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The Influence of St Francis on the Perception of Leprosy in the High Middle Ages

The Influence of St Francis on the Perception of Leprosy in the High Middle Ages

CEU eTD Collection ON THE PERCEPTION OF LEPROSY IN THE MIDDLE HIGH THE IN LEPROSY PERCEPTION THE OF ON MALADY OR ? THE INFLUENCE OF ST FRANCIS ST INFLUENCETHE OF ORMIRACLE? MALADY with the specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies Medieval Interdisciplinary in specialization the with MA Thesis in Comparative History Comparative in Thesis MA Central European University European Central Courtney A. Krolikoski Courtney May 2011 Budapest CEU eTD Collection Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements requirements ofthe fulfillment partial in Budapest, University, European Central ON THE PERCEPTION OF LEPROSY IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES MIDDLE HIGH THE IN LEPROSY PERCEPTIONTHE OF ON MALADY OR MIRACLE? THE INFLUENCE OF ST FRANCIS ST INFLUENCETHE OF ORMIRACLE? MALADY with the specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Medieval Interdisciplinary in specialization the with Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, ofMedieval Department the to submitted Thesis Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU ofthe standards the with conformance in Accepted ______of the Master of Arts degree in Comparative History, History, Comparative in Arts degree of Master of the Chair, Examination Committee Examination Chair, (United States of America) of States (United Courtney A. Krolikoski Courtney Thesis Supervisor Thesis May 2011 Examiner Examiner Budapest by CEU eTD Collection Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements requirements ofthe fulfillment partial in Budapest, University, European Central ON THE PERCEPTION OF LEPROSY IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES MIDDLE HIGH THE IN LEPROSY PERCEPTIONTHE OF ON MALADY OR MIRACLE? THE INFLUENCE OF ST FRANCIS ST INFLUENCETHE OF ORMIRACLE? MALADY with the specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Medieval Interdisciplinary in specialization the with Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, ofMedieval Department the to submitted Thesis Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU ofthe standards the with conformance in Accepted ______of the Master of Arts degree in Comparative History, History, Comparative in Arts degree of Master of the (United States of America) of States (United Courtney A. Krolikoski Courtney External Examiner External Budapest May 2011 by CEU eTD Collection Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements requirements ofthe fulfillment partial in Budapest, University, European Central ON THE PERCEPTION OF LEPROSY IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES MIDDLE HIGH THE IN LEPROSY PERCEPTIONTHE OF ON MALADY OR MIRACLE? THE INFLUENCE OF ST FRANCIS ST INFLUENCETHE OF ORMIRACLE? MALADY with the specialization in Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies. Medieval Interdisciplinary in specialization the with Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, ofMedieval Department the to submitted Thesis Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU ofthe standards the with conformance in Accepted ______of the Master of Arts degree in Comparative History, History, Comparative in Arts degree of Master of the ______(United States of America) of States (United Courtney A. Krolikoski Courtney External Supervisor External Supervisor Budapest May 2011 by CEU eTD Collection Budapest, 23May2011 Budapest, degree. academic foran education ofhigher institution other any to form this or person’s copyright.institution’s I also declare thatno partof the thesis has been submitted in illegitimate use was made of the work information of as others, properly and credited in no notes part and of bibliography. I the present declare thesis that thesis infringes no on unidentified is and any exclusively my History, own with the specialization work, in Interdisciplinary based Medieval Studies on declare herewith my that I, the research the and undersigned, only such external Courtney A. Krolikoski , , candidate for the MA degree in Comparative ______Signature CEU eTD Collection IV. The Medieval Leper: Inclusion Through Exclusion Through Inclusion Leper: The Medieval IV. Ages Middle intheHigh ofLepers Treatment III. and Francis the Them OutoftheCamp” Ye “Cast Leper: The Medieval II. I. Introduction ILLUSTRATIONS OF LIST QUOTATIONS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Summary Summary Lepers by Assisi: Conversion of Francis Saint andControversy Rise The : Summary Society Lepers Medieval in Christi Imitatio in Living Ages: Middle The Early Lepers:Testament TheNew with Dealing Lepers: TheOldTestament with Dealing Aims andGoals This Thesis: Situating Leprosy Historyof onthe Scholarship Current Understanding Leprosy Summary Summary Leprous the To Leprosy, About Preaching: Francis After Infected: the of Veneration Leprous the of Care the Changes in TABLE OF CONTENTS OF TABLE 111 103 44 33 27 22 17 15 11 86 80 78 75 52 48 47 iii ii 7 3 1 i CEU eTD Collection BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX Miracle? Conclusion: or Malady V. SECONDARY SOURCESSECONDARY SOURCESPRIMARY Lepers With WhoInteracted Francis Before Saints A: Exclusions? New Ahead: Looking 130 128 128 120 120 117 113 CEU eTD Collection between its pages. its between And finally, a large thanks to YOU for picking up this thesis and finding interest in what lies Zinn. Pamela and Vismek, Rasson, Judith Branislav Toca, Madalina Pál, Annabella & Guy Hydrick, Bileta, Csilla Dobos, Cristian Gaşpar, encouragement, support, and suggestions have made all the difference: Daniel Asmare, Vedran two years. Leprosy may not be the most appetizing topic Thank to you also to read mycolleagues about, (and friends!) butwho have traveled your with this friendship, thesis over the last ofleprosy.’ ‘history worldofthe the to me introducing have been immensely valuable to Thanks the must also completion be given of to Luke this Demaitre whose work. enthusiasm, encouragement, Thank and advice you for formally 6(!)years. last the over newworldsme upsoto many hasopened which safetyof myCarolina-Blue world. Thank you for passing along your love for the Middle Ages Thanks must also be given to Brett E. Whalen, without whom I would never have given up the written. have proudto workIam a which at arrive to me allowed freedom to explore a topic which I enjoynothing more than while a collection of also ideas about the providing idea of Thank leprosy. the you for giving boundaries me the which Thanksmust have also be given to my supervisor, fortwoyears!) ofPhoenix care taking believing in me everyI day. am blessed to have been given such great parents. (Thanks also for who, for my entire life, have encouraged and supported every decision I make. Thank you for First, my eternal thanks and love must be given to my parents, Richard and Paula Krolikoski, way. the along This thesis is no exception to thatrule and, as such, I owe my gratitude to many who helped me It is impossible, and perhaps slightly ego-centric, to consider one’s work truly a solo project. Laszlo Laszlo Kaulics, Farida Mukazhanova, ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Zsuzsanna Zsuzsanna Godany, Gábor Klaniczay, withoutGábor who Klaniczay, thisthesis would be i Laura Laura Gousha, Sona Grigoryan, Kelly Mihail Mihail Mitrea, Sandro Nikolaishvili, CEU eTD Collection caught up in, or give shape to, the great events. events. great the to, shape orgive upin, caught onlymatters because ofthe effectswe see or imagine inthe livesof the ordinary people who are For it is in the millions of small melodies that the truth of history is always found, for history orsomething. challenged’ them as lepers so asBiff: I know that having even watchednow, enough television, you probably won’teven to refer to spare their feelings. You probably call them ‘parts-dropping-off- hunter. the glorify always shall hunt ofthe tales historians, their have lions Until from from Christopher Moore, Christopher Lamb: The According to Biff, Christ’s Childhood Pal, Childhood Christ’s Biff, to According Lamb: TheGospel QUOTATIONS ii from from Orson Scott Card, Orson Card, Scott (New York: Harper Perennial, 2002),342. Perennial, Harper York: (New (New York: Tor Books, 2001),358. Tor York: (New Shadow of the Hegemon, the Shadow of African Proverb African CEU eTD Collection 5. 4. 3. 2. 1. Malibu, CA., Malibu, Hedwig washes andkisses the 1350, St Elizabeth and the Lerposus turning into the Crucified Christ - Krumauer Bildercodex, c. 1350 c. -Krumauer Bildercodex, Sick Caringforthe Elizabeth Saint - -Detail The Bardi 1250, -c. Altarpiece The Bardi ÖNB. Cod.370,f.93r. f. 30r. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OF LIST feet feet of the lepers- Hedwig , c.1360, Florence, Santa Croce, Bardi Chapel Bardi Croce, Santa Florence, Florence, Santa Croce, Bardi Chapel Bardi Croce, Santa Florence, iii , ÖNB. Cod.370,f.88v. The GettyMuseum, CEU eTD Collection 4 2006), 1. world.” Michel Foucault, 3 2009). leprosy in China see: Angela Ki Che Leung, disease was linked with religion and moral values throughout much of the Middle Ages. For an 2 in-depth study of ofNagashima. island the novel chronicles her subsequent life as a stigmatized member of society and her life in exile Because at the of leprosarium her on diagnosis she is forced to leave her home; fiction her novel name which is follows even the erased life from of her a family 19-year-old register. This Japanese diver who is diagnosed 1 with leprosy in 1948. disease. ofthe effects the to due disabled permanently who are individuals every year. around the world, most prominently India, and itcontinues to infect an estimated 100,000 new statementotherwise, grew and expanded their territories. Unfortunately, contrary to Michel China Foucault’s dramatic leprosy in Europe dates to 600 years before Christ, but it may have developed earlier in either into a complex and often horrifying narrative. The earliest known archaeological evidence of longstanding presence in theworld, Western stories and images of the disease have been woven Carole Rawcliffe, Rawcliffe, Carole In The history of leprosy in China is a fascinating topic as, much like the study of leprosy in the Christian the West, Jeff Jeff Talarigo, Folie Folie etd 2 or NorthAfrica. Its spread into the western world was , spreading as populations In manyways leprosy haslong been regarded as éraison éraison The The Pearl Diver Leprosy in Medieval England England Medieval in Leprosy Michel Foucault states “At the end of the Ages, Middle leprosy disappearedfrom the Western 3 Atleprosy presentis itstill existsprevalent in today. over twenty countries History History of Madness 4 Overall there are an estimated two to three million people worldwide (New Anchor York: Books, 2005), 150. Unfortunately they have chosen all the wrong words. wrong the all chosen have they Unfortunately well-thought-out words and things might have been different. spoken by those people who are in charge of our lives. A few word, can change history. Imagine the correct words had been are the most Words important thing we have. A few words, one Leprosy Leprosy in China: A History , trans. Jonathan Murphy and Jean Khalfa (New York: Routledge, I. (Rochester: Boydell Press, 2006),2. Boydell (Rochester: Introduction 1 the the disease (New Columbia York: University Press, The The Pearl Diver The Pearl Diver, Diver, Pearl The of the Ages. Middle With a is is a modern historical Jeff Talarigo Jeff 1 CEU eTD Collection University Press,University 2007),16. 5 and more asa disease ofthe However, after the turn of the thirteenth the century, image of leprosy came to be depicted more often portrayed as an affliction of the morallyill rather than as an illness borne by the infected. image of the disease based on its Biblical heritage. Before the thirteenth century leprosy was disease. some ofthe media which both depicted and dispersedcontemporary social understandings of the easy to recognize. Scientific and religious treatises, numerous worksof art, and legends are just physical effects were traumatizing. Itis because ofovert leprosy’s nature at thisstage thatitwas more attention than the reality it represented. Once the disease was fully developed in a host, the may have captivated the imaginations of the medieval world, but it may have also been given borne bythe people who had it and most exclusivelydiscussed by those who did not.” such, according to Luke Demaitre, it was arguablythe only disease which was “most completely presented. often picture the from different ismuch infected, disease. However, much like HIV/AIDS, the real understanding of leprosy, as well as those it and agonized faces of lepers with clappers in hand haunts the historical understanding of the the Ages.Middle Even todayleprosy has retained a legendary status; the image of the ulcerated continues to be viewed today), thestigma of leprosywas pervasive andoverpowering throughout recognizable. Much inthe same waythat HIV/AIDS was viewed in the 1980s (and insome ways Luke Luke Demaitre, The The Church, as the ruling elite of the High Middle Ages, both used and manipulated the Leprosy was, without much doubt, the most stigmatized disease of the Middle Ages. As With such a long and dramatic history, leprosy is seemingly ever-present and ever- Leprosy Leprosy in Premodern Medicine: A Malady of the Whole Body pauperes Christi, Christi, pauperes the so-called ‘poor of Christ.’ Lepers, according Lepers, according to the so-called ‘poorofChrist.’ 2 (Baltimore: (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins 5 Leprosy CEU eTD Collection 9 8 7 Rawcliffe, subcontinent, although China and the Nile may Valley lay claim to an even loner history earliest of the infection.” evidence of the of disease, Pennsylvania Press, dating 1998), 111. However, from the disease about has an 600 even 6 longer years history; “Significantly, before some of the the birth of Christ, survives from the ago. centuries doctors wasmedieval to asit researchers modern enigma.” its source and the means to cope with it, leprosy today still “remains something of a medical that sulfone-based antibiotics were found to be useful for treating the disease. leprae, identify the disease. Gerhard Armauer Hansen identified the microorganism, origins of leprosy were only discovered in 1873 after scientists had spent centuries trying to centuryand reached itspeak between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. to be leprosy most likely appeared in the Western medieval world sometime around the fourth without firstunderstanding the The nature disease ofwhichthe isdisease itself. today understood Understanding Leprosy towardsleprosy. attitudes and climate social onthe sheds and light disease ofthe history the illness of a character person’s to an illness miraculously given by God can be seen in the dominantperceptions in society acrossAges. This the shift Middle Although suffering. both perceptionsof the disease have coexisted throughout its a history, shift this view of the Church, were diseased in this life so they could enjoy the next life without Ibid. Rawcliffe, Carole Demaitre, Luke

