such as the 10-year interval for the holding of a second magistracy with the same imperium, iterations of the consulship were regulated by law in one way or the other since 342, 20 iterations of the censorship were excluded as of 265, 21 and the accumulation of offices was deemed illegal. 22

18 In Livy (39.5.7-10), Fulvius Nobilior backs his request for the encumbering of funds upon submission to the treasury with the explicit reference to the fact that part of the spoils had come from such a third party. Allegedly, 100 pounds of gold were col- lected by the cities of Greece and donated to him for the purpose to celebrate games that were vowed on the day he captured Ambracia. 19 Cic., Phil. 5.47: Legibus enim annalibus cum grandiorem aetatem ad consulatum constituebant, adulescentiae temeritatem uerebantur: … Itaque maiores nostri ueteres illi admodum antiqui leges annalis non habebant, quas multis post annis attulit ambitio, ut gradus essent petitionis inter aequalis. (“For when by age-requirement laws men were appointed to the consulship at a later age, they feared the rashness of youth: … Accordingly our ancestors, among the old ancestors of a past age, had no age-requirement laws. It was the rivalry between candidates that many years later introduced these laws so that the subsequent candidatures were between men of the same age.”) 20 Through the so-called leges Genuciae: Liv. 7.42.1-3 = Elster 2003: # 20. Both the details of the legislation and the conceptual issue of normative legislation in the 4th century B.C. is of course much debated: cf. Hölkeskamp 1987: 92-95; Cornell 1995: 333-44; Beck 2005a: 46-51. 101-5. Further references are also listed by Elster 2003: # 19. 21 Val. Max. 4.1.3; Plu., Cor. 1 = Elster 2003: # 65; cf. Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 617; Beck 2005a: 76-85. 104. 22 The leges Genuciae included the corresponding piece of legislation, cf. two notes earlier.

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Other prescriptions regulated the numerically equal access of plebeians and patricians to the public honores and priesthoods. 23 But there was no formalized career path, nor was there a set of laws that governed the financial, or any other, bearings of candidates. There was no cursus honorum, in the strict sense of the term. 24 The earliest cursus law appears to have been stipulated in 196 B.C., or so many scholars believe. Although a law is not actually attested in the sources, the fasti consulares betray a striking development. Before 196, the individual career paths of men who held the maximus honos indicate that, on their way to the consulate, many had sidestepped the praetorship, and that means that the praetorship was not compulsory for the consuls. 25 Even after the Hannibalic War, from 199 to 196, four of the eight consuls took a shortcut on the way to the consulship, bypassing the office of praetor. 26 As of 195, however, all men held the praetorship before serving as consuls. This development was most likely more than just mere coincidence. It was argued by some that the praetorship became a compulsory step on the way to the consulate in 196, and that this step was enforced by a corresponding legislation. 27 This might have been the case, yet it is not entirely clear if the new trend in the fasti was necessarily effected by law. Alternatively, this might have been due to the factual pressure put on candidates who canvassed for the highest office. In 197, it was decreed that the number of praetors was raised from four to six positions. 28 Arithmeti- cally, the bottleneck between the praetorship and the consulate had always been tight, at least since the creation of provincial praetorian commands in Sicily and Sardinia. After that year, in 227, only 50% of all praetors could become consuls. 29 In 197, the bottleneck tightened even further. With the addition of two Spanish praetorships, the relation shifted to 1:3, i.e., only 30% of all praetors were able to become consuls. This new ratio added drastically to the fierceness of the competition between candidates for the maximus honos. In the new climate, it is likely that candidates without praetorian experience simply were not strong enough to prevail over those who did have expertise in that area. Hence,

23 The leges Ogulniae: Liv. 10.6-9 = Elster 2003: # 46; Hölkeskamp 1988; Cornell 1995: 340-1; Rüpke 2007: 58-60. 24 The broader context of this is fleshed out in Beck 2003. 25 Cf. the fasti praetorii as compiled by Brennan 2000: 2.725-33; Beck 2005a: 63-70 with note 11; 2011: 82-6; Bergk 2011. 26 L. Cornelius Lentulus, aed. cur. 205, procos. 205-200, cos. 199. Sex. Aelius Paetus, aed. cur. 200, cos. 198 (cf. above note 3). T. Quinctius Flamininus, propr. 205-202 (?), cos. 198. C. Cornelius Cethegus, aed. cur. 199, cos. 197. Cf. MRR I under the respective years. 27 Cf. Brennan 2000: 1.168-9. 28 Cf. Liv. 32.27.6-1 with Elster 2003: # 137; Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 297-8; Brennan 2000: 1.163-6. 29 Solin. 5.1; cf. Liv., Per. 20; cf. Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 297-8; Lintott 1999: 107; Brennan 2000: 1.91-9; Beck 2011: 85.

