UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology

Title Agricultural Motifs In Southem California Indian Mythology

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3ns327m5

Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 1(1)

Author Lawton, Harry W.

Publication Date 1974-07-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Agricultural Motifs In Southem California Indian Mythology

HARRY W. LAWTON

HE creation myth of the Cahuilla by Mukat and his twin brother, Temayawet. T Indians of southern Cahfornia is one of After a power struggle between these broth­ the great works of oral literature of the ers, Temayawet was vanquished beneath the American Indian. This eloquent epic-like nar­ earth. At first, Mukat was a teacher and rative, which survives only in fragmented benefactor to his people, but gradually he also form, required four nights in the rendering. became a tyrant. The decisive event which Each year or every other year at the winter gave rise to the present order of the Cahuilla nukil ceremony, Cahuilla gathered for a week- world was a conspiracy among the primal long religious festival which culminated in the beings to slay Mukat. Several attempts were burning of images representing those who had made to murder the creator-god, but Mukat died in the interval between observances. This cleverly eluded them. Finally, the Blue Frog seasonal event was not solely a "mourning (Hyla regilla) succeeded in bewitching Mukat. ceremony," but a sacral event of profound As Mukat lay dying, the first people gathered complexity. The ceremony made manifest to around him, pretending to show concem as all participants the natural order of the they awaited his death. Before dying, Mukat Cahuiha universe and served as a rite of world established the future order of Cahuilla soci­ renewal through the recapitulation of tribal ety by passing on his knowledge and instruct­ history. The central focus of the nukil was a ing his people in ah of the rites they must recitation in song by different lineage groups thenceforth observe, including the cremation of the Cahuilla creation myth accompanied of their dead and an annual burning of effigies by interpretive comment, dance, and the in memory of the dead. After Mukat's death. ritual enactment of various parts of the Coyote C^isil) leaped over the heads of the narrative. people gathered around the funeral pyre and stole Mukat's heart, thus acquiring much of The myth relates the origins of the world his power. out of chaos and describes a mythic primal past in which the world was very different. In The death of Mukat and his subsequent that ancient time, man lived and conversed cremation did not, however, mark the end of with nukatem, spiritual beings who sometimes primal history. Instead, the narrative con­ appeared in human form and sometimes in tinues until the fohowing year when Coyote the form of plants and animals. Originally, served as the first net or ceremonial leader, everything in the universe had been created faithfully making an image of Mukat in 56 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

accordance with the creator's dying instruc­ disturbs you while you rest, but we your tions. The people then assembled for the first creatures do not know what the strange nukil rites. With the bummg of Mukat's things are that grow where your body was burned." Mukat's spirit answered him, "Yes, effigy, grief entered the universe and ah that was the last thing I wanted to tell you, creation wept for the slain father. Primal but you killed me before I could do so." innocence was shattered, sacral time ceased, Then he continued, "You need not be afraid and the present order of the world began. of those things. They are from my body." One specific portion of the narrative has He asked Palmitcawut to describe them and when he had finished the spirit of Mukat long puzzled ethnographers, giving rise to the said, "That big tree is tobacco. It is my question of whether it was originally part of heart. It can be cleaned with white clay, and the Cahuilla cosmogony or whether it is a smoked in the big house to drive away evil post-Spanish contact intmsion. The incident spirits. The vines with the yellow squashes is the account of Mukat's last gift to his are from my stomach, watermelons are from the pupil of my eye, corn is from my teeth, people and of the journey of a shaman, wheat is my lice eggs, beans are from my Palmitcawut, into the land of spirits (Telme- semen, and ah other vegetables are from kish) to learn the meaning of the gift. In the other parts of my body." (Thus when any cosmogony, this episode occurs immediately vegetables are gathered and brought to the after the death of Mukat and prior to the "big house" aU of the people must pray to calling of the first nukil by Coyote. Although the creator.) [Strong 1929:142.] several versions of the cosmogony exist. Strong probably provided the most complete account of the narrative and the most accu­ This account of the origins of crop plants rate paraphrase of the songs which make up from the body of the slain god, of course, this portion of the Mukat cycle.' represents a well-known type of vegetation myth motif. Similar myths were prevalent in early agricultural societies of the Old World, Then in the place where Mukat was burned and its presence m many cultures has been there began to grow all kinds of strange documented by numerous mythographers and plants, but no one knew what they were. folklorists. Sometimes it is referred to as the They were afraid to go near the place for a "dying god myth" or the Adonis-Tammuz- hot wind always blew there. One, Palmit­ Osiris archetype. Stith Thompson (1955, I: cawut, a great shaman, said, "Why do you not go and ask our father what they are?" 330) in a motif-index of world myth lists it as No one would go so he followed the trail of A.26I1 ("Plants from the body of a slain Mukat's spirit although whirlwinds had hid­ person or animal."). More recently, Jensen den the trail. In one place were thickets of (1951) in a highly speculative study of this prickly cactus and clumps of interlaced theme has given the label of "Hainuwele thorny vines, but at the touch of his mythologem" to such myths, taking as their ceremonial staff they opened up for him to pass. Far away on the horizon he saw a prototype a version found in eastern Indo­ bright glow where the spirit of Mukat was nesia, where the slaying of a deity known as leaning against a rock. The creator's spirit Hainuwele gives rise to the origin of crop spoke, "Who are you that follows me and plants. Claude Levi-Strauss (1969, 1:104, makes me move when I am lying still?" 165-169) has also dealt with the motif among When the creator's spirit spoke Palmitcawut was dumb and could not answer, though Amazonian Indians, suggesting that mortality Mukat asked him several times. Finally, he is forced upon humanity as the price to be was able to speak: "Yes, I am that one who paid for cultivated plants. SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 57

THE PROBLEM POSED (1973:x-xi) challenged it by citing examples BY THE CREATION MYTH to show that maize-growing in Califomia in the early nineteenth century was not always The Cahuilla explanation of the origin of irrigation-dependent.^ crop plants presented in their cosmogony is in Since the beginning of the century, a direct conflict with the accepted view that number of researchers have questioned the agriculture in southem California was post- assumption that aboriginal agriculture failed contact (e.g., Kroeber 1925; Sauer 1936; to extend west of the Colorado River tribes. Driver 1961). Until recently, most anthropol­ Barrows (1900) beheved agriculture was ab­ ogists, historians, and geographers were agreed original with the Cahuilla, but presented no that all southem California Indian groups supporting data. Gifford (1931) assumed Ka­ west of the Colorado River were non-agricul­ mia agriculture was aboriginal on the basis of tural prior to the establishment of Mission interviews with elderly informants—aU born in San Diego in 1769, except possibly the Kamia the post-contact period. Rogers (1929:8; of Gifford (1931), who may have practiced 1933:119; 1941:1-6) theorized agriculture flood-water farming aboriginally in the Im­ was once practiced on the Mohave River. perial Valley along the New River, perhaps as Subsequently, Rogers (1945:174) reported far west as the eastern extension of Cahuilla finding com cobs in association with house territory near the edge of the present Salton floors in the Mohave Sink."* Treganza (1947) Sea.^ hypothesized that agriculture was aboriginal It has been generally accepted that after with the Southern Dieguefio-Kamia on the establishment of the Cahfomia missions by basis of a pottery cache of crop seeds stored the Spanish, knowledge of agriculture dif­ in the Jacumba area in the historic period.^ fused from coastal mission Indian groups Within the past few years, renewed attention trained in crop-growing by the Franciscans to has been given to the problem of aboriginal unmissionized Indian groups of the interior agriculture in southern Cahfomia by a num­ such as the Cahuilla. This view failed to ber of investigators, who have developed a consider the fact that agriculture was widely strong circumstantial case based largely on practiced by Indian groups east of the Cahuil­ ethnographic and ethnohistoric materials.* la along the Colorado River for possibly The author and Loweh John Bean recently centuries before European contact, and that published a review of this literature, briefly Indian ethnic and cultural ties could have summarizing some of the arguments and contributed even more readily to diffusion of issues involved (Bean and Lawton 1973: crop-growing westward into adjacent areas of vin-xvu). We suggested that aboriginal agricul­ southern California. Acceptance of agriculture ture extended into parts of northern Baja as mission-derived was further strengthened in California and that the farthest westward the 1930s by the development of the Kroe- extension of crop-growing probably halted at ber-Sauer hypothesis that the rainfall re­ the San Jacinto Mountains. gime in California was peculiarly unsuited Hooper (1920:328) was first to cah atten­ to production of maize, beans, and squash tion to the presence of crop plants in the (Sauer 1936:295; Kroeber 1939:211). Forbes Cahuilla creation myth, but neglected to (1963:1) first attacked this environmental explore the implications. Forbes (1963:5), hypothesis by pointing out that California's who also noted the presence of crop plants in subsistence was largely based upon maize the Cahuilla cosmogony, suggested agriculture from 1769 until the 1850s. Bean and Lawton might have diffused to some aboriginal Call- 58 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