Michael Michael Goodich, ed., as the bacterium responsible for causing leprosy. It is impossible to discuss the historyof a disease and the lives of the people it affected 9 Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy With a long and often stigmatized past leprosy has remained almost as elusive to Leprosy in Premodern Medicine, Medicine, Premodern in Leprosy Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy Other Middle Ages: Other Middle atAges: the Witnesses ofMargins Medieval Society , 1 . , 2. vii. 3 7 Furthermore, itwasnot until the 1940s ⎯ can be traced through 6 (Philadelphia: University The The exact biological 8 Despite knowing mycrobacterium mycrobacterium ⎯ from from an Carole Carole CEU eTD Collection Rutgers University Press, University 1998),20. Rutgers 12 11 duXIV Sensjusqu’aumilieu de ecclésiastique province organisme.” fonction du degré de défense 10 immunitaire de chaque individu, variable dans le temps au sien d’un même disease remains localized and relatively undramatic. Although the tuberculoid Patchesofskincanbecomediscoloredand ulcersmaydevelop,but usuallythis form of the form body. is less form. The tuberculoid form of the disease tends to remain localized in different regions of the manifestations from the more minor and mild tuberculoid form to the more severe lepromatous diagnosisof leprosyelusive for centuries. resist and defend itself against infection. It is this factor which made the identification and disease. the to succumb percentage small relatively Numerous individuals who are regularly exposed to it remain immune to its effects, while only a a decade (and often even longer) to develop fully enough for symptoms to become because disease Hansen’s is a slowlymultiplying microorganism and present. as such can take as long as immune system of the individuals who come into contact with the bacterium. once believed. The greatest factor determining the chance of contagion is the quality be of spread from person to the person through respiratory droplets, not through sexual contactas was as well as the lining of the upper respiratorytract.According to current theories it is thought to forms. diseaseHansen’s is a granulomatousdisease which targets the peripheral nervous system mycrobacterium leprae known contagious. Today as Disease Hansen’s in order to dissociate the disease from its stigma Carole Rawcliffe, Rawcliffe, Carole J. N. Hayes, As As François-Olivier François-Olivier Touati explains, “l’évolution pathologique qui peut être extrêmement lente est, en effet, The The degree of manifestation of the disease is based on the abilityof the host’s body to Contrary to popular beliefs François-Olivier Touati, Touati, François-Olivier The The Burdens of Disease: Epidemics and Human Response in Western History Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy is related to the tuberculosis bacteria and manifests in five Maladie et société au moyen age: la lèpre, les lépreux et les léproseries dans la et les léproseries Maladie les etlépreux société au moyen age: la lèpre, ⎯ both medieval and modern , 2. 12 The five differentforms of the disease range in their e siècle siècle 4 11 (Paris: De Boeck & Larcier, 1998),81. Larcier, & DeBoeck (Paris: ⎯ leprosy is not highly 10 (New Brunswick: This is partly

different different ,

CEU eTD Collection premodern as before the knowledge of the bacterial causes versus the modern understanding of the disease. disease. ofthe understanding modern versus causes the bacterial ofthe knowledge the asbefore premodern Medicine,Premodern preceding the modern history of leprosy, which began in the late book, eighteenth century.” Luke Demaitre, 15 Ibid. archaeologist.” bythe distinguished clearly be can which of damagedone in this way tothe larynx (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing,2007),43.Moore continues,“ 14 13 physical symptomsthey to may leprosy, have also been labeled assuchduring premodern times. different from Hansen’s Disease. Since today many other diseases are known to have similar disease which was labeled as leprosy in premodern times history. throughout status mythical almost an hasheld whyperhaps it seriously deformed or lost. The effects on the body are dramatic and horse. devastating, which is blindness. If the palate and the larynx are affected bythe infection the voice becomes raspy and which may cause the bridge of the nose to collapse, and the eyes can deteriorate to the point of The face develop. can become by greatlythe affecteddisease; the cartilage ofthe nose can erode, loss of sensation, sores and ulcerous wounds develop and secondary As infectionsinfection. a result the skin becomespale are or otherwise discolored and desensitized. Due to able the to are diverse.The skin and nerve cells of the extremities are the firstareas of the bodyaffected by the body, the skin, and at its height the bones themselves. recognizable. Causing progressive nerve damage, the bacterium affects the peripheral nerves of severe. virulent than other strainsof the bacterium, left withouttreatment its effects can become just as Luke Demaitre, Demaitre, Luke For the understanding of the term “premodern” this thesis will follow that of Luke Demaitre in his pioneering R.I. Moore, Leprosy Leprosy in Premodern Medicine 14 Despite Despite the modern medical knowledge of leprosy, it is important to understand that a The lepromatous form of the disease is the form by which the disease is most Only finally, Only as finally, a resultof prolonged infection and exposure, do the extremities become The The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe 950-1250 Leprosy in Premodern Medicine, Medicine, Premodern in Leprosy vii. I find this to be the best way to look at the disease of leprosy in the context of this thesis; : : “The term ⎯ and also produces an erosion of the bones of and alsoproduces an erosion of the bonesof head,limbs,handsand feet vii. premodern premodern 5 the throaty voice of the throaty for voice instance,of is the the leper, result is understood somewhat idiosyncratically here, as 13 Symptoms of lepromatous leprosy 15 may have looked remarkably Leprosy Leprosy in