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the competition was apparently so heated that the praetorship had become a factual obligation. With it, a candidate’s chances for the consulate were numerically 1 out of 3. Without it, they didn’t stand a chance at all. 30 The fasti further betray the increase in the competition for public office. Beginning in 205 B.C. and more visibly after 200, the fasti consulares document a rising percentage of men from a non-consular family background (25% of all plebeian consuls between 200 and 180). Only one-third of all plebeian consuls of this period were the sons and/or grandsons of consuls. 31 By means of comparison, in the two decades from 220 to 200 only 8% of all plebeian consuls were men from a non-consular family, while more than half of their cohort was staffed with men who were themselves the sons and/or grandsons of past consuls. 32 The development of the patrician segment of holders of the maximus honos mirrors this tendency, albeit under the particular premises that apply to the group. 33 The trend towards a broader recruitment pool of aristocratic families for the staffing of the consulate was in itself the result of the disastrous consequences of the Hannibalic War. At the lectio senatus of 216 alone, after the Battle of Cannae, 177 men were enrolled in the senate to com- pensate for the losses of the house on the battlefield (Liv. 23.23.7). In subsequent years, the aristocracy lost hundreds of its members in open battle and in the war of attrition. Naturally, the resulting need for human compensation broadened the family pool of the Roman aristocracy. At the same time, the exceptional careers of some of the leading figureheads in the Second Punic War fueled the intention to return to a less monopolized recruitment practice of high-office holders. As much as, for instance, the careers of Q. Fabius Maximus (cos. V 209), M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. IV 208), Q. Fulvius Flaccus (cos. IV 209), and P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus appeared to be desirable under the circumstances of war with Hannibal, they were hardly considered as tolerable after 201. In the aftermath of Rome’s victory, the senate fostered the rigid return to recruitment patterns as they were in place earlier, including the nulli- fication of suspense laws that were issued throughout the war. 34 Yet, in light of the recent shift in the social and political composition of the elite, the call for

30 For a more comprehensive discussion, cf. Beck 2005a: 54-5. 69-70. 31 The numbers provided in this section are based on the prosopographical analyis of the fasti consulares in Beck 2005a. In section II.3, the successrates of consular families is studied for the period from 290 to 180 B.C., with breakdowns of c. 20 years each: 290 to 265, 264 to 241, 240 to 219, 218 to 201, 200 to 180; cf. 114-6 for the governing methodology of the analysis. A similar approach to the fasti was forstered by Hopkins/ Burton 1983 and for the period after 180 B.C. by Badian 1990. For the figures in concretu, Beck 2005a: 141-7. 148. 151. 32 Beck 2005a: 136-41. 148. 151. 33 Beck 2005a: 136-41. 150. 152-3. 34 After 201 B.C., there were no more early iterations of the consulship, i.e., before the 10-year period of restriction. The last early iteration was that of M. Claudius Mar- cellus in 208, who had served as cos. III in 210; cf. Beck 2005a: 302-27. In c. 151 B.C.,

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aristocratic plurality also meant a higher degree of competition between candidates with – in theory – equal chances for obtaining an office with imperi um. 35

3. Ambitus in Context: the Governance of Competition, Canvassing, and Careers

The dramatic rise in the competition for public office-holding had a deep impact on the political life at Rome. The implications for the political culture of the republic were immediate, and they were severe. Holding high office was and remained the key prerequisite for the perpetuation of aristocratic status, and access to the top magistracies was a concern that was shared by all aristocratic families. The plebeian segment of the nobility was hit the hardest by the new development. The many young aristocratic families that had climbed the social ladder and entered the lower ranks of the senatorial elite in the years after 216 – at the ranks of quaestors, aediles, and maybe praetors – had to be accommo- dated; hence, the pressure of social positioning was felt particularly within the plebeian segment of the aristocracy. The patricians were more or less free from the tensions that were provoked by the arrival of new families and the re-positioning this required, but the shift in the traditional parameters that steered the political competition no doubt affected them as well. 36 In short, the aristocracy was faced with the triple challenge of a political rivalry exacerbated by dynamic social change, the deterioration of the numerical success rates, and the thrust towards a new commodity – vast amounts of financial assets – that allowed competitors to climb to all-new heights in their attempt to recommend themselves to the people of Rome and propel their ambitions. The situation was so grave that it called for senatorial intervention. In 181 B.C., the consul M. Baebius Tamphilus instituted a law that stipulated a decrease in praetorships from 6 to 4 on alternate years. 37 The obvious intention of the lex Baebia de praetoribus was to contain the competition between praetorian candidates for the consulship. In the present situation, there were simply too many praetors for whom there were too few consular posts available. This created a certain discontent among the ruling elite. 38 However, the measure was somewhat complicated in practical terms, if not downright awkward. Among

a law seems to have been issued that generally prohibited the iteration of the consulship: Liv., Per. 56 = Elster 2003: # 195. 35 The fasti praetorii, too, indicate a slightly accelerated degree of social mobility in the praetorian rank of the aristocracy in the two decades after 200 B.C., cf. Brennan 2000: 2.758-63 and also 1.170-1 on the impact of increased competition on the prolonged wait-time between the praetorship and the consulate in the 180s B.C. in particular. 36 Cf. Beck 2005a: 142-4, with further differentiation between patricians and gentes maiores in particular. 37 Liv. 40.44.2 = Elster 2003: # 162; Rotondi 277-8. 38 Cf. Evans/Kleijwegt 1992: 181; Stolle 1999: 63-66; Beck 2005a: 55-6.