fornia groups from the Colorado River region. freedom to improvise their own embellish­ At the same time, however, there remains the ments and elaborations. Admittedly Lord was possibility that this motif in the Cahuilla investigating a different epic tradition, but it cosmogony represents a post-contact altera­ is one in which somewhat analogous rules tion. In the Luiseho version of the cosmogony prevail. Cahuilla singers were also artists who from the La Joha area, the oak tree grows often added their own styhstic ornamentation from the ashes of the dead god Wiyot (DuBois to the pattem of traditional song-cycles. It I940a:186). In the Cupeho account of the was not unusual for a Cahuilla haunik to sing creation, the people who gather around the a twelve-hour cycle, and his talent as a funeral pyre of Mukat become oak and pine performer and ceremonialist was a matter of trees (Strong 1929:270; Hih and Nolasquez both religious and aesthetic concern (Bean 1973:7a). In the Serrano creation myth, a 1972:106). Even today, however, a singer spring emerged from the spot where the deity, who forgets traditional lines or departs too Kukitat, was bumed (Gifford 1918:184). grossly from the accepted version of a song The purpose of this paper is to examine will be subjected to scorn and indignation. the imphcations of crop plants in the Cahuilla When one considers that the death of creation myth through a comparative study of Mukat in the Cahuilla cosmogony is compa­ agricultural motifs and elements which may rable to the crucifixion in Christian religion, be found elsewhere in Cahuilla mythology or then it seems unlikely that the dramatic in the myths of other Cahfornia Indian stmcture of this portion of the creation story groups. A number of assumptions will be would have been altered hghtly by Cahuilla made and several hypotheses will be tested. singers during the early post-contact period Before proceeding to these hypotheses, how­ merely to provide an explanation for crop ever, I should like to make several comments plants from the Spanish missions. During the about the Cahuilla creation myth and prob­ post-contact era, the Cahuilla witnessed adja­ lems which are posed by Mukat's last gift to cent Indian tribes swallowed up under mis- his people—crop plants. sionization. Year after year epidemics of new First, it is important to stress that the diseases swept through Cahuilla villages, tak­ Cahuilla cosmogony had profound rehgious ing a high toll of fatalities (e.g., Fairchild import for all members of the culture. Al­ 1933:13). In general, the Cahuilla succeeded though many songs making up the song-cycles in resisting missionization, some viUages mov­ of the cosmogony have been lost, these songs ing into the mountains to conceal them­ of creation still hold deep significance for selves from Spanish soldiers (e.g., Patencio Cahuilla people, and are sung at wakes and on 1943:77).'^ In such a period of social dis- other ceremonial occasions by traditional, mption it would seem probable that older highly respected singers (hauniktum). Schol­ Cahuilla leaders, who controlled ceremonial ars who have worked with the Cahuilla soon practices, would have reacted as conservative become aware that one does not discuss these forces in preserving the traditional religion. songs lightly or without proper respect. This is not to say one cannot find Lord (1964:123) in his study of the evidence for post-contact alterations in the Indo-European oral epic was struck by the text of the Cahuilla cosmogony. Among the general conservatism of the tradition—the fact creatures which Mukat creates early in the that the basic story hne is carefully trans­ narrative is the white man-"cranky and mitted from generation to generation even crying, always running about" (Strong 1929: though individual singers are given relative 135). After his creation, the white man SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 59

immediately mns away, disappearing into the agriculture at the time of Spanish conquest. north. Obviously, this insertion provides an Furthermore, these native crop plants are explanation for the origin of white men. But given a specific symbolic significance in the if this were the objective in the case of crop myth: they derive from the parts of Mukat's plants, then it seems likely that these plants body and represent his last gift to his people. would have been introduced unobtrusively in They must always be taken to the Cahuilla big the narrative much earlier at the point at house and prayers offered to the creator for which Mukat creates everything else in the them. The myth also suggests that there was universe. once a time when the Cahuilla were unfamil­ Since the Cahuilla had extensive trade iar with crop-growmg techniques and had to alliances with their Colorado River neighbors be instmcted in planting methods. It is a and other groups to the east (Bean 1972:93; shaman who brings back this knowledge from Forbes 1965:80-81; White 1974), they could Mukat's spirit in Telmekish—the land of scarcely have remained ignorant of those crop spirits to the east (i.e., the direction of the plants cultivated aboriginally by these nearby Colorado River region).^ If this new knowl­ tribes. AH of the crop plants mentioned in the edge had come directly from mission padres, various versions of the Cahuilla cosmogony it seems unlikely that Cahuilla singers would are characteristic of the crop assemblage being have dared tamper so drastically with the grown by various Yuman groups along the stmcture of the creation myth. The Cahuilla Colorado River at the time of Spanish con­ people would have all known about the tact. Even wheat and watermelon, both Euro­ crops at the missions, and such an extreme pean introductions, moved northward ahead revision-making crop plants a sacred mystery of the Spanish advance, and were grown along in their religion-would have bordered on the Colorado River before the establishment sacrilege. of Mission San Diego (Sedelmayr 1939:108; While the above arguments may be logi­ Bolton 1919, 1:249).* Although there is no cally persuasive, we have no way of determin­ real evidence that wild tobacco (Nicotiana) ing their relevance to the problem, since we was planted aboriginally by Yuman riverine know nothing about the culturally subjective groups (Castetter and Beh 1951:120), it was principles which governed myth-making and cultivated by many otherwise non-agricultural the evolution of Cahuilla mythology. Califomia Indian groups (Harrington 1931; We know, however, that myths often Kroeber 1941). Bean and Saubel (1972:90-94) reflect the subsistence patterns of a people. consider tobacco planting to have been ab­ The origin myth of the Coast Yuki, for original among the Cahuilla. The crop plants example, substantially reflects their hunting mentioned in the cosmogony are thus con­ and gathering subsistence economy. Among fined to those it would have been possible to the food plants mentioned in their myth are grow prior to the Spanish conquest. Many acoms, hazelnuts, huckleberries, sala berries, unique new food plants introduced by the wild strawberries, wild oats, mush oak, and Spanish at the missions—such as oranges, buckeye (Gifford 1937:116). Among the pomegranates, peaches, pears, plums, potatoes, planters of the southern woodlands, the prai­ and tomatoes—might have been expected to ries, and the southwestern region of the impress the Cahuilla far more than familiar United States, myths frequently reflect plant­ plants grown by neighboring tribes. Yet the ing folkways (e.g., Underhih 1965). If the crop plants appearing in the creation myth Cahuilla grew crops aboriginally, then it seems are confined to those characteristic of native likely that agricultural motifs or elements 60 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