CEU eTD Collection 17 cases. ofspecific history medical precise the determine label which was most important. Only when skeletal remains are found and analyzed by paleopathologists can one It is best to treat all historical cases of individuals described as being “lepers” as though they were 16 thesis. this throughout controversially, potentially used,albeit be therefore medieval sources relevant for this thesis. The term of Carole Rawcliffe, I will employ the term as a means to reflect the vocabulary used within the medical diagnosis according to modern understandings of the disease. Much in the same way as will treat the label of leprosyasitwas applied atthe time of the diagnosis,regardless of accurate the individuals who were suspected or eventually determined to be leprous. Therefore, thisstudy which a person received during the Middle Ages. A diagnosis of leprosydetermined the fate of because what is most important to this study is the diagnosis and subsequent social treatment appropriate way to refer to those who were believed to be infected with the disease. its This is roots and English derivatives) was the medieval diagnosis, I believe it historical and ismedical discourse relating to the the disease. most for many decades, the term world. medieval ofthe order normal the label of were avoid speculating on whether or not individuals labeled as lepers in the Middle Ages Therefore, the challenge for historians of medicine, and historians of leprosy in particular, is to Luke Demaitre, Demaitre, Luke To attempt to To diagnose individuals with the disease retrospectively is a troublesome featand ought to be avoided. infected with leprosy. The The language of leprosycarried (and in effectstill carries) a unique stigma. Due to this, leper were were forced into a newlife which was exceedingly different and tumultuous from Leprosy in Premodern Medicine, Medicine, Premodern in Leprosy 16 Relegated to the margins of society, individuals who received the leper leper has been considered controversial and shunned in both xii. Carole Rawcliffe, Rawcliffe, Carole xii. 6 17 leprosy, leprosy, However, as the term Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy and any of its derivatives, will leper ⎯ as it was this , 11. (as well as actually actually CEU eTD Collection 19 1974). 18 itself. reality historical the understanding and myth by the played historical reality. Current studies are equally focused on understanding the the role AgesMiddle over the last ten historically years has been focused on distinguishing historical myth from perhaps, not as oppressed as was once believed. Much of the study of the history of leprosy in medieval society and restricted by numerous ordinances and regulations, Brody their and lives numerous were, others have suggested. Although the research hasshown that medieval leperswere not always the ofthe leprous Christian elite, as were segregated from nuances to some of Brody’s conclusions, and subverted others. Most importantly, modern segregation. and forpersecution mark Moore, focused only the negative attitudes towards the lepers, presents the disease as being a vein toas Brody, he also focuseson the leper as a problem for the medieval world. In this book section of his book presents a simultaneously bleak and sensationalist understanding of the disease. In the leprosy Brody’s book has become a major source for those who study the history ofstatusas leprosy, but it historiansof medieval medicine have become interested in the disease because of its overarching four decades. Since the 1974 publication of Saul Brody’s ScholarshipofLeprosy on theHistory Current

Saul NathanielBrody, Moore, However, other scholarshipwhich takes workBrody’s as a starting pointhas contributed Scholarshiponthe historyof Ages leprosyhasin evolved the greatlyMiddle over the last The Formation of a Persecuting Society, Society, aPersecuting of The Formation the the disease disease Ages of andthe the Middle disciplinaryboundaries thatits study transcends. The The Formation of a Persecuting Society The Disease The Disease of the : Leprosy in Medieval Literature 42-56. 7 19 The Disease of the Soul, R. I. Moore (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,

follows in a similar 18 many CEU eTD Collection 22 2011). April, 12-13 Cambridge, College, King’s English Leper Hospital” (paper presented atthe 21 20 due to their disease, but distinctive alsoclothing and carry marks of their disease, lepers were through easily distinguishable not only material representations of recognized played a large part their in the medieval understanding of the disease. Requiredto dress in status. Luke determine the differences between the myth and the reality of the disease. How lepers were soil. studyonEnglish focusesher Rawcliffe value, symbolic and imagery intense Dives growing epidemic, it is more likely due to English noblemen trying to avoid being regarded as the end of the fourteenth While century. this rise can be seen as a means to meet the needsof a institutionssaw a rise in the eleventh through the fourteenth centuries, with over 320existing by for the of the donors who paid for their admittance Despite being depicted as to threats to society because the of heightened fear of disease, houses. lepers prayed In England these be seen as valued members of the Christian community instead of the segregated changing attitudes and scapegoats. doctrines on English , lepers who lived in leper houses can in a misleading picture of the disease. making grandgeneralizationsabout the disease and the diseased acrossspace andtime can result the diseased varied greatly from other regions of the medieval world. Rawcliffe has shown that Rawcliffe. Though bound by the same canon law as the restof Europe, the English treatment of continent, something which has been recently explored and stressed extensively by Carole Ibid. Rawcliffe, Carole Carole Carole Mighty Rawcliffe,“‘A Force in the Army’:Ranks Intercession of and Christ’s Integration in the Medieval from from of Luke. Studying Studying medieval leprosy on the European continent is equally focused on trying to Living with leprosy in medieval England was often times quite different than on the Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy 22 In an attempt to find the reality amidst a disease loaded with 20 When studied in conjunction with the Black Death and Leprosy, Language Language Leprosy, and Identity in the Medieval World , 9 . 8 conference, 21

CEU eTD Collection léproseries entre Loire et Marne au Moyen Âge Âge MarneauMoyen et Loire entre léproseries Olivier Touati, d' histoire médiévale et de philologie, fondations etrépartition aux XII Medioevo, 1991); François-Olivier Touati, “L’apparition des léproseries dans Les la lépreux entre province conversion ecclésiastique et exclusion de aux XII sens: 27 26 Ibid. continent. the from onimages israre presence Ages; its Middle the in lepers English 25 World Medieval the in LanguageandIdentity Leprosy, 24 disease. ofthe perceptions social and 23 many ofthe dominantmedieval perceptions of the disease. comprehensive picture of medieval leprosy in Sens, has been groundbreaking in challenging leprosy in the province of Sens. His book exemplifies the multidisciplinary perspective on the history of leprosy with a focused study of leprouslived can be fully understood.The French historian perhapsFrançois-OlivierTouati best come together to try to create a complete picture so that the nature of the world in which the including, but not limited linguistics, religiousto andhistory, archaeology, literature, continue to its content, but also due to its potential for interdisciplinary research. Many fields of study, case. the wasquite not that perhaps that hasconsidered Demaitre leper, ofa presence announce his presence to the healthy. Once seen as a warning sign to alert the healthy to the emphasis is the clapper, the rattle (or attimes a bell this might offer an alternative perception on how they were viewed and treated. disease. His present focus is related to how the leprous were depicted in medieval art and how greatly transformed and shaped the understanding of the premodern medical approaches to the Demaitre’scurrent work is a departure from his book Luke Demaitre, “The Clapper as ‘Vox Miselli.” as‘Vox Clapper “The Demaitre, Luke Rawcliffe, It is interesting here, Demaitre notes, that the image of the leper with the bell is almost exclusively that of the Luke Demaitre, Luke Demaitre, “The Clapper as ‘Vox Miselli’: New Perspectives on Iconography” (paper presented at the The The studyofleprosy in the Ages Middle has attracted manyscholars not only because of Leprosy Leprosy in Medieval England, Maladie Maladie et société au Moyen Âge. Leprosy Leprosy in Premodern Medicine e et XIII (Paris, T. I, e siècles,” in 8; 8; (Paris Nicole Nicole Bériou and ème Santé, médecine et assistance au Moyen Âge, . This book Maladie Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, et XIII : Actes du 110e Actes duCongrès 110e national dessociétés savantes, section conference, King’s College, Cambridge, 12-13 April, 2011). April, 12-13 Cambridge, College, King’s conference, ; François-Olivier Touati, Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 1996). Scientifiques, et Historiques Travaux des Comité 9 ème 25 siècles siècles deals with the written development of the medical ) which the leper was required to shake to Leprosy Leprosy in Premodern Medicine François-Olivier Touati, François-Olivier Touati, 27 (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi Sull’Alto Touati has helped tobreakdown the Touati Archives de la lèpre: atlas des Voluntate Dei Voluntate leprosus: which which provides a 24 1987); François- His specific 26 , 23 which CEU eTD Collection 29 2011). April, 12-13 Cambridge, Context” (paper presented atthe 28 both for medieval understandings of the disease and social reactions to it, been asplaced on the seen role of with the cultural context. the The regional character of leprosyvaried greatly a shiftinfocus to new and often overlooked texts Alongside and this, sources. emphasis has also life might have been like for the leprous.By merging numerous fields of research there has been archeological, literary, and biological data has created a more complete understanding of what focused on the regulations imposed on them leprosy byin the the Middle Ages. Where Church the study of and leprosy in cities, the Middle the Ages had been addition solely of Ages. Middle the in ofleprosy picture comprehensive study of the history of leprosyhas brought an immense amount of data to help with creating a understood atthe time in England. in the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries, a figure proportional to the rates of the disease excavations of graves, 40% of the inhabitants of Saint MaryMagdalen were affected by leprosy medieval city has shed light on life inside a example, medieval an excavation in England,Winchester, a leper mile outside the gates hospital. of the boundaryof the helped to shape the understanding of how these houses functioned in medieval the society. For Middle Ages is archaeology. Excavations of medieval leper houses across Europe have from. out cast were they society the in ways, included many in also, were they myth that lepers were overly stigmatized members of the medieval world, instead showing how Ibid. Simon Roffey, “The Archaeology of a Medieval Leper Hospital: Saint Mary Magdalen, Winchester, in Scholarship today is focused on creating a multidisciplinary approach to the study of One field which has been revolutionary in reshaping the understanding of the leprous in Leprosy, Language Language and Identity Leprosy, in the Medieval World 29 The The addition of archaeological findingssuch as these to the 10 College, conference, King’s 28 Based on current CEU eTD Collection towards the leprous,particularly through the influence of one widely known and influential saint medieval world. In this thesis I intend to examine the late twelfth-century dissemination shift of hagiographic in materials, saints attitudes had an immense impact over all aspects of the widely influential and respected. As sources of great religious devotion as well as widespread the medieval perceptions of the disease. In the twelfth century the roles of such figures were neglected is the role that charismatic religious leaders — namely, saints — played in changing interests. academic ofmy facets the all satisfy archaeological findings. Studying the history of leprosy, therefore, has become a way for me to throughout the Middle Ages, lepers left little or no evidence of history their existence has outside often the overlooked. Although they were opportunity, alongside often numerous well-respected historians, discussed to provide a and voice for those widely whom regulated to the historyof medicine asaneagerstudent. Studying the historyof leprosyhasallowed me the workings of personal and social interactions and perceptions are at the forefront — brought me this thesis. That lifelong interest combined with a background in psychology— where the inner classes, and over many years, my interest in the subject has developed and, in a way, led me to practice of medicine has always fascinated me. Through numerous science classes, history Aims and Goals Thesis: This Situating comparisons. and contexts, byre-evaluations, driven more one be to changing differences between England and the rest of Europe. The historiographical status of the field is One area within the growing field of the history of leprosy which has been largely The reasons for this study are personal as well as academic in nature. Since my youth the 11 CEU eTD Collection Rawcliffe, and and Rawcliffe, Elma Luke Brenner, Angusheva-Tihanov, Demaitre,Rafaël Hyacinthe, Peter Kay Jankrift, Julie Orlemanski, Carole Medieval World Cambridge University which focused on leprosy 30 in the Middle Ages ( examine the various major narratives of Francis’s life, focusing on the final momentconversionFrancis’s and his life as of the founder of a his large and influential mendicantIorder. will of Saint . The goal of this chapter is to show what role the lepers played in byGod. cursed were lepers was that perception dominant the highlight how, despite both images of leprosy being present in the Early to High Middle Ages, provide a background for the role of the leper in medieval hagiographic texts. This chapter will legislation which dealt with regulating the lives of the lepers in the medieval West. It will also interactions with thefor lepers.Francis’s It chroniclesboth the relevant ecclesiastical and secular the social understanding of leprosy at the turn of the twelfth in century, a sense setting the stage ofleprosy. perceptions social onthe impact and importance period. Selections of materials to be included were made consciously based on their no overall means a complete or comprehensive account of all instances of leprosy across chronologicallythis thesis begins in Biblical times and spans thatuntil itthe isfourteenth by century, time images and as much textual evidence as possible in the scope of the analysis. Although disease. stigmatized highly ofa perceptions social over influence man’s these sources in their historical context, I hope to present a comprehensive understanding of one — Saint Francis of Assisi.