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other things, it entailed that on alternate years there were not enough praetorian imperium-holders to cover the administration of six provinces. This, in turn, created distortions within the board of praetors. 39 For 179, indeed only four praetors were chosen, but for 177, the next alternate year, Livy attests six praetors again (and the same for the subsequent years), so the lex Baebia must have been abrogated only a few years after its original inception. The law was simply too quirky. 40 Another of Baebius’ motions was more successful. Both consuls of 181, Baebius and his colleague P. Cornelius Cethegus, initiated an ambitus law, which became known to be the first ambitus law of the republic (that is, the nebulous plebiscitum Poetilium of 358 notwithstanding 41). Livy, the main source, says nothing about its actual content; all he reports is that a law de ambitu was decreed ex auctoritate senatus and approved by the people. 42 The notion of ambitus is usually referenced as electoral bribery, 43 but it is doubtful whether the connotation of bribery, or corruption, fully captures the issue at stake. Senatorial status advancement drew on a variety of practices and recip- rocal relations, including the mutual obligations between the city’s ruling elite and the ordinary people. As part of this relation, senatorial patrons were expected, and called up, to offer support and assistance to their clients, who, in turn, would render their loyalty and show their allegiance during public festivals or at elections. There was nothing reprehensible about this. For example, at some point in the later 3rd century B.C. (most likely in 209), it was stipulated that clients should express gratitude to their patrons during the festival of the Saturnalia only through the giving out of wax lights; in previous years, certain aristocratic patrons had evidently asked for higher obligatory donations (munera) from their clients which, effectively, burdened them with expenses that were hard to shoulder. The lex Publicia de cereis was designed to put an end to this. How- ever, the law also betrays acceptance of the more general practice of mutual obligations between patrons and clients, including the exchange of commodities and material goods, which was essentially untouched by the law. 44 In a similar

39 Cf. Brennan 2000: 1.169-72, who concludes that under the provisions of the lex Baebia, Hispania Citerior and Ulterior were to be allotted to praetors only in even-numbered years. 40 Liv. 41.8.1.; cf. MRR I: 398. 41 Liv. 7.15.12-13 = Elster 2003: # 6; Hölkeskamp 1987: 83-5; Lintott 1990: 4; Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 611. 42 Liv. 40.19.11: legem de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tule runt. Cf. Elster 2003: # 161; Rotondi 277; Lintott 1990: 5-6. 43 More general discussions of the topic include the collection by Schuller 1982 (which received less scholarly response than it deserves); Fascione 1984 (with rev. Hölkeskamp, ZRG 104 [1987], 791-6); Lintott 1990: 1-2. 11-6; Jehne 1995; Nadig 1997; Stolle 1999; Rosillo-López 2010a; Walter 2010. 44 Elster 2003: # 112; Rotondi 258. Cf. Bleicken 1955: 65; Baltrusch 1989: 61-3.

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vein, the influencing of elections, for instance the demand for loyalty towards a patron by means of personal interception at the ballot, was not necessarily considered an act of corruption, but again an integral part of the mutual patron- client relation. 45 The term ambitus (from ambio, ambitio) indicates that the corresponding laws related to the way in which election campaigns were conducted; therefore it, apparently, targeted the issue of canvassing in a broad sense. 46 From that perspective, the contents of the earliest ambitus legislation of the 180s should not be reduced to the idea of corruption and bribery. Rather, for the earliest enactment of ambitus laws a broader understanding should be applied. When Baebius and Cornelius Cethegus initiated a lex de ambitu, they most likely targeted the conduct of canvassing and the behavior of candidates during election campaigns. This might have entailed the stipulation of funding ceilings for specific events or entertainment. Also, the law might have regulated the handing out of financial gifts and other donations; in this sense, its inherent logic followed that of the lex Publicia de cereis from 209 (see above). Indeed, in light of the prevailing discourse of the day, it is not unlikely that the employment of financial assets was regulated in one way or the other. But this did not necessarily place the motion in the realm of an anti-corruption legislation, in a more common sense of the word. 47 Many details of the problem remain obscure, but the general thrust should be clear. Like the regulations governing games and other aspects of public entertainment, the ambitus law of 181 moved the subject matter in question from traditional procedure to the area of legislation. Before 200, the canvassing arena was overseen by the censors. Their authority to exercise control over the public moral (regimen morum) almost certainly included the capacity to oversee election campaigns and scold candidates for their canvassing practices if necessary. 48 The lex Baebia de ambitu was the first attempt to provide a more general, legislative approach towards the problem. As in the case of the public

45 Cf. Lintott 1990: 10-11; also Walter 2010, who discusses the relevant legislation and the public discourse in the late republic. 46 Cf. Jehne 1995: 51-2, highlighting the breadth of violations that were covered by various ambitus laws. 47 Schuller 1982 and Grüne / Slanička 2010 offer an excellent survey of historical corruption-studies on multiple ancient and modern societies. As Schuller demonstrates, the most basic assumptions of the notion are problematic and require social contextual- ization: “Was als Korruption zu bezeichnen ist, hängt – von gewissen transkulturellen Kernbereichen abgesehen – wesentlich von den vorherrschenden gesellschaftlichen Organisationsformen und Verhaltensnormen und dem Ausmaß ihrer Akzeptierung ab.” (‘What qualifies as corruption depends on – certain transcultural key notions notwithstanding – the prevalent patterns in the organization of society, the norms of behavior, and the degree of its acceptability.’)” (1982: 11). 48 Cf. Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 399. 405-419 on the censors’ magisterial prestige after the lex Ouinia; see also Baltrusch 1989: 120-31.