(such as mention of crop plants) will appear Thus, we should be able to employ the myths not only in their cosmogony, but in their of many other California Indian groups as a other myths as weh. Fortunately, a modest control body of literary materials to evaluate body of Cahuilla oral literature exists which the significance of agricultural elements in the can be sampled to test this hypothesis. In Cahuiha creation myth. addition, we might expect agricultural motifs or elements to appear in the myths of the SURVEY OF Kamia, Southern Dieguefio, and any other CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY interior groups who may have practiced agri­ culture aboriginally. On the basis of the considerations dis­ Before we look for agricultural motifs in cussed above, three trial hypotheses were the myths of these people, however, we must formulated. Each of these hypotheses will be confront another problem. We do not know dealt with in turn. The first hypothesis rests to what extent myths remain conservative in on the assumption that all California Indian reflecting the subsistence pattems of a people groups were non-agricultural at contact. Agri­ once a drastic change is made in those cultural elements in the Cahuilla creation patterns. The establishment of Spanish mis­ myth are seen merely as post-contact altera­ sions in California, beginnuig in 1769, led to tions reflecting the diffusion of agriculture to radical transformations in subsistence patterns these people from the missions. The hypothe­ for many Cahfornia Indian groups. Whole sis may be stated as follows: tribes were uprooted from theh villages and HYPOTHESIS 1: brought to the missions, where they were Agricultural motifs or elements similar forced into learning to till the soil and grow to those present in the Cahuilla crea­ crops. Many neighboring groups, who were tion myth will be found in the myths not missionized, graduahy came into contact of other California Indian groups. with agriculture later in the post-contact Such elements reflect the shift to an period. Eventually, many of these latter agricultural subsistence after Spanish groups abandoned hunting and gathering and contact. shifted over to an agricultural mode of life.' ° If agriculture was not practiced aborig­ Discussion. It is assumed that if Hypothe­ inally by the Cahuilla—as many scholars have sis 1 proves correct, then agricultural motifs assumed—then the agricultural motif found in or elements will be most prevalent in the their creation myth represents a post-contact myths of those Indian groups who were intrusion reflecting an abmpt change in their assimilated into the missions, thus coming subsistence patterns after 1769. If this is tme, into contact with agriculture at an early date then similar post-contact intrusions of agricul­ in the post-contact period. Agricultural motifs tural elements should occur with some fre­ or elements will be found to a lesser degree in quency in the myths of California Indian the myths of those Indian groups who were groups who received agricultural training at on the periphery of Spanish settlement or the Spanish missions. They may also be who came into contact with agriculture at a expected to occur in the myths of California much later date (such as during the Mexican Indian groups who, like the more isolated or early American period). Cahuilla, were never missionized, but came The myths of the Cahuilla and two other into contact with agriculture or shifted over interior southern California groups who may to crop-growing early in the historic period.'' have practiced agriculture aboriginally-the SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 61

Kamia and the Southern Diegueho—were ex­ Possibly one-tenth of the myths examined cluded from the literature survey. If Hypothe­ (most frequently creation stories) were vari­ sis 1 is shown to be valid, then the presence of ants of the same myths taken from different agricultural motifs or elements in the myths informants or recorded by two or more of any of the three excluded groups cannot be ethnographers. The decision was made to regarded as particularly significant. This will treat all variants as separate myths.'' not prove conclusively that the Cahuilla, The number of myths examined for Kamia, or Southern Diegueho were non- groups subjected to missionization at an early agricultural in aboriginal times, nor that the date were as fohows: Northern Dieguetlo: 2 presence of agricultural motifs or elements in myths (DuBois 1904a; Curtis 1929, XV: 121- their myths are necessarily post-contact intru­ 123); Luiseho: 23 myths (DuBois 1908; Gif­ sions. It will simply mean that because myths ford 1918; Curtis 1929, XV: 101-106; Kroeber are altered to reflect new subsistence patterns, 1906, 1925; Quinn and Quinn 1965); Gabri- a mythological analysis offers little help in elino: 4 myths (Reid 1852); Chumash: 2 investigating the problem of aboriginal agri­ myths (Heizer 1955) and 50 unpublished culture in California. myths recorded by J. P. Harrington and ex­ The myths of a fourth group, the Cheme­ amined for me by Thomas Blackburn (per­ huevi, were also excluded from the literature sonal communication); Costanoan: 6 myths review. These people once occupied the east­ (Kroeber 1907a); Salinan: 47 myths (Mason ern half of the Mohave Desert. Early in the 1912, 1918). post-contact period or possibly somewhat I shall not try to categorize the extent of before, the Chemehuevi began occupying missionization of the remaining California parts of the Colorado River and practicing groups studied. Certain branches of these agriculture. Agricultural elements occur groups were missionized; other groups were sparsely in their myths (Laird n.d.), but not missionized at all. These groups were as whether these existed in their myths when follows: Serrano: 17 myths (Gifford 1918; they occupied their original habitat presents a Benedict 1926); Cupefio: 30 myths (Gifford unique problem beyond the scope of this 1918; Strong 1929; Hih and Nolasquez 1973); paper. Gitanemuk Shoshonean: 1 myth (Kroeber Test of Hypothesis 1. An extensive survey 1907a); Maidu: 55 myths (Dixon 1902; Ship­ of California Indian mythology was con­ ley 1963); Nisenan: 71 myths (Uldall and ducted to test Hypothesis 1. While not defini­ Shipley 1966); Wiyot: 62 myths (Reichard tive, the survey was sufficient to provide a 1925; Teeter 1964); Pomo groups: 88 myths rigorous test of the hypothesis. A total of (Barrett 1906; Goddard 1909; OswaU 1964); 1032 myths, myth fragments, and tales of Yurok: 19 myths (Reichard 1925; J. Sapir California Indian groups was examined, exclu­ 1928; Robins 1958); Achomawi groups: 44 sive of Cahuilla, Kamia, Southern Diegueho, myths (Dixon 1908; Curtin 1910; Merriam and Chemehuevi myths. This total must be 1928; de Angulo 1973); Yokut groups: 58 considered somewhat arbitrary, because on a myths (Kroeber 1907b; Stewart 1906, 1908; number of occasions I was forced to make Rogers and Gayton 1944); Karok: 18 myths value judgments as to whether a myth was a (Olden 1923; Bright 1957); Wappo: 13 myths portion of a longer cycle or deserved to be (H. R. Kroeber 1908; Radin 1924); Shasta: 6 treated as a separate entity. Oral history texts myths (Dixon 1910a; Voegehn 1947); Yuki: dealing with events that took place after 39 myths (Gifford 1937); Hupa: 14 myths white contact were excluded from the study. (Goddard 1904) Chimariko: 5 myths (Dixon 62 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