I I wasfortunate enough to be invited to presenta paper on this topic at a recent conference held at Kings College, Chapter two traces the development of the role of the leper in the hagiographic materials The first chapter of this thesis will introduce the background to the historical climate of The chapters of this study will, where appropriate, incorporate as many supporting François-Olivier Touati. François-Olivier conference, King’s College, Cambridge, 12-13 April, 2011). Scholars present included Adelina 30 Through close reading of the selected sources, as well as situating 12 Leprosy, Leprosy, Language and Identity in the CEU eTD Collection preaching preaching to the sick at those leprosaria. Because of this, collections of ofthe number sermons of leprosaria in the medieval landscape there was also a rise in the practice of well asthe use ofleprosyas preaching as a tool to both preach to the leprous about their disease and their status in societyas up caring for lepers as a mark of female piety. Finally, I will examine thirteenth centuries, the such as Saint changing use and Saint of Hedwig of Silesia, who took ThisGod. section will place particular emphasison the female saintsof the late twelfth and early initiative, sought to care for the leprous out of a profound desire to humble themselves before Instead,manyholymenandwomen, on their own in the footstepsof Francisto his emulate piety. mark of their extreme holiness and devotion.This is not to saythat these saints merely followed saintswho, in lightof the legacy of Francis and the Franciscan Order, cared for the leprous as a systematic study of the leprosaria in medieval France. Secondly, I will highlight some of the will provide a valuable point of analysis for this study, as it is the mostperceptions comprehensive of the and disease. François-Olivier book Touati’s on the rise of the leprosaria in Sens will be threefold. First, I will examine the rise of leprosaria on the as treatment and a care of the reaction leprous in to the High Middle the Ages. The analysis changing in this chapter written. were they which in climate historical interactions with lepers. I will then compare their similarities and differences in light of the main features of theepisodeswithin Francis’s the final and ultimate moment of conversion for Francis. To do this, I will closely analyze the conversion. I will argue that this moment — meeting a leper on the plains belowAssisi — was The The final chapter will follow the impact that both Francis and the Franciscan Order had topos for preaching forpreaching to societythe about rise the burdens of With sin. vitae, 13 both both written and illustrated,which detail his ad ad status CEU eTD Collection an excellent study on the history of leprosy within the developing medical field in premodern times. times. premodern in field medical developing the within ofleprosy history studyonthe excellent an texts. For an extensive study on this topic please see Luke bookDemaitre’s directly prevalent to the scope of this thesis. I change the will perception of While Ages.leprosythis in field the of Highstudy Middle isincredibly interesting, itis not, not therefore, directly discuss the influence of these medical 32 31 ofleprosy. by historians hope withthisthesis to shed lighton anarea ofstudy which has, to date, unexplored beenlargely medieval and society, though it is impossible to state direct causation for the shiftin attitudes, I thesis, his impact cannot be denied. Though both attitudes towards leprosy were ever-present in may have not been solely responsible for this shift, but, as I hope to demonstrate through this of leprosy may have been aided by one prominent charismatic religious figure. century. thirteenth ofthe turn the after leprosy and lepers worldtowardsboth medieval these Vitry, sources provide an immense amount of information concerning the attitudes if the analysis of the known surviving tests of such sermons. Written by preachers like Jacques de conversion et exclusion aux XII Bériou and appeared for preachers to use as a basis for their own sermons directed at the leprous. Nicole

It is important to note here that he revival of Arabic and other Eastern medical texts may have also helped to Bériou and Touati, Touati, and Bériou Through Through thisthreadofanalysis,thisthesis aims to examine howthe changing perceptions François-Olivier François-Olivier Touati, in their book Voluntate Dei leprosus. Dei Voluntate ème et XIII ème siècles, 14

Voluntate Voluntate Dei leprosus: Les lépreux entre 31

provide provide a comprehensive collection and Leprosy Leprosy in Premodern Medicine 32 Saint Francis as it is is it as CEU eTD Collection Society disease.” were Moore, capable of contributingto an authentic diagnosisof Hansen’s the testswhich they employed, such asthe dropping of cold water onthe suspected spotof skin to watch how it ran, They “ the diagnosis. to determine if a person was suggestingtoanbe understandingdiagnosed of as the a severities leper,associated with 35 . versionsofthe modern other than ofthe meaning ItLatin Vulgate. uses the Douay-Rheims as a guide for its and assuch stays much closer to the original use of because the the it ‘ Sacred isPublic Bible’the Domain Version most recent English of the Iuxta Clementinam Vulgatam Nova Editio eos extra castra, sicut locutus erat Dominus Moysi. feminam eiicite de castris, ne contaminent ea cum habitaverint vobiscum. Israel,ut et eiiciant quide semine castris fluit,omnem pollutusque leprosum,est supermortuo: 2011, 34 www.drbo.org 33 diagnosisor treatment Instead,of as leprosy. prescribed within the legal ordinancesof Leviticus, Because of this, before the late thirteenth century, physicians played little to noguidelines for handling role the diagnosis in of leprosy the as set in the . process of diagnosis was a difficult in the Middle Ages. This process relieddisease when an heavily individual’s appearance becomes on that of the the deformed and ulcerated leper, the ambiguous when compared to other skin diseases. Since it is only in the attached later to stages the of label the was real. certain whether individuals diagnosed with leprosy were Interestingly, according to R. I. Moore, doctors in the twelfth century were accordingtoR.I.Moore,doctorsinthe twelfth centurywere cautious with the tests they ran in order Interestingly, Thisphrase from Numbers 5:1-4 as translated in: http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic , 44. Lepers held an interesting While itisimpossibleto know for Lepers held aninteresting position inmedieval society. (last accessed 16May2011). accessed (last Numbers5:3 II. The Medieval Leper: “Cast Ye Them OutoftheCamp” Ye “Cast Leper: The Medieval II. knew knew that leprosy couldeasilybe confused withseveralless dangerous conditions,and some of comes from the English translation of comesfromthe Englishtranslation of the Douay-RheimsBible and can be found at “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 35 As described earlier, in its early stages leprosy is relatively ). In Latin: (Matriti: Biblioteca (Matriti: Biblioteca AutoresDe Cristianos: 1959), 110. I have decided to had spoken to . to had spoken they cast them out, beyond the camp, just as the dwelling Lord with you.” And the sons of Israel did so, and male and female, lest they contaminate it polluted while because of the dead; I cast out of the camp am both who have a slow of seed, of Israel and to cast out those of the camp who every and leper, those have been spoke toMoses, saying:“Instructthe And sons the Lord Alberto Alberto Colungam O.P. and Laurentio Turrado, Locutusque Locutusque est Dominus ad Moysen, dicens: 15 actually