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funding of games, the transformation from tradition to law was most likely triggered by a concrete cause; indeed, the preceding decade witnessed a whole array of incidents that had forced the senate to intervene (see also below). But despite its ad-hoc character, the law that resulted from the situation both embraced and promoted a new sense of normativity. Once again, the conduct of politics at Rome was formalized through the implementation of a new legal norm that superseded previous practices. In the overall spirit of the late 180s, it is not surprising to see that the access to offices itself was soon regulated. Around the same time as Baebius’ ambitus law, most likely in the same year, M. Pinarius Rusca drafted a law called a lex annalis by Cicero, an office qualification law, or, better, an age requirement law that targeted admission to the public magistracies. 49 The contents of the rogatio Pinaria are lost; it is not even clear whether or not the bill passed the senate and was brought before the people. The reason why Cicero references it is not its actual subject matter, but rather to highlight the brisk language with which Pinarius responded to the opponents of his bill. In other words, the rogatio Pinaria was remembered for the heated debate it provoked among the aristocracy, rather than for its actual content – which might imply that the rogatio as such was unsuccessful. 50 Be that as it may, no matter how fierce the debate was or how well both sides presented their arguments, in the following year (180 B.C.) those in favor of such a motion evidently prevailed over their opponents. The tribune of the plebs L. Villius carried a law that regulated the legal age of candidacy and entrance into public office. This is, of course, the famous lex Villia annalis which is usually referenced as the first cursus honorum law at Rome. 51 The brevity with which Livy refers to the lex Villia annalis, in conjunction with Theodor Mommsen’s verdict that the bill was a most comprehensive motion that systematically structured the cursus honorum, 52 almost naturally

49 Cic., de Orat. 2.261 (Rotondi 278): Ex immutatione, ut olim, Rusca cum legem ferret annalem, dissuasor M. Seruilius: ‘Dic mihi,’ inquit, ‘M. Pinari, num, si contra te dixero, mihi male dicturus es, ut ceteris fecisti?’ ‘Vt sementem feceris, ita metes,’ inquit. (“Allegory as a rhetorical figure is attested by Rusca, in moving his age requirement law, when his opponent M. Servilius said: ‘Tell me, Marcus Pinarius, if I speak up against you, will you revile me as you have done the others?’ He responded: ‘You shall reap your sowing.’”). Cf. Evans / Kleiijwegt 1992: 181; Stolle 1999: 63; Brennan 2000: 1.170; Beck 2005a: 53-4, also on the involved individuals M. Pinarius and M. Servilius (Geminus, cos. 202?). 50 On his account of the lex Villia annalis (cf. the following note), Livy says that this was the first time that age requirements were stipulated, which might imply that the roga tio Pinaria fell through. 51 Liv. 40.44.1 = Elster 2003: # 164; Rotondi 278-9; cf. Evans and Kleijwegt 1992; Kunkel / Wittmann 1995: 46-7; Stolle 1999: 65-6; Brennan 200: 169-72; Beck 2005a: 51-60; Timmer 2008: 82-95. 52 Mommsen 1887/1888: 536-563.

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triggered an endless debate on the actual contents of the law. In particular, it is debated how detailed its prescriptions were with regards to a compulsory course of offices, age qualifications, and indirect time prescriptions (such as a bien nium, for instance, between two offices). Livy plainly says (40.44.1): eo anno [180 B.C.] rogatio primum lata est ab L. Villio tribuno plebis quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque. 53 The primum relates to the stated content of fixing the ages at which magistracies might be sought and held, which makes earlier age prescriptions unlikely. The aspect is so predominant in Livy’s characterization that it is difficult to dismiss the idea of explicit age regulations. 54 Most likely the law laid down the minimum age for each of the curule magistracies: maybe 33 or 35 for the aedileship, 39 for the praetorship, and 42 for the consulate. 55 On the other hand, with such a regulation in place, it is puzzling to see what other regulations it would have required, if any, to meet the declared objective of making the competition for office more equal in terms of ages. 56 Despite the plain, almost minimalistic nature, the motion to set minimum ages had a tremendous normative force. First, the prescription was an effective tool to curb potential arguments over loopholes and exceptions: there was nothing to argue about the age of a specific candidate. Second, the stipulation of further time rules were for the most part redundant, although a biennium regulation that prohibited office holding in two consecutive years is very likely. 57 Associated with this was, third, the implicit governance of the course of offices, with no need for the explicit stipulation. Since age requirements forced even the most ambitious men to wait for a good deal of their careers until they reached the prescribed minimum age, the law effectively structured the competition for public office-holding, from the lower magistracies to the very top of the cursus. 58 The lex Villia annalis thus set out to standardize aristocratic careers and regulate the competition for public office-holding through the simple

53 “In this year for the first time a motion was proposed by the tribune of the people L. Villius, stipulating the ages at which each magistracy might be sought and held.” 54 Livy continues to report that Villius’ family was given the cognomen Annalis in recognition of the law, which once again highlights the novelty of the regulation. 55 Cf. Astin 1958: 31-45; Develin 1979: 88. 56 This was the inherent logic of leges annales according to Cicero, cf. above note 19. 57 One loop hole remained, however, if candidates did not obtain the applicable office suo anno. If a man was elected praetor at the age of 41 or 42, he would have met the age requirement for the consulate in the very year after his praetorship. In the 180s B.C., such a ‘retarded’ career path was by no means unusual, due to the high competition for offices with imperium; cf. Brennan 2000: 1.170-1, with several relevant examples. The lex Villia might have included a biennium blackout-prescription to prevent candidates to jump from one office to the next in two consecutive years. 58 The structuring of the cursus was thus achieved implicitly and indirectly, rather than through explicit regulation. In many ways, the structure was the result of inherent self-governance. For instance, with more praetor posts than aediles (as of 196), the aedileship cannot have been compulsory for offices with imperium.