1910b); Yana: 39 myths (Sapir 1910, 1923); the tarbaby story, which contained a "water­ Chilula: 29 myths (Goddard 1914); Wintu: 69 melon plantation." This myth was among myths (Demetracopoulou and du Bois 1932) those he labelled as European in origin. Miwok groups: 71 myths (Kroeber 1907a Broadbent (1964:163-169) recorded a Miwok Gifford 1917; Barrett 1919; Broadbent 1964 tale, "The Magic Cane," whose protagonist de Angulo and Freeland 1928); Tiibatulabal talks about planting a garden with various 14 myths (C. Voegelin 1935); Paiute groups fmit trees and vegetables (onion, potatoes, 47 myths (Steward 1936); Mono: 2 myths tomatoes, cabbages, and beans). This was (Curtis 1929, XV: 123-129); Washoe: 5 myths among the tales which she considered to be (Curtis 1929, XV: 149-156). In addition, 82 too acculturated to be termed Miwok myths. myths of various Indian groups throughout Corn was mentioned in two recently recorded California anthologized by Gifford and Block Cupeno animal stories (Hih and Nolasquez (1930) were surveyed, although many were 1973:62a, 64a). A field of wheat also ap­ variants of ones already examined. peared in one of these stories. The animal The myths studied were found to be stories in this volume as a whole were found extremely conservative in reflecting the ab­ to contain intrusive modern elements: a stove, original hunting and gathering subsistence a cupboard, chickens, and a gate. One of the economies of the Cahfornia Indian groups stories mentioning corn was a variation of the represented. References to fish and game and European folk-tale about a fox and a hen. In to wild plants and their products, such as the Cupeno adaptation, the hen escapes from acoms and pine nuts, were extensive through­ Coyote by cutting her way out of a sack with out the literature. No agricultural elements a pair of scissors. All four of the myths were found in 1027 of the myths examined. discussed above, for the reasons given, seemed Post-contact intrusions of a non-agricul­ to me to be unacceptable in demonstrating tural nature appeared in a number of myths, the hypothesis. but were relatively infrequent. Mason (1912: Com and wheat both appeared in a fifth 186-197) recorded 5 tales which dealt with myth, which was recorded among the North­ the missions specifically. Radin (1924:4-36) ern Dieguefio of Mesa Grande reservation by recorded 6 Wappo texts, which he accepted as Constance Goddard DuBois (1904b:217-242). adaptations of Spanish folk-tales. All were In this myth, "The Story of Chaup," a boy's heavily Europeanized, containing mentions of grandfather gives him a shell full of wheat and kings, princesses, the devil, and horses. Broad­ a sheU full of corn as payment for spying bent (1964) recorded several Miwok texts upon two sisters (DuBois 1904b: 236). Ac­ which mingled native and modern elements. cording to DuBois, however, this myth is not One was titled "Horse, Ox, and Alligator" of Dieguefio origin. DuBois (1906:146) stated (Broadbent 1964:181-183). Broadbent (per­ that it was acquired by the Dieguefio from the sonal communication) noted that although Mohave.' ^ DuBois' explanation of how the these tales have native elements, she con­ myth was acquired raises several questions, siders them too heavily acculturated to be including the problem of its antiquity among viewed as Miwok myths. Gifford and Block the Northem Dieguefio and to what extent it (1930:301-303) published two tales they con­ may have been modified by them (see Note sidered European. 13). Since there is doubt about this myth- Crop plants appeared as elements in only and DuBois considers it Mohave—I feel it 5 myths out of the total of 1032. Radin cannot be accepted as ihustrating the hypoth­ (1924:9-13) recorded a Wappo adaptation of esis. Even if this myth and the four others SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 63

mentioning crop plants were not excluded, HYPOTHESIS 2. however, I would consider such a small If agriculture was part of the native sample of aberrant data among 1032 myths to subsistence pattern of the Cahuilla, be insufficient to support the hypothesis that Kamia, or Southern Diegueho, then Cahfomia Indian mythology reflects a shift to agricultural motifs or elements will be an agricultural subsistence after Spanish found incorporated into the body of contact. their mythology. Conclusions. The literature survey fails to substantiate Hypothesis 1. Instead, the myths Discussion. Hypothesis 1 proved to be remained overwhelmingly conservative in re­ invalid, demonstrating instead that aboriginal flecting aboriginal hunting and gathering sub­ hunting and gathering subsistence economies sistence economies. The presence of the agri­ continued to be reflected in the myths of cultural motif in the Cahuilla creation myth those non-agricultural Cahfornia Indian thus represents an incompatible element in groups. The second hypothesis rests on the the culture of that group or is deserving assumption that since the myths of those of further consideration in seeking an latter groups remained conservative, reflecting explanation. the traditional subsistence, then Cahuilla, Kamia, or Southern Dieguefio mythology will prove similarly conservative. If crop plants are THE CAHUILLA, KAMIA, actually dysfunctional elements in the Cahui­ AND SOUTHERN DIEGUENO lla creation myth, then references to them will not appear elsewhere in the body of Cahuilla Next let us examine the myths of the mythology, recorded from a number of three excluded groups-the Cahuilla, Kamia, sources. If the Cahuilla did practice agricid- and Southern Dieguefio—all of whom may ture, then agricultural elements will be incor­ have engaged in limited agriculture in addition porated into their myths in addition to to hunting and gathering prior to Spanish gathering elements. Obviously, the greater the contact. Primarily on the basis of ethnograph­ body of mythological data, the more we can ic and ethnohistoric data, several investigators learn about aboriginal subsistence pattems. have argued that one or more of these groups Test of Hypothesis 2. A total of 41 practiced agriculture (Barrows 1900; Gifford Cahuilla myth samples (14 of which were 1931; Treganza 1946; Bean and Mason 1962; variant versions) were examined for agricul­ Forbes 1963; Lawton 1968; Lawton and Bean tural motifs or elements. In the previous test 1968; Bean 1972; Bean and Saubel 1972; of Hypothesis 1, no tabular data were pre­ Wilke and Fain 1974; Bean and Lawton sented. Such data would have proved too 1973). The case for some aboriginal agricul­ bulky for this paper, and since the hypothesis ture in northem Baja Cahfomia has been was not home out, it was scarcely necessary. firmly established (Forbes 1963:8-9; Bean Readers may be interested, however, in get­ and Lawton 1973:xv-xvi), although how ting some idea of the type of data which were widespread crop-growing may have been re­ found reflecting traditional subsistence. The mains unknown. For the groups in that area chart presented here as Table 1 presents both (Mission San Borja region), however, we lack wild plants and domesticated crop plants as mythological data for analysis. they appeared in 27 myths and 14 variants. In The second hypothesis can be expressed eight of the myths no plants were mentioned. as follows: For analysis, therefore, the sample of data 64 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