Feceruntque Feceruntque ita filii Israel, et eiecerunt lepers The The Formationof a Persecuting , 33 the the social stigma

tam masculum tam masculum quam Numbers 5:1-4

Praecipe Praecipe filiis Biblia Sacra 34 CEU eTD Collection Premodern Medicine. Premodern room in this thesis to do it justice. For 38 a detailed history of the language of 37 leprosy see: Demaitre, 36 Church documents, in accordance with the contemporary image of the disease, portrayed lepers persona of the leper which still exists in the minds of the world to this day. Early medieval society. former ofhisorher boundaries the outside to be labeled as microcosm of the importance andpower of language. the electofmoral God, depravity, or the contagion of disease. Ages itconjuredupimagesofdiseased anddeformedfaces, ideas of times throughoutthe Middle At various came achangein moral understandings of the disease. the specific disease of‘leprosy’ disease throughout the Middle Ages. symptoms as being those of the leprous, had immense repercussions for the perception of the Vulgate translation of the Bible. explicitly the disease of leprosy — Greek in the it became . λϵπρα From this Greek word the term when the generic Ages.HebrewInterestingly, term for skin diseases, jurisdiction. their under ofthose lives leprous spanned the Ages, Middle influencing both Church and secular legislation as well as the of leprosy. priests (and also, attimes,already diagnosed lepers) played the leading role in determining cases Ibid., 83. Ibid., Demaitre, The The language of the disease of leprosy is important as wellas interesting in its there Unfortunately,study. is not At the forefront ofthis process was the Church, whose prescriptions and rituals created a The term Leprosy in Premodern Medicine, Medicine, Premodern in Leprosy 36 These Biblical references, as well as others on the treatment of leprosy and the leprosus lepra (as well as its other Latin derivatives) was highly charged in the Middle meant an individual wasstripped of hisor her previous life and moved 37 This shift in terminology, as well as the identification of the

38 was an easy selection for when he produced the 35 With With the shift in term from the generic ‘skin disease’ to 16 No matter the No matter the currentimage of the disease, The The term of Zarã’at, Zarã’at, lepra was translated into lepra holdswithin it a — meaning Leprosy Leprosy in CEU eTD Collection 39 Testament book of Leviticus. Leprosy, as a category of disease, existed as a mark of ritual Testament The Old withDealing Lepers: midst. their in ‘unclean’ the with deal to throughout the Ages,Middle providing an often blurry understanding of howsociety was meant their Biblical rootsuntil the turn of the thirteenth These century. two views of leprosy coexisted accordingly. This chapter will focus on the impact and development of these two images from councils reminded the world that lepers were members of the compassion. Saints replicated the actions and teachings of Christ, but twelfth-century Church the leprous butfrom rememberthe the cleanactionsmembersofof society, and show them Biblical foundations of the disease painted a dichotomous understanding of the disease; separate next. the in suffering alleviate worldto this in bypeople borne God be to These stories provided an alternate understanding of the disease after being ignored by a rich man provided templates for examples of expressing piety. of of the disease was complicatedbythe presence ofTestament. lepersin the New sinners As notedbyfrom PeterGod. Richards, itwas a punishmentreserved forsome of the mostvile of as morallyreprehensible individualsand, because of this, their disease was seen as a punishment Peter Richards, Richards, Peter — The The characterization of leprosy depended on a number of factors The Ages. in the Middle Much of the medieval understanding of how to deal with leprosy came from the Old

the lecherous, wanton, and the lustful. Jesus Jesus healing ten lepers and Lazarus being taken into the bosom of Abraham by The Medieval Leper The Medieval (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1977),66. D.S. Brewer, (Cambridge: 17 39 However, thisOld understanding Testament — that of a disease given by other and should be treated The The storiesin the CEU eTD Collection or Pentateuch impurity in Biblical texts (from long before the the disease itself was widespread Greek in Europe. ), Πεντάτευχος תּוֹרָה ( relatives au sang, l’ensemble des gestes humains quotidiens vécus dans une société théocratique.” Ibid. théocratique.” société dansune vécus quotidiens humains desgestes sang,l’ensemble au relatives distance des interdits alimentaires, des sacrifices, de la rituel purification de des purification femmes accouchées en ou usage: des ils proscriptions énoncent la Règle ( 43 Demaitre, documents.” 42 41 Press, University 2000),176. Cornell H.(Ithaca: Rosenwein Barbara and Sharon Farmer 40 symptoms of a disease which it had come to call leprosy and what should be done if a person basis of the Church’s understanding and handling of leprosy. Chapter 13 outlines the array of lawBecause recognizedthe the Old Testament disease as being a mark of unclean, it became the reserved for the use of priests to explain how to examine the skin detail both the medical and judicial regulations pertaining of to the treatmentoflepers. the suspected leper. disease. ofthe perceptions social the over influence have to came eventually text, therefore, primarily concerned the religious and moral significance of leprosy, but also, their influence overcertain religious and legal practicesin the medieval world.The nature of the new between God and the followers of Christ, the Old Testament laws still retained pressing needs of both the priests as well as laymen. Though seen as only a predecessor to this the to meetlaws were intendedThese ofLevi.bytribe Godpriestlyprescribed forthe ritualsand God. The Book of Leviticus was important for the Jewish tradition because it dictated the laws of the Christian Bible, providing a historical basis for Testament the new Christian covenant with (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy) were assimilated into the Old Leviticus outlines the founding ethical and legal doctrines of Judaism. The five books of the the Hebrew Torah (from the Hebrew

Catherine Peyroux, “The Leper’s Kiss,” in Touati, Touati, However, as Luke Demaitre notes, “this influence was less visible in academic discussions than in official Touati, Touati, In particular, two chapters of Leviticus (13 and 14) had the greatest influence as they Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie Maladie Maladie etsociété au Moyen Âge Leprosy in Premodern Medicine Premodern in Leprosy , 102. , 102. Touati continues by continues , by 102.Touati explaining “aux dispositionspréconisées et au &, Saints &Outcasts: Religion in Medieval Society, , 77. 18 Tora ) sous une forme casuistique, qui envisage, à peu de 41

40 42 They were As part of ed. ed. 43

CEU eTD Collection 47 Editio Nova Clementinam Aaron sacerdotem,vel ad unum quemlibet filiorum eius. cute et carne ortus fuerit diversus color sive pustula, aut quasilucens quippiam,id est, plaga leprae,adducetur ad http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 46 45 Diseaseof placed emphases, different or perhaps even meanings,different on the concept of uncleanliness.” Hays, the world of medieval Islam) was known and uncleanliness,had was equated by no medieval Christians such with a leprosy, disease ritual that in ancient associations. Greece and In Rome (and in addition, medieval of the nature of “cleanliness” and disease. 44 that anyone suspected of being leprousought to be broughtdirectly to a priest. rest. the sunkthan skinhad lower infected the and infected, According to Leviticus, lepers had ulcers and pustules, white hair where the skin had become Leviticus is vague, it did have an influence on the medieval medical response to the disease. the unclean, but contagious as well. wassuspected of being infected. Itdescribed leprosy asnot onlybeing repulsive and a symbol of This became a key facet of the diagnosis of leprosy and will be discussed later in this chapter. this in discussed later be will and ofleprosy diagnosis ofthe facet key a became This Demaitre, Leviticus 13:1-3 translated in: J. N. Hays explores the manners in which the Christians may have differed fromthe Jews in their understanding This text from Leviticus, aside from explaining the symptoms of leprosy, also dictates separated. be shall he hisjudgment at is lower than the rest of the skin and the flesh, then itis the mark of and leprosy, thatthe hair has turned a and white that color, the place where the leprosy appears anyone you wish among his sons. And if he sees that leprosyis in shine, his skin, which and is the mark of leprosy, shall be brought there to will Aaron have the arisen priest, a or diverse to color, or a pustule, And the Lord or spoke to Moses Aaron, something and saying: The man in thatwhose skin of flesh seems to , 22. Leprosy in Premodern Medicine Premodern in Leprosy , 89. “Catholic Public Domain Version of of the “Catholic Sacred Public Bible,” Domain Version (accessed17 January 2011, ). In Latin: ).In Latin: 44 , 77. “Hence “Hence the ‘scaly skin disease’ of the Hebrews, the mark of a ritual While this description of what ‘leprosy’ is according to Locutusque Locutusque dicens: estHomo,Dominus in ad cuius Aaron Moysen,et 46 19 Colungam O.P. Colungam and O.P. Turrado, Biblia Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam 47 This sentiment The The Burdens 45