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governance of the ages of candidates. Once again, the road to regulation by law followed the basic scheme that applied to the increasing formalization of other areas of aristocratic competition as well. After the many career exceptions in the decades after 220 B.C. that were sanctioned by ad-hoc consulta of the senate or circumstantial prescriptions (which in themselves were issued in response to highly contingent circumstances of the day), Villius’ motion transferred the matter of careers from piecemeal regulation to the legislative assemblies.

4. Shifting Parameters in the Competition for High Office

The intention of the lex Villia was to govern, and effectively equalize, the point of departure from where candidates would enter the arena of competition for high office. But other inequalities persisted, and it was hard to contain them by law. As mentioned above, the prosopography of imperium-holders after 200 B.C. indicates that, in the aftermath of the Hannibalic War, the nobility opened up again, and it did so significantly. About a quarter of all plebeian consuls from 200 to 180 came from a family background outside the inner core of the nobility, with no consular ancestor whatsoever. At the same time, the figure of consuls with either a consular father or grandfather dropped to a very low level (see above). Once again, those figures illustrate a broader trend, namely the decreas- ing value of so-called symbolic capital in the competition for public office-holding after 200 B.C. Candidates of the old gentes continued to dominate the voting assemblies, with a striking success rate. In the patrician segment of the nobility, this success was almost unbroken. However, at the same time, the dominance of the old gentes was not unrivalled, and the face of the nobility was gradually altered, with a rising prominence of families with lower, if any, symbolic capital at their disposal. The censorship elections in 189 fully capture the spirit of social mobility within the Roman elite. Recounting the events, Livy (37.57.9-58.2) says that the elections were particularly contested because so many esteemed candidates had entered the competition. He provides a list of six illustrious candidates (37.57.10) – all men of consular rank – and then continues with the observation that M’. Acilius Glabrio (cos. 191) appeared to be the most promising of them. The reason for Glabrio’s popularity was that “he had distributed many largesses by which he had placed a large part of the voters under obligation” (multa congia ria distribuerat quibus magnam partem hominum obligarat: 37.57.11). To this, the majority of nobiles objected that a “new man” (nouus homo: 37.57.12) should not be preferred over them. Glabrio’s opponents, therefore, launched a lawsuit against him, accusing him of misappropriation of war spoils from his campaign against King Antiochos two years earlier. Rather than handing the funds over to the treasury in full, Glabrio was charged with holding back a significant chunk which was used to support his candidacy through congiaria to the voters (although Livy does not say this explicitly). The subsequent trial

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was both fierce and nasty. Before the final verdict was reached, Glabrio with- drew his candidacy, which ultimately saved him from an impending conviction and the payment of a high fine (37.58.1-2). 59 As ever, Livy’s account is fraught with internal inconsistencies and anachronistic concept attribution. At an earlier instance, Livy implies that the with- holding of portions of the war spoil was sanctioned by the senate and indeed regarded as common practice. 60 Therefore, if anything, the charges brought forth against Glabrio must have been more nuanced – unless one is willing to see the entire affair as a political smoke screen put in place to ruin Glabrio. Also, the charged characterization of Glabrio as a nouus homo obfuscates the social realities of the Roman aristocracy in the Middle republic. Glabrio’s family background matched that of many other young aristocratic families that had entered the highest stratum in society only recently, in the course of the Hannibalic War. So, to be sure, the Acilii were social climbers and Glabrio was the first family member to reach the office of consul, but that did not make them homines noui in the later and stricter sense of the word. 61 This said, and due to their particular social profile, families like the Acilii must have operated differ- ently from the rest of the nobility. In particular, they resorted to different approaches in their preservation of social distinction. To them, it was futile to attempt to match the symbolic capitals of the old nobility, its social prestige, and its means to mobilize support. Instead, in their competition with gentes such as the Cornelii, Fabii, Servilii, or Valerii, more recent aristocratic families no doubt will have preferred to see normative regulations and legal prescriptions in place that governed, formalized, and standardized, as it were, the contest for public office. Rather than leaving it to the discretion of the senate to make ad-hoc decisions when and if it deemed them necessary, the younger aristocracy almost certainly will have been among the most vocal advocates for regulation by law. With regards to real capital – financial assets and wealth –, the division lines that separated the strands of the nobility were more complicated. The obvious caveat here is that very little is known about the distribution of wealth across the ruling elite, and individual families in particular, in those decades. The data sets are too scattered to present a clear picture. 62 Yet, it might be plausible to assert that the families who had stood at the very pinnacle of the republic for the past 200 years, who had manned the highest magistracies for many genera- tions, and who owned ever-expanding estates in Italy, were also the ones who

59 Cf. Briscoe 1981: 392; Suolahti 1963: 341-8; Stolle 1999: 48-51. 60 Cf. 36.36.2. 61 Cf. Beck 2005a: 119-21 on the problem of anachronistic concept attribution of the term homo nouus in a mid-republican context. The social background of the Acilii Gla- briones is fleshed out by Dondin-Payre 1993. 62 The most comprehensive collection of data continues to be Shatzman 1975.