consists of 19 myths and 14 variants in which worth steahng, that planting of crops confer­ wild or domesticated plants occur. red status, that rain-making songs were associ­ Although the Cahuilla utilized several ated with crop-growmg, that too much ram hundred wild plants (Bean and Saubel 1972), could lead to crop failure, and that birds were it will be noted that the chart tends to reflect recognized as a threat after sowing (Hooper primary food plants used by the Cahuilla. The 1920:336-371). The hero, Kunvachmal, suc­ most unportant Cahuilla staple, mesquite ceeds as a farmer only after he acquires the {Prosopis juliflora [Sw.] DC.) appears in five ability to tum himself into a frog—the fertil­ of the 19 myths. (Actually, it occurs several ity symbol responsible for Mukat's death and times in some of these myths as do other the origin of crop plants. plants.) The agave or mescal {Agave deserti Turning now to the myths of the Kamia Engelm.), another major staple, is mentioned and Southern Diegueno, we find only a in three myths. The palm {Washingtonia limited body of materials available. For that filifera [Lindl.] Wendl), which provided edi­ reason, I will forego presenting this data in ble fmits, shade, and constmction materials, tabular form and simply confine myself to a appears in three myths. The acom {Quercus discussion of the material which exists. spp.), another significant food resource, oc­ Although Gifford (1931) frequently refers curs in only one myth, although many refer­ to other Kamia myths, he pubhshed only a ences to "mush" probably reflect it. cosmogony and two short tales. The cosmog­ Com appears in as many myths as mes­ ony appears to be greatly abbreviated, quite. I am not suggesting that this indicates since Gifford (1931:71-81) throughout his corn ranked with mesquite as a staple, but I monograph alludes to many details in the do feel its prominence suggests it was impor­ creation myth which are not found in the tant in the Cahuilla diet or one of the favorite account itself. Neither wild plants nor crop plant foods. If we exclude the beans in Myth plants occur in the two short myths, "Deer, 24 (see Table 1), which I feel may refer to Sheep, and Antelope" and "The Mountain mesquite beans, then domesticated food Wiwotat" (Gifford 1931:81). plants are represented in six myths. Proto- In the cosmogony, the future tribes of agricultural references related to planting of earth migrate from the mountain Wikami to wild plants occur in four myths. Thus, agricul­ their homelands. The Kamia joumey to Im­ tural or proto-agricultural references are perial VaUey and estabhsh themselves near the found in 14 out of 33 myth samples (variants eastern end of the present Salton Sea. They included) or in roughly 40 percent of all are followed to the new land by the future versions of our mythological data. Kamia leaders, a hermaphrodite, Warhomi, Some of the myths provide instmctive and her twin "sons" (not really her sons, details concerning Cahuilla knowledge of agri­ according to the informant), both called cultural technology and their attitudes toward Madkwahomai. These three are told by the crop plants. Myth 23 (see Table I) reveals a god Mastamho-who gives them beans and knowledge of dry-farming (a method which maize—that they are to join the Kamia and could be readily carried out—as it is in the become planters. They plant their first crops myth—in the mountains, but not in the at Saxnuwai in the Imperial Valley, where Coachella Valley, where annual rainfall is they find wet soil. They also bring with them three inches below the cut-off point for wild seeds (presumably to plant). temporales agriculture). This myth tehs us According to Gifford's informant, Narpai, that crop seeds (wheat) were hoarded and the beans which Mastamho gave to Warhomi SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 65 Table 1 AGRICULTURAL ELEMENTS IN CAHUILLA MYTHOLOGY

Tobacco or Edible Myths Examined Crop Plants Present Wild Plants Present Source

1. Five variants and one Tobacco, palm, salt grass, Account of origin of crop Hooper (1920:317-328) short fragment of the wild plum, tule (varies in plants (corn, beans, squash, Strong (1929:130-143) cosmogony different versions). pumpkins, watermelon, Patencio (1943:1-32) wheat) appears in the Curtis (1929:106-121) Hooper, Strong, and Paten­ Seller (1970:38-63) cio versions. The Curtis- Seiler versions halt at Mukat's nukil ceremony.

2. Girl's puberty rite None None Patencio (1943:40-41) myth

3. "Some of the Early None None Patencio (1943:32-34) People"

4. "Esel I Hut" Tule None Patencio (1943:34-37) 5. "Yellow Body," Cholla cactus None Patencio (1943:37-40) two variants 6. "Eagle Flower," None in Patencio-Seller None Patencio (1943:41-44) tliree variants versions. Cactus and mescal Seller (1970:74-81) in Strong version. Strong (1929:86-87) 7. "Taquitz," two None None Patencio (1943:44-45) variants Hooper (1920:364-365) 8. "The Devil Woman" Tule, wild seeds None Patencio (1943:45-50) 9. "The Story of the New None None Stars" Patencio (1943:50-52) 10. "Chehaum and None None Tukwishemish" Hooper (1920:365-366) 11. "EvonGaNet" None Semi-agricultural. Evon Ga Net sows wild wheat in the Patencio (1943:52-54) sand hills, where it continues to grow to this day. 12. Kauisiktum legend, Acorns, mescal in Strong None Strong (1929:100-101) two variants version. Mention of a war Patencio (1943:85-89) over Evon Ga Net's wild wheat in the Patencio version.

13. "The Story of the Palms Indians said to have planted Patencio (1943:91-95) Spring at Palm Springs" Washingtonia filifera palms at Palm Springs (semi-agri­ cultural since the fruits were edible). The southwestern "sipapu" concept of all springs and lakes being united underground is ex­ pressed. Rotted ears of corn said to float to the tops of springs. 66 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Table I (Continued)

Myths Examined Tobacco or Edible Crop Plants Present Source Wild Plants Present

14. "Ka Wis Ke On Ca None None Patencio (1943:95-99) and the Old Indian Boundaries" 15. "SeUhng of Coachella Palms Semi-agricultural. Indians Patencio (1943:99-102) Valley said to have carried seeds of palm to various places on the desert (planting implied). 16. "Sundown or Sunset" Wild seeds Young boy is bribed by Sun­ Patencio (1943:103-112) down with popcorn (?) or corn. Text varies, which may result from a misunderstand­ ing by the amanuensis, Margaret Boynton.