CEU eTD Collection distinguishing distinguishing character of the disease, inemerging, growing, and advancing stages. They also reflected differential recognition by time, which was common seven in days,’ Levite law European anticipated the practice examinations...The of allowing Mosaic signs an advanced to understanding ordinances...recognized of become the lessdisease; “In ambiguousgiving the [the with priest] the the option developmental of passing isolating of a suspect temporarily, ‘for 52 chapter. this in discussed later be will which Council, FourthLateran ofthe Canon 51 Editio Nova subrufa, adducetur homo ad saerdotem. Latin: Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January appears 2011, a white or reddish scar,the man shall be brought to the priest.” Leviticus 13:18-9 translated 50 in: Turrado, and O.P. Colungam www.sacredbible.org/catholic 13:9-10 translated in: 49 Turrado, and O.P. Colungam sacerdote visus est,et redditus munditiae, iterum lepra creverit: adducetur ad eum, et immunditiae condemnabitur. the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, him,and he shall be condemned of uncleanness.” Leviticus 13:7 translated in: 48 spread their unclean status. In order to keep the ‘clean’ and the ‘unclean’ separate, lepers were came from Leviticus, lepers were to be separated from the clean part of society so as to to be not leprous they were declared ‘unclean’ and separated from society. In the tradition which then they were and declared allowed ‘clean’ to return to their lives. ifHowever, theywere found condition. person’s ofthe nature onthe priest was passedbythe seven days (and even in some cases another seven days might be allowed) the final judgment seclusion in order to heal and therefore prove their condition not to be leprosy. person, if their symptomsfell into other moreambiguouscategories, were sentintoseven days of infected with leprosy or if they are afflicted by another sort of skin this chapter ailment. of The Leviticus is suspected the care required of the priest when determining if an individual is the sole person responsible for pronouncing a judgment of the disease. is also echoed in Leviticus 13:7-8, These instances occur in Leviticus 13: 4-6, 20-7, 31-34.Demaitre notes that these periods of seven daysshowed “But whenthere has beenan ulcer inthe flesh and the skin, and it has healed, and in the place of the ulcer, there “If the mark of leprosy has been in a man,he shallbe broughttothe priest,andhe shall look upon him.” Leviticus “But if the leprosy increasesagain,after he was seenby the priest and restored to cleanness,he shall be brought to This distinction of This distinction of a person beingbroughtto the priest upon the suspicion of leprosy was echoed in1215 inthe 22 Caro Caro autem et cutis in qua ulcus natum est, et sanatum, et in loco ulceris cicatrix alba apparuerit, sive Based Based on the laws within Leviticus, if the priest determineda person to be free of leprosy , 90. lepra from scabies, burn lesions, and baldness.” Demaitre, Demaitre, baldness.” and burnlesions, scabies, from “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia ). In Latin: Latin: Plaga leprae si fuerit in homine, adduceturad sacerdotem, et videbit eum. 48 Colungam Colungam O.P. and Turrado, 9-10, http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 49 and 18-9; 20 50 each time reiterating how the priestwas Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Leprosy in Premodern Medicine Premodern in Leprosy http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic “Catholic Public “Catholic Public of Domain Version ). In Latin: , 89. , 89. 51 What is interesting in Quod Quod si postquam a 52 After those , 233-4. “Catholic “Catholic http:// ). In

CEU eTD Collection 55 mundandus est.” www.sacredbible.org/catholic translated in: 54 Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia clamabit. Omni tempore quo leprosus est immundus, arbitrium sacerdotis, solus habebit vestimenta habitabit dissuta, caput extra nudum, castra.os veste contectum, contaminatum 2011,ac sordidum se 53 from the status of to ‘unclean’ ‘clean’). when being diagnosed as a leper, however it marked the leper as being a sacred figure (moving using blood, water, and oil. In essence, this is the reverse of the process the person went through accused of leprosy, and the priest performed another examination with rituals of purification disease. reenter their The community. chapter details the rites bywhich a leper can be cleansed from his chapter Interestingly, 14 of ‘other.’ Leviticus offers a wayby which the leprous might be able to distinguishable by material marks of the disease, the leprous were constantly marked as being leprous were determined in the Middle Ages. Moved ‘outside the camp’ and made easily aslepers: them woulddistinguish which physically removed from their communities, but they also received the marks of their disease moved beyond the gates of the city and stripped of their previous lives. Not only were they

“And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: This is the rite for a leper, when he is to be cleansed.” Leviticus 14:1-2 Leviticus 14:44-6 translated in: “La réversibilité du processus confirme son charactère sacré.” Touati, Touati, sacré.” son charactère duprocessus confirme réversibilité “La http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic These injunctions laid out in the Bible determined the status and quality of the outthelaidstatusThese injunctions inandof the quality determined Bible the livesof the camp. the outside alone The entire time thathe isa leper anduncleanhe shall live contaminated and filthy. bare, his mouth covered with a cloth, separated atthe judgment and of the priest, shall have he his clothes unstitched, his head himself shall cry out Therefore, that he whoever is will have been spotted by leprosy, and who has been 54 The leper is led again to the priest, much as theyhad been when they had first been “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, Colungam O.P. and Turrado, Turrado, and O.P. Colungam ). In Latin: “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 53 Locutusque Locutusque est Dominus ad Moysen, dicens: Hic est ritus leprosi, quando ). In Latin: Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia 55 Despite its presence in the Old aslaw, Testament well Quicumque Quicumque ergo maculatus fuerit lepra, et separatus est ad , 90. 21 Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie Colungam O.P. and Turrado, , 91. , 103. http:// CEU eTD Collection 59 andPresent Disease, Past to roam freely in Byzantium and in the Medieval Islamic the rest of thingstheir were world.” society, differentin the rest of the medieval Peter world. For example, “...lepers were Lewis allowed Allen, necessarily correspond to allareas of the medieval world.Where lepers in the were medieval West segregated from 58 57 properties. healing have to it believing JordanRiver, the in bathed Some themselves. cure 56 occurring in the Gospels either show or hint at the healing powers of both Jesus and his elected Testament is the power of Jesus in alleviating illness. One fifth of the described cast as the leprous in another light. Much of the focus of the stories told in the Gospelsof the New how to recognize the disease and sending those infected outside of the cities, the NewTestament Testament The New with Dealing Lepers: seen. be to ought ofhow lepers picture different to the leper himself, but to society around him. was an external manifestation of a inner person’snature; a diseasedsoul was dangerousnot only rationale for the separation was distinctly Christian. according Leprosy, to the Christian church, cultures often also removed the diseased from their midst. However, the evolving motive and developed. It was not unique of Christianity to cast the leprous out of their cities, provided the foundation from which the medieval practices for symptoms, dealing punishments, means with of recovery, and leprosy purification rituals. were Church. bythe orperformed recognized as its proximity to the criteria for diagnosis, these processes of ritual purification were rarely Goodich As Peter AllenLewis notes,it is important to recognize that the treatmentof lepers in the world Western did not Though not practicedby priests, many lepers may have attempted some of these practices outlined in Leviticus to Touati, Touati, Where the Old Testament provided a provided Where a the bleak Old Testament providing understanding detailsof on leprosy, With thirteen unique references in its pages, the Old Testament provided lists of Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie , ed. , The Other Middle Ages , TheOtherMiddle (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2000),26. ofChicago University The (Chicago: , 11. , 102. 56 22 59 However, the provided a 57 Leviticus, in particular, The The Wages of Sin: Sex and 58 as other CEU eTD Collection daemonia eiiciens. eiiciens. daemonia http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 63 memundare. potes http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 62 Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 61 Press, 1986),1. 60 traveling “preaching in their synagogues and throughout Galilee, and casting out demons.” This same event occurs in the me.” come forward to Jesus was a leper, who said, “Lord, if you are willing, you are able to cleanse had come down from the mountain, eager to approach him and be healed. The first individual to moments after delivering his “.” Crowds gathered around Jesus after he who approached Jesus in the streets when he was about to enter the In city. Matthew this occurs Testament. Old the in asportrayed ofsociety members ‘unclean’ than providedan alternative NewTestament perception of the leprousas being the electof God rather most well-recognized and widely venerated saints of the Middle Ages. These stories from the Lazarus, who was drawn from two separate stories in the Gospels, eventually became one of the hybrid figure of Lazarus was also created, who was a leper favored by God. This composite disease was one which was both given and taken away by the divine. From the (Matthew, Gospels Mark, the and Luke) tell of Jesus’s miraculous healing of lepers, suggesting thatTestament the highlights the favorable, and even divine, status of lepers. Three lasting of impression the on Gospels the medieval world. With two main groups of these disciples. stories, the New Matthew Matthew 8:2 as translated in: Mark 1:39 as translated in: Mark 1:40 as translated in: Howard Clark Kee, 61 Jesus reached out his hand, and with a single touch the leper was cleansed of his malady. The The Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke tell the story of Jesus healing a single leper 60 While the healing While the healing of aleperonly occurs in four Gospel stories, itnonethelessmade a Colungam O.P. and Turrado, Turrado, and O.P. Colungam Colungam O.P. and Turrado, Turrado, and O.P. Colungam Medicine, Miracle, and Magic in New Times Testament “Catholic Public Domain of Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, “Catholic Public Domain of Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, “Catholic Public Domain Version of “Catholic Public of Domain the Version Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, ). In Latin: ).In Latin: ). In Latin: Et venit ad eum leprosus deprecans eum:Etet venit genudeprecans ad flexoeum dixit leprosus ei: Si vis, Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia Domine, si vis, potes me mundare. Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia erat praedicans in synagogis eorum, et in onmi Galilaea, et , 969. 23 62 after Jesus had gathered his disciples and is (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Colungam O.P. and Turrado, , 993. , 993. 63 In CEU eTD Collection Clementinam Nova Editio Nova Clementinam munus, quod praecipit Moyses, in testimonium www.sacredbible.org/catholic illis. 1:40-2 as translated in: Be Andcleansed.’ after he had spoken, immediately the leprosy departed Then cleanse fromJesus, me.’ taking pity him,on him, reached outand hisAnd hand. touching he him, he said wasto him: ‘I cleansed.” am willing. Mark 66 65 2011, him.” Luke 5:12-3 as translated in: extending his hand, he touched him, saying: ‘I am willing. Jesus Be and And cleansed.’ falling at once, to the his leprosy face, departed petitioned from him, saying: ‘Lord, if 64 you are willing, you are able to cleanse me.’And heal them from their affliction. In response, just as he had done with the leper he had healed road. The lepers, while remaining at a safe distance from Jesus, ask him to take pityon them and larger scale. In Chapter 17, Jesus, whois on his way to , comes upon ten leperson the priests. powerofthe the within shownstill be is here to applicable to his The followers.importance andbasis of membership in the Christian community By acting in accordance with the Judaic laws, Jesus showed that those ancient laws were still show yourself to the priest, and offer the gift that Moses instructed, as a testimonyfor them.” clean. Each time after curing him, Jesus tells the leper: “See to it that you tell no one. But go, the healing of this leper, Jesus sends the leper to the priest to be ritually purified and declared inInterestingly, accordance with the principles of chapter 14 of Leviticus, in all three tellings of recognizes the holiness of Jesus and humbles himself by asking to be healed from his disease. the Bible as there is no reference to the forgiveness of the leper’s sins. him. to Jesuswhich granted was here described as being ‘full of fell leprosy’ to the ground before Jesus begging for healing, the Gospel Luke this miracle

