Symbols and Meaning in Franco-German Relations
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!Bastille Day!
!Bastille day! From Emily Southcoat My Drawing :) Richmond School Y7 Facts about Bastille Day French National Day, is celebrated on July 14 th every year in France. It is a day to celebrate and remember the beginning of the French Revolution, following the storming of the Bastille in Paris, which was a fortress and prison representing French Royalty in 1789.Bastille day is not actually called Bastille day it's actually called in french “le 14 juillet” or simply “la fête nationale”. July 14th became France’s National Day in 1880 as a compromise between Republicans and Royalists.Did you know that Van Gogh painted twice about Bastille day the first was at 1886 and 1890.The first one that Van Gogh painted (1886) was full of red,white and blue flags and the other (in 1890) representing the city hall of Auvers-sur-l’Oise where he was mentally treated by a doctor. In this one, the flags and garlands’ colors actually appear almost unnoticeable in the cool-toned painting. P.2 July the 14th always begings witha refused to go until he had finished his military parade.The Bastille was roast pheasant dinner. originally a royal state prison built in the 1370s to defend Paris from the English during the Hundred Years War. Once a busy state penitentiary, it only held seven prisoners when it was stormed. The seven prisoners comprised four forgers, two lunatics and one aristocrat. The aristocrat was Comte Hubert de Solages, whose family had asked for him to be imprisoned for committing incest with his sister. -
Bibliography
Bibliography I. Primary Sources A. Manuscript Collections and Government Archives Foreign Affairs Oral History Program (FAOHP), Georgetown University Washington, D.C. (copies also deposited at George C. Marshall Library) Everett Bellows (February 1989) David S. Brown (March 1989) Vincent V. Checchi (July 1990) Lincoln Gordon (January 1988) John J. Grady (August 1989) William Parks (November 1988) Melbourne Spector (December 1988) Joseph Toner (October 1989) Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. W. Averell Harriman Papers George C. Marshall Library, Lexington, Virginia Dowsley Clark Collection European Recovery Plan Commemoratives Collection William C. Foster Papers George C. Marshall Papers Marshall Plan Photograph Collection Forrest Pogue Interviews (Paul Hoffman and John McCloy) Harry B. Price Interviews (conducted 1952–54) ECA and OEEC Leland Barrows Richard M. Bissell Samuel Board Harlan Cleveland H. Van B. Cleveland John O. Coppock Glenn Craig D. A. Fitzgerald William C. Foster Theodore Geiger Lincoln Gordon W. Averell Harriman Carroll Hinman Paul Hoffman E. N. Holmgren John Lindeman Shaw Livermore Robert Marjolin Orbun V. Powell MacDonald Salter Melbourne Spector Harold Stein Donald C. Stone Allan Swim Samuel Van Hyning Greece (Americans) Michael H. B. Adler Leland Barrows Dowsley Clark John O. Coppock Helene Granby Joseph F. Heath Robert Hirschberg Paul A. Jenkins Brice M. Mace Lawrence B. Myers Walter E. Packard Paul R. Porter 163 Bibliography Greece (Americans—continued) Alan D. Strachan Edward A. Tenenbaum John O. Walker Greece (Greeks) Costa Hadjiagyras Constantin D. Tsatsos Italy (Americans) Vincent M. Barnett William E. Corfitzen Henry J. Costanzo Bartlett Harvey Thomas A. Lane Dominic J. Marcello Walter C. McAdoo Guido Nadzo Chauncey Parker Donald Simmons James Toughill Italy (Italians) Giovanni Malagodi Donato Menichella Ernesto Rossi Turkey (Americans) Clifton H. -
Young Quakers and Politics
The youth edition of Journeys in the Spirit Quakers and the Military explores the provides a range of ideas to use with 12–18 following questions: year olds in a Quaker context. It offers What is the military? What are military activities for one-off sessions or weekends and comes out three times a year. Some values? suggestions are made about age suitability. When do we encounter (see/meet) the Timings are not stated, as this will depend military? on the group and how the activities are used. How did Quakers feel about the military Each issue explores a theme. in the past, and what did they do about it? Journeys in the Spirit is offered with the intention of providing an opportunity for How do we feel about the military now? exploring, creating and learning in an atmosphere of worship in partnership on our shared journey in the spirit. There are four This booklet, along with the extra resource directions to our spiritual journey: inwards to sheets at www.quaker.org.uk/resources- ourselves; outwards to others; upwards (or youth , provides enough material for a whole is it further inwards?) towards the deeper weekend with young people exploring mystery; downwards to the world we live in. Quakers and the military. However, by choosing specific activities, you Gathering Points Page 2 can run a session lasting 45 minutes, a few hours, a half-day, or a whole day. Starting Points Page 3 Gathering Points should come first, followed by Starting Points, and Ending Points should Reflection Points Page 4 come last; you can do the other sections in any order you like, but try to include at least one activity from each so that you cater for Listening Points Page 5 different learning styles and preferences. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
Freie Demokraten Trauern Um Klaus Kinkel