17. "The People Who Went Fruit, herbs, seeds, nuts in A magically renewing corn Patencio (1943:113-118) to Visit the Sun," Patencio version. Pine tree plant grows in the land of Seller (1970:82-89) five variants in Wooslcy version. Pine the sun in the Patencio ver­ Woosley (1908) burns up as sun descends, sion. Magically renewing Jacobs (1972) regrows each night. corn, watermelon, canta­ Harrington n.d. loupe, and grape plants oc­ cur in the Seller version. No crops in Woosley version. Renewing corn in Jacobs version. Corn and water­ melon in Harrington version 18. "Story for Children" None None Patencio (1943:128-132) 19. "Takweltekesnikish" Mescal, tobacco, yucca None Hooper (1920:371-376) 20. "Origin of the Birds" None None Hooper (1920:376) 21. "Whirlwind" Sage, mesquite beans None Hooper (1920:377-378) 22. "Whirlwind and Crow" Mesquite None Seller (1970:132-137) 23. "Kunvachmal and Mesquite (bark), cactus Kunvachmal steals wheat Hooper (1920:366-371) Tukvachtahat" fruit from Tukvachtahat and plants it in the mountains. 24. "Kiinvaxamal" (Same Grain, mesquite Beans (not specified, pos­ Seller (1970:100-112) hero as in (23]) sibly mesquite) 25. "Coyote Goes Visiting" None Coyote's daughter has corn Seller (1970:92-99 in storage and prepares corn mush. 26. "The Adventures of Herbs None Seller (1970:112-131) Pacagarawih" 27. "Origin of Mesquite" Mesquite Semi-agricultural. When Laki Bowers (1888:1-7) LeConte subsided, Coyote came down from the moun­ tains and planted mesquite. SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 67 and the twins included both teparies and lar star lore associated with the time of cowpeas {Phaseolus acutifolius L. and Vigna planting has been reported among the Cahui­ sinensis L., respectively). The latter are a lla (Lawton and Bean 1968) and the Yuman Spanish introduction from the Old World, but Indians (Castetter and Beh 1951:146-147). apparently reached the Colorado River at The Southem Diegueno oral literature was least as early as 1775 and were regarded as limited to 9 myths, four of which were vari­ aboriginal by the Yuman groups (Castetter ants (DuBois 1905a, 1905b, 1906; Waterman and Bell 1951:129). 1910; Gifford 1918; Spier 1923; and Florence Gifford (1931:79) records one other ref­ Shipek, personal communication). erence to planting in the creation myth. No crop plants occur in the three versions During the migration of tribes from Wikami, of the cosmogony (Waterman 1910:338-341; one group settled in Baja Califomia, where Gifford 1918:155-219; Spier 1923:328-331). they were said to have planted "a kind of Neither were crop plants mentioned in a short food called hatsot." This was said to be a myth on the origin of song and dance (DuBois shrub with a small orange-colored fruit. 1905b:627-628) nor in the "Bungling Host" Elsewhere, Gifford (1931:13-14) para­ (Spier 1923:332-334). Crop plants did appear phrased a portion of another myth, which in two of three versions of the long cycle probably belonged to the cosmogony. Accord­ dealing with Kwiyow humar (DuBois' Cuy- ing to this myth. Wildcat (Nyimet) was ap­ a-ho-marr), which she first called "The pointed by the god Pukumat to be the patron Story of the Chaup" (DuBois 1904b, 1905a, of farmers. Wildcat was told by Pukumat that 1905b, 1906). A corn origin myth was also he was to study and "know about the moons recorded by Florence Shipek (personal com­ [months] and thus know when to plant munication). crops." Pukumat appears also at the beginning Corn, pumpkin seeds, and yellow beans of the cosmogony, where like the Cahuilla occur in the Campo-Manzanita version of the creator-god Mukat, he is bewitched by Frog Kwiyow humar myth told by Hatakek (Du­ and dies (Gifford 1931:75-77). During the Bois 1906). In the myth, a boy named cremation. Coyote steals Pukumat's heart. Shut-kupf-shut-niikl is sent on an errand to Unlike Mukat, however, no crop plants grow spy on two girls and given parched pumpkin from the ashes of Pukumat. The similarities in seed to eat on his joumey. He eats the the Cahuilla and Kamia myths and the fact pumpkin seed and returns without finishing that Pukumat like Mukat is also associated the journey. He is then given parched yellow with agriculture, even if less directly, repre­ beans to eat and told to complete his errand, sent intriguing parallels. which he does. Later in the myth, the young Another myth fragment reported by Gif­ "Cuy-a-ho-marr" engages in a gambling game ford (1931:68) relates that the star constella­ with Coyote and wins com and grinding tion Anyihai (Girl), which was evidently the stones. In a second Campo-Manzanita version, Pleiades, was created in the summer at the told by Jose Santo Lopez, the young "Cuy-a- beginning of the world. Pukumat then in­ ho-marr" again wins a gambling game with structed people that they were to plant crops Coyote (DuBois 1906:162-164). He has with following the annual appearance of Anyihai in him a magical bag, and he asks that it be fihed the summer sky just before dawn. It was also up with com as his prize. The bag can never said that the girl in the constellation Anyihai be filled and quickly uses up all the corn from is in the act of planting, and that another a granary. constehation, Chiyuk, is protecting her. Simi­ The com origin myth was told to Flor- 68 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

ence Shipek (personal communication) by data samples are versions of the myth of Rosalie Pinto Robertson of Campo Reserva­ Kwiyow humar, which DuBois believed to be tion. Mrs. Robertson leamed it from her great a Mohave myth (see Note 13 for discussion). grandfather, who was bom in the 19th cen­ The remaining single piece of data is the corn tury and died in the 1920s. In this myth two origin myth. Although this myth may well brothers are sent out to hunt. The eldest have originated in the aboriginal period, I do looks for game unsuccessfully and returns not feel that we have a sufficient body of empty-handed. The younger brother is lazy Southern Diegueno data on which to form a and lies on top of a rock mstead of hunting. judgment from a mythological analysis. Suddenly, a crow flies overhead and the boy shoots it. Com kernels fall from the bird's CORRESPONDENCES IN crop. The boy returns home with both the crow and com kernels. His father uses the YUMAN MYTHOLOGY plumes from the crow and throws the kernels away. Eventually, the kernels sprout into In 1925, Kroeber (1925:788-792) called corn. At first the Indian people eat the corn attention to the fact that the origin myths of raw, then they leam to roast it, and finally the central Yuman tribes share a great they discover how to grind it and make bread. many characteristics with interior Shoshonean Conclusions. The myths of both the Ca­ groups-the Cahuilla, Cupefio, Serrano-of huilla and the Kamia are rich in agricultural southern Califomia (see Fig. 1). Both the motifs and elements which strongly suggest Kamia and Diegueno, of course, belong to the that these groups practiced crop-growing ab­ Yuman branch of the Hokan linguistic stock. originally. Although the Kamia materials are Although Waterman (1909) and others had limited and principally confined to the crea­ reported parallels earlier, Kroeber's synthesis tion myth, agricultural concepts appear to be was the most perceptive and remains the best well integrated into the stmcture of the work. synthesis of associated motifs and correspond­ The mythological data for both of these ing elements in the myths of these groups. groups indicates an awareness of agricultural Among shared concepts which Kroeber noted technology and an existence of agricultural were the dying god theme, the twin brother ritual or lore. In my opinion, the myths of creators who quarrel, the vanquishment of these two groups support the hypothesis that one brother, the poisoning of the other deity agriculture was part of their aboriginal subsis­ by Frog, and the stealing of his heart by tence pattem. Coyote. Spier (1928) observed parallels in I am reluctant to come to any firm con­ mythological concepts extending as far to the clusion on Southern Diegueno agriculture. northeast as the Havasupai, and Gifford Some evidence exists that the Southern Die­ (1932) commented upon the unity of associ­ guefio practiced agriculture at a relatively ated motifs continuing southeast to the Mari­ early date in the historic period (Shipek 1971; copa. A comparative study in depth of Sho­ Bean and Lawton 1973). Southern Diegueno shonean-Yuman oral literature and intercon­ groups soutii of Jacumba in northern Baja nections has yet to be undertaken and repre­ California were reportedly cultivating wheat sents an extremely fertile, unexplored area for as early as 1785 (Bean and Lawton 1973:xvi). investigation. On the basis of a mythological analysis alone, If the Cahuiha and Kamia acquired agri­ however, there seems to be insufficient data culture by diffusion from Yuman groups to to demonstrate the hypothesis. Two of the the east, then one might expect to find SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 69 70 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