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had accumulated the greatest wealth. 63 In fact, it occurs that they were also among those who sought to extend their social distinction by ever-growing financial transactions. The prosopographical data presented earlier suggests as much. In the incidents discussed above which provoked senatorial action with regards to election campaigns and canvassing practices, the ‘culprits’ behind each one of them came from the highest echelons of the ruling class: P. Cor- nelius Scipio Nasica, M. Fulvius Nobilior, and Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, the son-in-law of Scipio Africanus maior. In other words, it was not the fancy ambitions of certain nouveaux riches to showcase their newly acquired status that shot through the roof, but rather the behavior of Rome’s most traditional ruling elite. At the same time, Glabrio’s case indicates that the changing economic realities in the decades after 200 somehow distorted the traditional pattern of wealth distribution among the nobility. Although the member of a relatively young and moderately wealthy aristocratic gens, Glabrio, through his successful military campaign, had access to funds that could be easily used to bolster his personal esteem, and that of his family. Glabrio had already displayed this intention earlier in his career: he was among the plebeian aediles of 197 who repeated their games for a total of seven times (see above). In his consulate, before the battle of Thermophylai, he vowed a Temple to Pietas which was completed by his son in 181. 64 His triumph of 190 was celebrated with particular exuberance; according to Livy, it was commemorated both for its extraordinary spectacles and the exploits it set on display. 65 In a similar vein, he made lavish gifts to the Sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi and the city of Delphi for which he was, in turn, rewarded with an equestrian statue which was set up in his honor there. 66 Successful commanders always had, of course, the opportunity to coin their military record on the battlefield into a more lasting currency of honor and prestige, but in the wars against Carthage and the Hellenistic monarchies the quantity of war spoils reached new, unprecedented heights that toppled the basic relation between military success and the financial assets that came with it for victorious commanders. Glabrio’s campaign against Antiochos allowed him – overnight, as it were – to unlock financial resources that matched those of any other aristocratic family, including the wealthiest members of the nobility. 67 Consequently,

63 Cf. Shatzman 1975: 99-109. See also Rosenstein 2004: 6-11, 167 and passim, who discusses Cato’s views on potential roads to the accumulation of riches (through agriculture, livestock grazing, etc). The picture that emerges reinforces the idea that large-scale land owners profited the most from these economic activities. 64 Liv. 40.34.4-6. 65 Liv. 37.46.2-6; cf. Briscoe 1983: 362-3; Itgenshorst 2005: # 176. 66 Syll.3 607; cf. also 608-611. 67 Cf. Shatzman 1975: 241; Rosenstein 2004: 9, who singles out Glabrio as one of the few men of the ruling elite whose comprehensive appropriation of war spoils fostered the readiness to fetter the commanders’ prerogatives in this regard. Dondin-Payre 1993:

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in Glabrio’s case, the value of familial fame and glory as commodities in the competition for high office, the force of the commendatio maiorum as time- honored claim for leadership, and, in short, the grand total of the symbolic capital of an aristocratic family were all threatened, if not altogether out- weighed, by the financial assets he had won in one single campaign. If the basic scheme of Livy’s account is correct and Glabrio, initially, had the edge over the other candidates because of his creative use of war spoils, then the censorship election of 189 reveals a deep shift in the parameters of competition for public office-holding. In a nutshell, although Roman aristocratic families were of course also among the richest stratum of society, the competition for the higher magistracies was mostly determined by symbolic capital rather than financial assets. After the Hannibalic War, the tide began to turn towards real capital.

5. Cato’s Voice

No other Roman nobleman is associated more closely with the political discourse at Rome in the 180s B.C. than M. Porcius Cato. In the historiographic tradition of the later 2nd and 1st centuries B.C., Cato was idealized as an exem plum maiorum: a man who embodied true Roman values through a frugal lifestyle in a small farmstead and who sought to steer his fellow citizens, with a stubborn kind of persistence, towards the glory days of their ancestors when all the gold in the world was spurned over a bowl of honest broth. 68 As much as might be unearthed from the forceful stereotype of the exemplary tradition, Cato’s orations and actions speak volumes as to the changing climate of Roman politics and society. The overall picture is well known, so it might be in order to recall some of the decisive moments only summarily and with regards to the legislation that was mentioned earlier. In his consulship in 195 B.C., Cato submitted the lex Porcia de sumptu prouinciali. The law is only known from a passing reference in the later lex Anto nia de Termessibus (71 B.C.), but there seems to have been a connection with Livy’s reference that, as praetor, Cato reduced the expenses which provincials

124-6, describes the Acilii of those days as a generally wealthy family, yet sees the almost erratic income of funds from the M’. Acilius Glabrio’s consulate as necessary prerequisite for the family’s excessive spending at Rome and in Greece in the decade after 191 B.C. – The Temple of Pietas which was inaugurated in 181 contained a gilded statue of M’. Acilius Glabrio, which was later remembered as the first gilded statue in Rome and Italy (Liv. 40.34.5; cf. Val. Max. 2.5.1 who says it was even an equestrian statue). The dedication speaks to the wealth of the Acilii in the 180s. 68 Cic., Cat. Mai. 55-6, with exemplary reference to M’. Curius Dentatus; cf. also Cic., Cat. Mai. 24 and 46; Rep. 3.40; Plu., Cato Mai. 2.1. Cato as an exemplum maiorum: Astin 1978:1; Jehne 1999; Blösel 2000: 59; cf. also Gruen 1992: 52-83.