“And a leper came to him, begging him.And kneeling down,he said to him, ‘If you are willing, you are able to “And it happened that, while he was in a certain city,behold, there was a man full of leprosy who, upon seeing Touati, Touati, http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic Later in the Later in the , Jesus performsanother healing of the leprous, this time on a Thismiracle of Christis not necessarily comparable to the other miracles he performs in Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain of Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, , 969. ). In Latin: ).In Latin: 64 “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January also occurs after Jesus had gathered his disciples. The man who Et ait illi Iesus: Vide, nemini dixeris: sed vade, ostende te et offer nemini dixeris: sed vade,ostende te sacerdoti, EtaitilliIesus:Vide, ). , 104. Colungam O.P. and Turrado, 24 Biblia Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam 65 Instead, the leper http:// 66

CEU eTD Collection O.P. and Turrado, Turrado, and O.P. micis quae cadebantde mensa divitis, et nemo illi dabat: set et canes veniebant,etlingebant ulcera eius the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, And eventhe dogscame and licked hissores.” him. 72 Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 71 70 69 http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 68 http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 67 beggar, never giving him any of food or showing him any other . sores, into the figure of Lazarus. In this story a beggar named Lazarus, a leper who was “covered with from the Gospel of Luke known as Jesus However, raised Lazarusfrom the deadafter he had been buried for four days.The parable hopeful that Jesus would heal their sick , but instead he left the city with his disciples. and Mary (the woman who had washed Jesus’s feet with her hair). The firstwas the story from the Gospel ofJohn about Lazarusof Bethania, the brother of Martha who came to be known as Lazarus, was actually a composite of two stories within the Gospel. conversion. and devotion ofgreat wasasone seen His act piety. showing exemplary to God, except this foreigner?” ten made And clean? so where are the no nine?one Was found who would return and give glory thank him for what he had done. Surprised that only one returned to him, Jesus said: not “Were cleansed by Jesus’s command, only one of the lepers priests they were cleansed of their leprosy. However, despite all Jesusearlier, tells them to ten “Go, show yourselves to the priests.” of them having been :19-31 Luke John 11:1-45 Luke 16:20 as translated in:

Luke Luke 17:17-8 as translated in:of “Catholic the Public Sacred DomainVersion Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, Luke Luke 17:14 as translated in: “Catholic Public Domainof Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, “Wanting “Wanting to be filled with the crumbs which were walling from the wealthy man’s table. But no one gave it to ” 71 One other figure of a leper emerged from the Gospels as an example This of leper, piety.

was begging at the gate of a rich man’s home. The rich man constantly ignored the Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia “Catholic “Catholic Public Domainof Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, ). In Latin: ). ). , 1031. 68 Because he returned to thank Jesus, this leper is depicted as Dives Dives et Pauper ulceribus plenus http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic Luke Luke 16:21 as translated in: 25 70 .

provides the second storywhich factored Colungam O.P. and Turrado, — a Samaritan — , 1031. 67 After theyhad departed for the “Catholic Public Domain Version of Version “Catholic Public Domain ). In Latin: 69 The two women were 72 returned to Jesus to Eventually Lazarus cupiens saturari de Biblia Sacra Iuxta . Colungam Colungam CEU eTD Collection 77 76 Editio Nova tu verocruciaris. nunc autem hic consolatur, http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 75 1031. quia crucior in hac flamma. http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 74 Editio Nova Clementinam Vulgatam SacraIuxta Biblia http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic 73 Ages. Middle the throughout onpiety impact immense an assuch,had and, disease being the favored . Both of these images were important in the perception of the dead by Jesus and also carried into the bosom of Abraham by angels, presented the leprous as wasonly curable through Whereas miracles. the figure of Lazarus, who was bothraised from the Bible. the disease across the Middle Ages, particularly because of the wide-reaching influence of the These associations of the leprous with being the elect of God helped to shape the perception of ofothers. charity ofthe asdeserving whobyGod was aswell beggar favored redeemed bygrace. God’s tormented.” comparison, Lazarus received bad things. But responded now to him he by saying, “Son, is recall that consoled, you received and good things in truly man your nexttried to life, Abraham convince you to let Lazarus and help him out in of the are fires of . man also died. However, because he had rejected helping Lazarus, he was sent to Hell. The rich died, but “he was carried by the Angels into the bosom of Abraham.” Demaitre, Demaitre, Kiss,” 179. Leper’s Peyroux,“The Luke 16:24 as translated in: Luke 16:22 as translated in: Luke Luke 16:25 as translated in: 77 These These Gospel stories greatly impacted the perception of leprosy in the Middle Ages. The stories of the healing of the leprous by Jesus depicted leprosy as a disease which , 1031. Leprosy in Premodern Medicine Premodern in Leprosy 75 His story dramatized the idea that the leper, outcast and desperate, could still be

Colungam andO.P. Turrado, 76 “Catholic “Catholic Public Domainof Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, “Catholic Public Domainof Version the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain of Version the Sacred Bible,” accessed 17 January 2011, This figure of Lazarus became the ideal picture of the poor, leprous . Latin: ). In Latin: ).In Latin: Fili, recordare quia bona recepisti Fili, inrecordare vita tua,et Lazarus similiter mala: Colungam O.P. and Turrado, Turrado, and ColungamO.P. , 84. portaretur abangelis inportaretur Abrahae. sinum intingat extremum digiti sui in aquam, ut refrigeret linguam meum, , 1031. 26 Biblia Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Nova Editio Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Clementinam Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam 73

Colungam O.P. and Turrado, Turrado, and ColungamO.P. Shortly after, the rich 74 Abraham , CEU eTD Collection 82 Research 81 xiv. Ibid., ofheaven.” ‘fatherland’ the to belonged who already someone than judgement exercise of episcopal or office,in the heroic coulddefense be of no their better virginity...There advocate at the final actions, whether it be in the willingnessthis to by accept explaining martyrdom, that, in for the rigors citizens of of 80 extreme the , medieval in world, the wise “[s]aints Press, 1992),5. ofChicago University (Chicago: demonstrated their holiness through their Kleinberg, belonged to the same external categories, indifferent to the logical contradictions such M. behavior Aviad entailed.” that this meant sometimes “medieval79 communities venerated simultaneously 78 very different individuals who reaction to a growing sense of spiritual crisis within the Church. turn of the eleventh century serve as an important connection between the secular and sacred worlds. It was onlyafter the individual who was regarded as having a privileged relationship with God had the potential to with God. venerated both during their lives and after their deaths because of their privileged relationship saints were a key component of the Christian community in the Middle Ages; they were developed. Ages ofsanctity asnewpaths Middle early the in declined considered a mark of supreme piety in the late antique Christian world. lived an exemplary life, which is to a say, life in the AtAges.Middle this time it was also believed that sainthood was bestowed upon those who with the favor shown byJesusand God to them, persistedand coexisted from Biblical times into treated leprosy. This dichotomous view of the disease, the sinful and unclean leper contrasted Ages: in Living Middle The Early Peter Brown, “The Saint as Exemplar in ,” Antiquity,” Late in asExemplar Saint Brown, “The Peter This period of ‘spiritual crisis’ within the Church will be discussed later in this chapter. this in discussedlater be will Church the within crisis’ of‘spiritual period This Gábor “Legends Klaniczay, as Life Strategies Aspirantfor Saints in the Later Ages,” Middle Thomas Head, ed., According to Avaid M.it Kleinberg,was“personal, concrete, Avaid and of anAccording ad to hoc nature.” The The medieval understanding of sainthood was fluid and therefore adaptable. The Biblical understanding of leprosy providedthe framework in which medieval society 26, No152. 2(1989): Prophets Prophets in their Own Country: Living Saints and the Making of Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages 80 which wasambivalently In dominated laybysociety, the influence of the Church, an Medieval : An Anthology 81 that the practice of living in Imitatio Christi Imitatio 27 imitatio imitatio Christi. Representations Representations Routledge,(New York: 2001), Head xv. expands upon 2 (1983),7. imitatio Christi 82 Living Living in this waywas already The The ultimate goal of 78 However, its practice goes Kleinberg onto note Journal Journal of Folklore was was revived in 79 As such, imitatio imitatio