correspondences in agricultural motifs be­ The origin myth of the Kamia showed its tween southem Cahfornia and the agricultural greatest correspondence not with the nearby southwest. The thkd hypothesis can be stated Quechan Yumans of the Colorado River—as as fohows: might have been expected—but with the HYPOTHESIS 3: Mohave, who occupied the river farther north, Parallels in agricultural motifs and ele­ and with the Maricopa, who inhabited the ments will be found between the middle Gila River in central southem Arizona. myths of the Cahuilla and Kamia and The Yumans call their creator Kwikumat, and those of Yuman groups of the Colo­ his companion, who is no longer his brother, rado River area or other tribes in the is Blind-Old-Man (Harrington 1908). The son agricultural Southwest. of Kwikumat, Kumastamxo, introduces agri­ culture by causing sky-kemels of corn to fall Discussion. If corresponding agricultural to the ground as hail. The dying god theme motifs and elements exist forming a connect­ occurs in relation to Kwikumat, but in general ing hnk between Cahuiha and Kamia mythol­ the Yuman cosmogony is much different than ogy and that of various Yuman groups, they that of the Kamia. In the Mohave version, the would constitute strong circumstantial evi­ two brother creators are present, the eldest, dence that the myths of the two former Matavilya, approximating the Kamia deity groups were not altered during the post-con­ Pukumat (Kroeber 1906:314-316; Kroeber tact period to account for a shift to agricul­ 1948:52-69). The younger brother, Mastam­ ture fohowing diffusion of crop-growing from ho, bears exactly the same name as his the Spanish missions. In particular, one might counterpart in the Kamia cosmogony. Like expect to find the Cahuilla concept of crop Mastamho in the Kamia version, he also plants growing from the ashes of the creator- teaches the tribes to plant crops: maize, god in the mythological framework of some wheat, beans, and melons (Kroeber 1948:63). Yuman groups. Earlier it was noted that the The Mohave story contains the dying god concept of wild plants emerging from the theme also, relating it to Matavilya. In the funeral pyre of deities is present in the myths Maricopa version, there are two creator broth­ of the Luiseno and Cupefio (DuBois 1904a; ers, Cipas, who is vanquished, and Kum- Strong 1929). Unless a similar concept for kumat, who is the dying god (Spier domesticated plants occurs among Yuman 1933:345). Crop plants are introduced by the groups, it might be argued that this motif culture hero Kwistamxo, whose role is similar sunply represents a modification of a Sho­ to that of Mastamho in the Mohave and shonean concept related to non-agricultural Kamia cosmogonies (Spier 1933:352). Suffi­ plants. Such a modification thus could have cient correspondences exist in both the Mo­ come about in the historic period in response have and Maricopa creation myths to assert to a shift in the Cahuilla subsistence econ­ that there is an underlying unity of motifs omy. The presence of a similar motif among and episodes which ties them very closely to Yuman myths would make it extremely un­ the Kamia cosmogony. likely that the shared association of this The Cahuiha cosmogony shares the dying concept was a mere coincidence. god motif with the Kamia, Mohave, Quechan Test of Hypothesis 3. A search was made Yuman, and Maricopa groups. It differs from of the hterature for parallels in agricultural those creation myths quite distinctly in that motifs in myth between the Cahuilla and the dying god concept is more elaborately Kamia and other southwestem groups. refined, the stmcture of the narrative appears SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 71

to be more unified in form, and each episode, sion, the culture hero tells his people to cre­ unlike the rather picaresque incidents re­ mate him when he dies and pour water on his counted in the other three cosmogonies, ashes to keep them wet (Smithson and Euler contributes to the building toward a climax 1964:68). He says that the plant which wih with the death of Mukat. The end of the great grow from his ashes is called com. The people god achieves a quality of universal sadness, obey his command, and from the corn plant marked not only by the loss of the deity and the Mohave obtain short roasting ears and the primal time as weh, but in the knowledge that Havasupai acquire long-eared corn like that of in carrying out the creator-god's commands, the Hopi. The Southwestem Yavapai hold a each man's death and mourning ceremony similar belief about a great chief who ordered will forevermore recapitulate tribal history. In his people to put wet earth over his heart contrast, very little is made of the significance when he died from which a marvelous maize of the dying god theme in the other cosmog­ would grow supplying food for all seasons onies. The culture hero, who introduces agri­ (Gifford 1932:245-246). culture, appears to be the more important Farther eastward in the valleys of the Gila cosmic figure. For that reason, Kroeber and Salt Rivers, the dying god theme fades (1925:790) believed that the dying god con­ out. Among the Pima, the cosmogony tells of cept was Shoshonean and that the motif a monster, Ha-ak, who the people pursue and developed in southern Cahfornia. Finally, the kill (RusseU 1908:224). After the monster origin of crop plants from the ashes of the dies, two boys return home and find it has dying god is completely missing in the myths slain their grandmother. Before dying, the old of the three Yuman groups. woman has left instmctions for the boys to The motif does reappear again, however, carry out. They give her body a proper burial farther to the east among other planters or in the sand. At the end of four days, she has limited agriculturists. The Walapai of north­ instmcted them to visit her grave and gather western Arizona, on the middle course of the leaves from a plant they will see growing from Colorado River, believed that corn, squash, it. The boys fohow her command and obtain beans, and watermelon came forth from the tobacco. They are then given instruction in its funeral pyre of theu* dead creator, Hamatavila use by the Pima deity Elder Brother. It wih be (MacGregor 1935:12-13). The Northeastern recalled that tobacco is also one of the plants and Westem Yavapai of Arizona also shared in the Cahuilla cosmogony which emerges elements of the dying god concept, and from the ashes of Mukat. believed that maize originated from the ashes The animal variant of the crop-origin of then- deity, Hanyiko (Gifford 1933b:351- myth is found among two groups elsewhere in 352). The Havasupai of northeastern Arizona the Southwest. In the cosmogony of the White have two versions of the myth. In one version. Mountain Apache of the upper Gila and Salt Coyote steals the heart of a culture hero after Rivers in southeastern Arizona, corn kernels he dies (Cushing 1965:73). Coyote then eats are shaken forth from the feathers of the live part of the heart and plants the rest. A corn body of Turkey (Goodwin 1939:52). In the plant grows out of the buried heart, which has Jicarilla Apache version of northern New six ears of com on its stalk. Each ear is a dif­ Mexico and southeastern Colorado, Turkey ferent color: yellow, white, variegated, blue, shakes corn, tobacco, and other vegetables black, and red. The different ears are given to from his feathers while walking around a field each of the nations of man—the Havasupai ob­ which is a good place for planting (Opier taining only a little red ear. In the second ver­ 1938:212-213). 72 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

A parallel was also found between the sunilar to those m Cahuilla myths can be Cahuiha myth of "The People Who Went to found in those of the Maricopa, but these are Visit the Sun" (e.g., Patencio 1943:113-118; non-agricultural in nature. Seller 1970:88-89) and a Cocopa myth (Gif­ Conclusions. Agricultural motifs similar to ford 1933a:257-334). In the Cahuilla myth, a those of the Kamia and Cahuiha were found man travels on a long joumey to the land of to be present among other southwestem the Sun. He lives with the Sun for a long time, agricultural peoples, thus confirming the existing upon magically renewing crop plants. hypothesis. In the Patencio version, the plant is maize. In the Seller version, there are magic corn, CONCLUDING ARGUMENTS watermelon, canteloupe, and grapes. When one eats com or other food from a plant, one It has been shown that aboriginal subsis­ hurls the cob or refuse back at the plant, tence economies are reflected in Califomia where it becomes "fixed" and immediately Indian mythology, and that agricultural mo­ whole and ripe again. This concept occurs in a tifs or elements are not present except among Cocopa myth from the lower Colorado River. southem Cahfomia groups of the desert inte­ In the land of the dead, Inbawhela, a new rior. Thus, no evidence was found suggesting melon immediately replaces ripe picked mel­ that a change-over to agricultural subsistence ons on the vine (Gifford 1933a:307). In the during the post-contact period had any im­ land of the dead, there is also said to be pact on the mythology of most Califomia plenty of food for souls—watermelon, beans, groups. The presence of agricultural motifs maize, and pumpkins, none of which ever and elements in the myths of the Cahuiha and needs planting. Interestingly, the east is also Kamia and parallels between those concepts associated in Cahuiha mythology not only and ideas in the mythology of Yuman groups with the land of the Sun, but with Telmekish, to the east suggests (1) that these two where dead souls go. The magic plant may southern Califomia groups practiced agricul­ also occur in Maricopa myth, but Spier is not ture aboriginally, and (2) that agriculture specific on that point (Spier 1933:296-299). probably diffused to them from Yuman He tells us only that things always become groups of the Colorado River area. The new again in the land of the dead, and that mythological data studied is thus considered watermelon and other foods were abundant. to provide strong corroborating support for Similar ideas of abundant food in the land of other circumstantial evidence which indicates the dead occur in other Yuman myths. that the Cahuilla and Kamia practiced agricul­ A Cahuilla myth about two twin culture ture before Spanish contact. heroes (Patencio 1943:103-112) contains University of California many similar episodes and ideas to a Maricopa Riverside myth with twin brother protagonists (Spier 1933:417-419). In the Cahuilla version, an old man rewards a young boy with corn for NOTES spying on two girls (Patencio 1943:108-109). In the Maricopa tale, the reward is pumpkin 1. Strong's version of the Cahuilla creation myth seed and com (Spier 1933:389). The same was obtained from Alejo Patencio, ceremonial chief, incident occurs in the Chaup story which the through Jolian Nortes, interpreter, immediately after Diegueno say came to them from the Mohave a mourning ceremony held at Palm Springs in (DuBois 1904b, 1906). Many other motifs February, 1925. Each sentence in Strong's narrative SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA INDIAN MYTHOLOGY 73