Freie Demokraten trauern um Klaus Kinkel FDP| 05.03.2019 - 10:30 Freie Demokraten trauern um Klaus Kinkel Die Freien Demokraten trauern um ihren ehemaligen Bundesvorsitzenden und Außenminister a.D., Klaus Kinkel. Er starb am Montag im Alter von 82 Jahren. Christian Lindner, Bundesvorsitzender der FDP, schrieb in einer ersten Reaktion: "Der Tod von Klaus Kinkel geht mir nahe. Er war ein aufrechter und bescheidener Mann mit Charakter, dessen freundschaftlichen Rat ich sehr geschätzt habe. Ich habe ihm viel zu verdanken." Lindner würdigte Kinkels Verdienste um Deutschland und Europa: "Klaus Kinkel verstand sich nie als Parteipolitiker, sondern im besten Sinne des Wortes als Staatsdiener. Er erwarb sich so große Verdienste und hat für unser Land und unsere Partei mehr bewirkt, als öffentlich mitunter wahrgenommen wurde." Kinkel habe sich "um diese Partei, aber vor allen Dingen auch um unser Land hoch verdient" gemacht. "Er verkörperte vieles von dem, was wir brauchen: Vernunft, Offenheit und Toleranz. In diesen gefährlichen Zeiten sei Kinkels Bekenntnis zu Europa und dessen Grundwerten nötiger denn je", zollt er dem starken moralischen Kompass des liberalen Urgesteins seinen Respekt. "Wir verlieren mit ihm einen väterlichen Freund. Er war uns bis in diese Tage ein weiser und bisweilen leidenschaftlicher Ratgeber. Dabei war er immer loyal und diskret. Wir werden ihn sehr vermissen", so Lindner. Was er auch tat, er sei in rauem Umfeld ein prinzipientreuer, liebenswürdiger und bescheidener Mensch geblieben: "Er wird uns fehlen." Lindner erklärte: "Als Bundesvorsitzender hat er sich von 1993 bis 1995 für unsere Partei in schwieriger Zeit in die Pflicht nehmen lassen und hat sie trotz damals schlechter Ausgangslage wieder in den Bundestag und die Bundesregierung geführt. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
What Does GERMANY Think About Europe?
WHat doEs GERMaNY tHiNk aboUt europE? Edited by Ulrike Guérot and Jacqueline Hénard aboUt ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: •a pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over one hundred Members - politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries - which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. • a physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome and Sofia. In the future ECFR plans to open offices in Warsaw and Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • a distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. -
'Ruhr–Lorraine Union' from Die Welt (11 May 1950)
'Ruhr–Lorraine union' from Die Welt (11 May 1950) Caption: On 11 May 1950, the German daily newspaper Die Welt comments on the proposal made by Robert Schuman that coal and steel output in Western Europe should be pooled. Source: Die Welt. Unabhängige Tageszeitung. Hrsg. BLEY, Curt ; Herausgeber SCHERER, Hans. 11.05.1950, n° 109; 5. Jg. Hamburg: Die Welt. "Union Ruhr-Lothringen", p. 2. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/ruhr_lorraine_union_from_die_welt_11_may_1950- en-51cc0e39-9ff6-4488-a685-48d5abeee16a.html Last updated: 06/07/2016 1/3 Ruhr–Lorraine union The unanimous decision of the French Cabinet on the pooling of the entire coal production of Germany, France and the Saar constitutes a huge breakthrough for the European idea. The ship of Europe had run aground. The idea of the European federation, as it is being represented in Strasbourg, found itself facing a crisis that had been created when the catchword Europe was replaced by a discussion of the real economic and political problems of international cooperation. The crisis went so far that a number of European politicians regarded Strasbourg as a matter already settled, that at best might be capable of solving a few more cultural problems. The economic unity of Europe was directed from the of Marshall Plan office in Paris, and security questions were at all events left to the Atlantic Alliance. -
The International Community's Role in the Process of German Unification
The International Community’s Role in the Process of German Unification 269 Chapter 10 The International Community’s Role in the Process of German Unification Horst Teltschik The first half of the 20th century was dominated by two world wars with more than 100 million deaths—soldiers and civilians. As a result, from 1945 on Europe was divided. Germany and its capital Berlin lost their sovereignty. Germany was run by the four victorious powers: the United States, France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. The polit- ical and military dividing line between the three Western powers and the Soviet Union ran through the middle of Germany and Berlin. The world was divided into a bipolar order between the nuclear su- perpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, with their respec- tive alliance systems NATO and Warsaw Pact. The latter was ruled by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) with its ideological monopoly. In 1945, two militarily devastating world wars were followed by five decades of Cold War. The nuclear arsenals led to a military balance be- tween West and East. The policy of mutual nuclear deterrence did not prevent dangerous political crises—such as the Soviet Berlin Blockade from June 1948 until May 1949, Nikita Khrushchev’s 1958 Berlin Ul- timatum and the 1962 Cuba Crisis—which brought both sides to the brink of another world war. In Berlin, fully armed American and Soviet tanks directly faced each other at Checkpoint Charlie. In Cuba, Soviet missiles threatened to attack the United States. Cold War tensions were compounded by Moscow’s bloody military interventions to crush uprisings against its rule in 1953 in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), in 1956 in Hungary, and 1968 in Prague. -
Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger Bundesjustizministerin Im Gespräch Mit Werner Reuß
BR-ONLINE | Das Online-Angebot des Bayerischen Rundfunks Sendung vom 19.5.2010, 20.15 Uhr Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger Bundesjustizministerin im Gespräch mit Werner Reuß Reuß: Verehrte Zuschauer, ganz herzlich willkommen zum alpha-Forum. Unser Gast ist heute Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger. Sie ist Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages, Landesvorsitzende der FDP in Bayern und, zum zweiten Mal in ihrer Karriere, Bundesministerin der Justiz. Ich freue mich, dass sie hier ist, ganz herzlich willkommen, Frau Bundesministerin. Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger: Ich freue mich auch, ich grüße Sie. Reuß: Das Bundesjustizministerium gehört ja zu den fünf klassischen Ressorts einer Regierung neben dem Auswärtigen Amt, dem Innenministerium, dem Verteidigungsministerium und dem Finanzministerium. Es drängt allerdings nicht so sehr in den Vordergrund wie andere Ministerien. Ihre Amtskollegin, die bayerische Justizministerin Beate Merk, meinte einmal: "Die Justiz war immer ein zurückhaltendes Ressort." Allerdings gehören sehr viele Bereiche zu Ihrem Ressort, u. a. der Generalbundesanwalt, das Bundesverwaltungsgericht, der Bundesgerichtshof, das Deutsche Patentamt, in dem Sie selbst auch einmal gearbeitet haben. Was sind denn die drei, vier wichtigsten Aufgaben der Bundesjustizministerin? Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger: Die Bundesjustizministerin hat ja mehr Aufgaben als die Länderjustizminister, weil die meiste Gesetzgebungskompetenz für das Strafrecht, für das Bürgerliche Gesetzbuch, für die allgemeinen Geschäftsbedingungen, für das Insolvenzrecht, das -
A History of German-Scandinavian Relations
A History of German – Scandinavian Relations A History of German-Scandinavian Relations By Raimund Wolfert A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Raimund Wolfert 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Table of contents 1. The Rise and Fall of the Hanseatic League.............................................................5 2. The Thirty Years’ War............................................................................................11 3. Prussia en route to becoming a Great Power........................................................15 4. After the Napoleonic Wars.....................................................................................18 5. The German Empire..............................................................................................23 6. The Interwar Period...............................................................................................29 7. The Aftermath of War............................................................................................33 First version 12/2006 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations This essay contemplates the history of German-Scandinavian relations from the Hanseatic period through to the present day, focussing upon the Berlin- Brandenburg region and the northeastern part of Germany that lies to the south of the Baltic Sea. A geographic area whose topography has been shaped by the great Scandinavian glacier of the Vistula ice age from 20000 BC to 13 000 BC will thus be reflected upon. According to the linguistic usage of the term -
Internal Security and the Fight Against Terrorism in Germany I. the German
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Dokumenten-Publikationsserver der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Dipl.-Soz. Sebastian Bukow Philosophische Fakultät III Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Lehrbereich Innenpolitik der BRD Unter den Linden 6 10099 Berlin [email protected] Internal security and the fight against terrorism in Germany Nearly periodically the topic of internal security appears on the public agenda of the Federal Re- public. Election Campaigns are held and elections have been won with the promise of more security [cp. 30, p. 13; 33, p. 10; 21]. The subjective feeling of a lack of security in different dimensions of life is omnipresent. The latest security- and monitoring-acts interfere deeply – and at the same time nearly unnoticed – with the daily life of every single citizen. The debate on crime and internal secu- rity is dominated by very emotional and ideological-normative arguments [cp. 18, p. 151]. Objec- tive arguments and evaluations of proportionality are hard to find. I. The German understanding of “Internal security” and its his- torical roots The term “Innere Sicherheit” – internal security – appeared for the first time in the 1960s. From then onwards it has always played an important role in political discussions. Since 1969 the Federal Ministry of the interior periodically published a report on „Innere Sicherheit“ (for the last time in 1994). Since then the term has been established in the political and administrational language. In 1972 the policy of internal security became the quasi status of law by the introduction of the “Schwerpunktprogramm Innere Sicherheit” (programme of emphasis internal security) [25, p.