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were expected to incur for the comfort of praetors. 69 Most likely, the sumptuary law of 195 stipulated a ceiling for the extraction of funds by praetors from their provinces. 70 Six years later, in the censorship campaign of 189, Cato was one of the most outspoken opponents to Acilius Glabrio’s candidacy. 71 His own censorship (184 B.C.), famous for its personal invectives, witnessed a whole array of related measures that were remembered for the moralistic tone, severity, and determination with which they were pursued. 72 In the following years, as leading senator of censorial rank, Cato remained faithful to the agenda of his years in office and delivered a series of public speeches in support of the lex Orchia de cenis and the lex Baebia de ambitu (see above). 73 Again, the literary sources place Cato’s actions in the context of stark opposition between a nouus homo and the combined regime of the nobilitas that sought to fight both the man and his measures. To Livy, for instance, it appeared difficult to decide “whether the nobility worked harder to suppress him or he to irritate the nobility”. 74 At the same time, Livy realized that Cato’s intentions were not necessarily those associated with a typical social climber, and certainly not directed against the rule of the nobility as such. On the contrary, Cato was believed to attempt to “chastise the new vices and revive the ancient ways of life” (castigare … noua flagitia et priscos reuocare mores: 39.41.4). The problem of anachronistic concept attribution has already been addressed above; there is no need to dwell on this any further here. Beneath Livy’s deceptive narrative lie the remnants of a political constellation that was much more nuanced. In the heated discourse of the 180s, Cato became the leading voice of those parts of the senate that called for a more rigid implementation of status coherence and measures that safeguarded the competition for public office-holding. Curiously enough, the proponents of this view aimed at the full spread of aristocratic action in the public arena, from canvassing and campaign issues to the question of funding of performances and games, to patron-client relations, and to the organization of the cursus honorum. The few fragments that survive from Cato’s speeches make it clear that he painted a striking picture of societal

69 Cf. Liv. 32.27.3, with Bauman 1983: 170-1. 70 Lex Antonia de Termessibus: CIL I22 589, col.2, lines 13-17 = Elster 2003: # 143. In this sense, the law anticipated magisterial misdemeanors such as the one of Ti. Sem- pronius Gracchus in 182 who had overburdened the provinces with his expenses for games (alas as aedile, see above). 71 Liv. 37.57.9-58.2; Cato ORF4 fr. 66; cf. Suolahti 1963: 340-1; Astin 1978: 59-60; Dondin-Payre 1993: 226. 72 Liv. 39.40-41; Suolahti 1963: 351-8; Baltrusch 1989: 78-81, 120-6 and passim; Astin 1978: 78-103. 73 In 195, during his consulate, he had already spoken against the abrogation of the leges Oppiae from 215, see below. Speeches in support of the lex Orchia and lex Baebia: ORF4 fr. 136-142; cf. Astin 1978: 329-31. 74 39.40.9.

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decrepitude and decay. Other fragments, although very truncated, leave no doubt that he was not shy to employ personal attacks and disparagements to damage the reputation of his opponents. 75 Yet the thematic coherence of his actions, and the persistence with which this was applied to all relevant fields of the public arena, indicate that there was more at stake than ad-hoc rivalry or personal enmity; and, the notion of clear-cut opposition between Cato and the nobility does not do justice to the constellation either. The changing social and economic reality of the Roman aristocracy had created new division lines. Most notably, it separated the traditional and esteemed gentes from younger aristocratic families, with little or even minimal symbolic capitals at their disposal. Naturally, those families were drawn towards a higher degree of regulation and legal prescription, yet Glabrio’s case shows that they, too, were not immune to the opportunities for status advancement that came with large quan- tities of money. Cato’s approach accounted for both developments. On the one hand, his legislation responded to the new social mobility within the aristocracy by safeguarding the idea of political competition between – principally – equal candidates; i.e., the symbolic capital of the old nobility were, in part, curbed by law. On the other hand, Cato contained the use of monetary assets and financial capital that increasingly impacted the chances of candidates from all segments of the aristocracy, both old and new. The inherent idea was, again, the call for class coherence and equal opportunities amongst candidates. It is easy to see how the later exemplary tradition conflated both these threads and presented Cato as enemy to the nobility and advocate for a simple lifestyle. Yet, in their days, both were inspired by, and in turn geared towards, political, social, and economic realities that were more complicated than the exemplary tradition suggests.

6. Conclusion

Shortly after the lex Villia annalis, most likely in 179 B.C., the first lex de trium pho was motioned at Rome. The law was stipulated in response to the splaying desire of commanders to be awarded with a triumph for their achievements on the battlefield, although their exploits were at times actually far less impressive than they had claimed. The new triumphal law set a minimum ceiling for military success by quantifying enemy casualties. Henceforth, it was required to have killed at least 5,000 enemies in battle to qualify for consideration for the award of a triumph. 76 As indicated on the preceding pages, the political climate

75 The speeches against Glabrio clearly damaged the reputation of the later, cf. Tatum 2013: 139. Cf. also the verbal punch in ORF4 fr. 138: pecuniam inlargibo tibi (“I will reward you richly with money” scil.?, “if you support my candidacy”). 76 Val. Max. 2.8.1 = Elster 2003: # 167; Richardson 1975: 60-2; Pelikan Pittenger 2008: 104-14.