formed one verse of a song, which often was er plants such as these, acquired by diffusion through subjected to much repetition. other Indian groups from a distantly removed Spanish 2. Sauer (1970:292) has abandoned the environ­ source, can be considered part of the aboriginal crop mental hypothesis, suggesting that other factors complex. He suggests that the most realistic way to accounted for the failure of agriculture to spread look at American Indian culture is to differentiate through Cahfornia in the aboriginal period. not between aboriginal and non-aboriginal but be­ tween pre-European contact and post-European 3. For example, Lt. E. O. Ord (1848:123) re­ contact. ported Indians in the San Dieguito Valley near San Diego gathering from 20 to 40 fanegas of maize from 9. Hooper (1920:342) and Patencio (1943:13-14) unirrigated lands. state that Telmekish lay in the east. Patencio (1943:14) notes specifically that the souls of the 4. Carter (1967:30) urged that Rogers' sites be dead were unable to go north, west, or south, and relocated and dug under modern controls. Even if were forced to go to the east. Rogers had dated these plant remains as coterminous with the aboriginal period, this would not have 10. Undoubtedly, many Indian groups after secu­ proved agriculture was aboriginal on the Mohave larization of the missions in 1834 found their old Desert, since corn may have occasionally been traded gathering areas so disrupted by Spanish cattle grazing and settlement that even if they had wanted to return to interior groups by crop-growing tribes along the to the old hunting and gathering subsistence it would Colorado River. Corn cobs have been found by a have been impossible. number of scholars and laymen in Cahuiha sites both in the Coachella Valley and on the Anza-Borrego 11. The first Spanish expedition to explore the Desert, which appear to have features of Colorado Coachella Valley, led by Captain Jose Romero, found River type maize varieties. Archaeological proof of the Cahuilla planting corn, pumpkins, melons, and aboriginal agriculture, however, must await the dis­ watermelons near present-day Thermal in the month covery of other plant parts, such as stalks and roots, of December 1824 (Bean and Mason 1962:46). So far indicating that maize was locally grown. as is known this was the first contact with the Cahuil­ la of the desert. Kamia agriculture can be dated back 5. The cache, consisting of three large storage as far as the first decade of the nineteenth century oUas and a cooking pot, contained maize cobs and seeds of squash, watermelon, tepary beans, wheat, (Bean and Lawton 1973:xvi). Here again, we have no barley, and sorghum. The seeds were wrapped in a known earlier contact with the people of the New fragment of a modern Caucasian twined, bi-colored River. textile, indicating storage had occurred in the early 12. I recognize that my decision to treat variants historic period. as separate myth samples can be reasonably criticized. 6. For the purpose of this paper, we will keep the The decision was cautiously made, however. The Kamia and Southern Diegueiio separated into two variants were often quite dissimilar and provenience groups. Their creation myths are distinctly different, frequently presented insurmountable problems. I and only the Kamia of the New River were in a might well have chosen to accept some variants as position to practice flood-water farming. Even an­ separate myths, where they were quite different and thropologists and linguists who have regarded them as represented a version told by another branch of an a single entity with some dialect differences (Langdon Indian group. I might then have missed post-contact 1970:1-2) have recognized the necessity at times of alterations in those myths which were discarded as speaking of the Kamia of Gifford as opposed to the more fragmentary than other longer versions. Rather Southern Dieguefio. than discard some variants and accept others, I chose to include all versions in my analysis. With most 7. The first Cahuilla baptisms at Mission San groups, variants represented a small portion of the Gabriel were recorded in 1809, relatively late in the body of the literature. In the case of a few groups, Mission period (Bean 1960). particularly in southern California, variants made up 8. Forbes (1963; 1-2) poses the problem of wheth­ as much as one-half of the data. Overall, however. 74 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY they represented about one-tenth of the total sampl­ Comments on Proto-Agriculture and Agri­ ing of myths available. I believe, however, that the culture. In Henry T. Lewis, Patterns of size of my total sampling and the results obtained Indian Burning in California: Ecology and indicate clearly that the omission of variants would Ethnohistory, Ramona: Ballena Press, pp. not have affected the conclusions. v-xlvii. 13. The culture hero, Kwiyow humar (or homar) Bean, Lowell John, and William Mason (DuBois' Cuy-a-ho-marr), bears a non-Diegueno name, 1962 Diaries and Accounts of the Romero according to Margaret Langdon (personal communica­ Expeditions in Arizona and California in tion). The word humar is found in Mohave, however, 1823-1826. Palm Springs: Palm Springs and means a "young male person." The nominal Desert Museum. prefix kw, which makes a noun out of a verb, is Bean, Lowell John, and Katherine Siva Saubel pan-Yuman. Although humar does not exist as a 1972 Temalpakh: Cahuilla Indian Knowledge lexical item in Dieguefio, certain cognates do. Water­ and Usage of Plants. Banning: Malki Mu­ man (1909:48) considered the myth to be Diegueno. seum Press. As with the dying god motif, the Chaup story might well be a Diegueno myth shared in common with the Benedict, Ruth Mohave. DuBois' statement that her informants rec­ 1926 Serrano Tales. Journal of American Folk- ognized it as borrowed from the Mohave, however, Lore 39:1-17. suggests they recognized it to be a recent acquisition. Bolton, Herbert Eugene 1919 Kino's Historical Memoirs of Pimeria Alta. Cleveland. 2 vols. REFERENCES Bowers, Stephen 1888 A Remarkable Valley and an Interesting Barrett, S. A. Tribe of Indians. San Buenaventura: 1906 A Composite Myth of the Pomo Indians. Printed by the Author. (Cover title reads: Journal of American Folk-lore 19:37-51. The Conchilla Valley and the Cahuilla Indians.) 1919 Myths of the Southern Sierra Miwok. University of California Publications in Broadbent, Sylvia American Archaeology and Ethnology 1964 The Southern Sierra Miwok Language. 16:1-28. 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