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in which the law was rogated is unusually well documented in the sources. From the period after 200 B.C., many laws and senatorial decrees survive pre- served in the broader context of contemporary debates. No other section of Livy’s work contains so many detailed canvassing campaigns and lists of also- rans. Other pieces of evidence add to the picture, most eminently the prosopographical record of imperium-holders both at the consular and praetorian rank. The fasti document a substantial degree of social mobility within the senatorial aristocracy in the final years of the Hannibalic War and then, in a more accelerated manner, in the two decades past 200 B.C. In particular, prosopography of imperium-holders outlines a shift towards families that had never before manned the highest magistracies and had only recently entered the front benches of the senate. At the same time, the fasti reveal the general thrust towards a more even representation of aristocratic families. Unlike in the days of the Punic War, when the leading magistracies were shared only by a very small pool of families, the post-war period witnessed a more balanced access to the maximus honos. The resulting social change set the stage for the discourse of the day. The one topic that kept the senate busy after 200 – warfare notwithstanding – was the problem of status coherence between families that, realisti- cally, did not have all that much in common. 77 The symbolic capital of the old gentes had always been an immense asset in the competition for public office, and it certainly continued to be so. Yet, from the many laws that governed this rivalry after 200, and from what can be inferred more generally about the developing economy of the republic in those years, it becomes obvious that money became a driving factor in the political arena. In his speech against the abrogation of the lex Baebia de ambitu, Cato forcefully condemned the use of excessive funds in the competition for high offices. 78 The link between ambitus- and cursus laws, encapsulate here in the rising prominence and importance of money, provides a better understanding of the societal development at Rome in those years. What was misapprehended by later sources as political battles over corruption and, by extension, true romani tas was, in fact, a complex negotiation of the aristocracy’s most basic ethos as ruling elite: a negotiation that clustered around the question of the elite’s most fundamental assets, and its defining traits as a status group, including the notion of the accumulation, and actual use, of symbolic and of actual capital in the pursuit of its most basic goals. The rising prominence of cursus and canvassing laws should therefore be placed precisely in the context of a changing economy at Rome after the victories of Carthage and Macedon. Vice versa, financial regulations of public performances and of other areas of interaction between the

77 Cf. now the recent study by Märtin 2012 (with rev. Hölkeskamp, BMCR 2013.09.63), who points to the internal stratification of the nobility after 200. 78 ORF4 fr. 137-138 (cited above).

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ruling elite and the common people were intertwined with the changing success rates of candidates in the race for public office. In its response to overzealous attempts of self-promotion and the excessive use of financial assets in its pursuit, the senate relied mostly on a uniform pattern: it set a ceiling for monetary expenses and, subsequently, declared the stipulated ceiling the new norm. Yet, such a practice, although deceptively easy, had tremendous ramifications for the conduct of politics. Although each of those ceiling regulations originated from ad-hoc situations, the upgrade from ad-hoc measure to law also meant that the conduct of politics became increasingly formalized. Effectively, the political order lost its elasticity. Moreover, the road to formalization was in itself one full of obstacles. Throughout the 190s and 180s, there were many attempts to abrogate those prescriptions, and some- times they were indeed nullified or suspended, which means that not only the immediate subject matter in question, but also the overall thrust towards regulation by law as such were contested. The strife over the abrogation of the leges Oppiae in Cato’s consulate provides a perfect example. Twenty years after the stipulation of the Oppian laws in 215, the tribunes of the plebs M. Fundanius and L. Valerius rogated their abolition because they felt that the laws had become untimely. Livy reports a fierce political battle over the issue, with Cato delivering a forceful intervention against the motion to abrogate. Once again, the literary tradition is charged with stereotypical devices that evoke a discourse of decadence and decline. In their response, however, the tribunes also addressed the more general question of the governance of law, paying particular attention to the suspense of laws that appeared necessary in times of war, yet were of no use in times of peace. In essence, the tribunes argued against not only the Oppian legislation as it was in place, but also the idea that the public appearance of aristocratic women was governed as such by law. 79 In 195 B.C., Cato lost the battle over the abrogation of the Oppian laws, although he fought the issue with all his auctoritas as consul. 80 Over the course of the next decade or so, the high frequency of decrees and laws that fostered a spirit similar to the one of the Oppian laws indicates that Cato’s position had become capable of winning a majority in the senate. By the 180s, the pendulum seems to have swung in the direction of those who were in support of a higher level of regulation and a broader degree of application of it to all areas of aristocratic competition. In this sense, the 180s B.C. mark a unique development in the history of political traditions at Rome, with an increasing attempt to regulate, formalize, and positively define the status of the ruling elite. The negotia- tions of those years document the ability to reconcile the inherent forces of rivalry and, effectively, disintegration within the nobility by means of legal prescriptions. It is, of course, questionable to see how promising such an approach

79 Cato’s speech in Livy: 34.2.1-4.19; Astin 1978: 25-7. 80 A point made by in the speech by Cato’s opponents: Liv. 34.5.2.

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