CEU eTD Collection 85 84 152-3. Ibid., alternatives.” contemporary religious and secular the between ‘classical’religious way of life. By choosing to follow the ‘original,’ apostolic model, “exemplified a confrontation the was individual’s forced emerging capacity to break out of 83 the given social status through conversion to a Century). (7th Hospitaller the Julien Saint (d.735),and Frideswide Fursey (d.650),Saint (d.418), SaintRomanusofCondat (d.463), SaintBenedict (d. 547), SaintSeverin(d. 482), Saint byno means the only ones. Other saints who interacted with the leprous include: Saint Amatus saintstohave episodesdepicting theirinteractionswith the lepers in their ,they are commentary of their times. their lives, emphasizing their sanctity, and providing a saints’ hagiographers — glimpse including those of of Saint Francis the — used underlying as a template social for recording Martin of and Saint Radegund. ofChrist. words actions the and both following were saints leper, for later generations of faithful to In follow. crossing the social boundaries to embrace or heal a stories thatcirculated widely. century the image of following in the way of Christ though touching the leprous appeared in Christ, aswas discussed above ministered to, loved, and healed the leprous. Starting inthe fourth butofparticularimportance to thisthesisisthe appearance oflepersin the Gospels. hagiography, actions of Christasdepicted in the Gospels. apostles. perfect life, saints were perceived as attempting, instead, to live as though they were Christ’s Christi, Kiss,” 173. Leper’s Peyroux,“The Touati, Touati, Gábor Klaniczay, “Legends as Life Strategies,” 152. Klaniczay explains that living the Two ofthe Two mostnotable saints who interacted with the leprousbefore Franciswere Saint live this To Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie then, was to mirror the then, wasto mirrorthe While perfectit life is of impossible Christ. for man tolive such a vita vita apostolica While Saint Martin and Saint Radegund are the two most notable 84 This image of devotion given to the outcasts presented a pattern a a saint adheredboth internally andexternallyto the words and . For more information on any of these saints, see Appendix A. Appendix see saints, ofthese onany information For more

Their 83 Thismanifesteditselfinmultipleways in medieval 28 vitae provided a literary tradition which future vita vita apostolica 85

CEU eTD Collection leprosy.” Demaitre, Demaitre, leprosy.” which “stands in contrast with Martini the invisibility of medical practitioners in early 90 stories of miraculous benedixit. cures of ~eknuth/npnf2-11/sulpittiu/lifeofst.html Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church 89 88 Latin Medieval of Journal 87 Severus Sulpicius in His Hagiographer: History andMiracle Bishop, and Saint, 86 leprosy in the fourth century: the leper’s appearance (‘miserable’), the crowd’s reaction to the Thisshort episode provided the reader of life Martin’s with three keyelements to understanding blessed the leper “with the result thathe [the leper]was instantly cleansed from all his misery.” Saint Martin’s kiss was an expression of social disgust. Despite the horror of the crowd, Martin while all shudderedat seeing him doso.” clothing. With the crowd gathered, “he [Martin] gave catch a glimpse of the holy man. While there a leper approached Martin and grabbed onto his ofsanctity. idea enduring newand asa emerged leper kissing a was one which was taken up as a mark of extreme piety. a long list of miracles performed by the saint. Despite this, the image of Martin kissing a leper the mostbrief miracle episodes within the firstsaint to fullyembrace the as a model for many hagiographies throughout the Middle Ages. Martin was seen as being the first, and most important, biography of Saint Martin, written bySulpicius Severus, would serve 316. Martin was the first saint to be recorded as having physically engaged with a leper. The Rawcliffe, Rawcliffe, SulpitiusSeverus, “On the Life of St. Martin,” 11. For a more complete see discussion Régineon Pernoud,the life of Saint Martin Tours, of Sulpitius Severus, trans.Alexander Roberts “On the Life of St. Martin, Michael Roberts, “St. Martin and the Leper: Narrative in Variation the Martin Poems of Fortunatus,” Venantius , 292. While While near the gatesofParis, Martinwassurrounded bya crowd large who were eager to Of perhaps greatest importance among these is Saint Martin ofTours,

Sulpice Severus, Sulpice Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy Luke Demaitre explains that saints, like Saint Martin, who healed leprosy held a dramatic power trans. Michael J. Miller (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2006); Clare Stancliffe, Leprosy in Premodern Medicine Premodern in Leprosy 4(1994),84. Vita Sancti Martini Martini Sancti Vita vita apostolica. ). 11 11 (1894), 11, (accessed 12 October 2006, ...leprosum ...leprosum muserabili facie horrentibus cunctis osculatus est atque , 144. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1967),292. duCerf, Éditions (Paris: 89 Vita Martini Vita The reaction of the crowd towards both the leper and , 1. Statimque Statimque omni malo emundatus. 29 The The episode of Martin healing the leper is one of (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983); (Oxford: Clarendon a kiss to a leper, of miserable appearance, 87

and and itis also placed towards the end of Though short, this 88 ” A Select Library of Nicene and Post- http://www.users.csbsju.edu/ Sulpice Sulpice Severus, Martin of Tours: Soldier Martinof Tours: 86 image of a saint who was born in St. Martin and Vita Sancti Vita 90

CEU eTD Collection ( 92 91 the magnitude of Radegund’s ascetic qualities. Radegundis charity and humility with the poor and the sick. The and founded a cloister in Poitiers. Radegund was well-known and respected by many for her aspiration, Radegund bore her husband no children and eventually rejected her royal marriage the German land of Thuringia. Though she was married, through breaking the taboo associatedwith theleprous. Saint Radegund wasborn in520to royalty within family ties and political Middle Ages. ofhiscloak. hold a take to out who reached had Martin shows no evidence of this revulsion when he breaks the social boundary to kissthe leper fourth century social perception of the leprous as being something disgusting and revolting. the desire of the leprous to be cleansed. The shuddering reaction of the crowd highlights the understanding for the process of diagnosis and ritual exclusion for the leprous and it also shows the Bible never hints at any social repulsion the precedent of set in the Biblical the treatmentof the disease. The leprosy. image of the Instead disease presented in it only provides an crowd suggests an established relationshipbetween society and the leprous which is greater than physically crossed the boundary betweensociety and the The leprous.emotional responses of the time. ofthe disease dramatic and horrific most forthe kisscure a Martin’s Severusmade episode, kiss (‘all shuddered’), and the result of the kiss for the leper (‘instantly cleansed’). With this Durham: Duke University Press, Duke University Durham:

Jo Ann McNamara, John E. Halborg, and Gordon Whatley, ed., and trans., Touati, Touati, However, Martin’s interaction with a leper was not an isolated incident in the early This kiss was both revolutionary because of its healing power and because Martin Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie ), written shortly after her death by Venantius Fortunatus, 91 In the sixth century a Frankish princess went even further than Martin in

1996), 63 , 88. . 30 92 It also provides detailed description of the Life Life of the Holy Radegund Sainted Sainted Women of the Dark Ages,

was written to highlight ( Vita Vita Sanctae CEU eTD Collection 97 96 95 94 93 verb shifted to the action of kissing ( lepers with his handorhealed them from a distance. Itwas onlyin the hagiographic textsthat the charity. suffering of the leprous provided a model for them to be considered proper recipients of divine how they were living their lives in earlier. centuries had asChrist lepers the sentiment, Radegund showed thata true mark of humility and devotion to God layin caring for this, ifRadegund you simplynokissstated, won’t concern me,“Really, of it’s mine.” asked her: “Mostholy when lady, you have embraced lepers, who will kiss you?” consequences of her when actions.theLater, lepers were departing attendants one of Radegund’s humbled herself that she was able to care for water the and treated their lepers sores with withoutfresh unguents and thought fed each one.” of the potential charityshe could; “while theywere seated attable, she washed their faces and hands with warm disease and misery. Radegund’s kiss instead showed them kindness and offered them what faces.” “seizing some of the leprous women in her embrace, her heart full of love, an she assistant kissed their to see how many there were. Once they had been attention Radegund paid to the leprous.One daywhen some lepersarrived ather cloistershe sent welcomed inside, Radegund Peyroux, “The Leper’s Kiss,” 180. Leper’s Peyroux,“The Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Radegund, Holy the of Life 93 97 The kisses which both Martin and Radegund gave to lepers were, indeed, a way to show Unlike Martin before her, this kiss did not have the power to heal the leprous of their

However, Jesus never kissed a leper in the Gospels; he either touched ( translated in in translated McNamara, Halborg, and Whatley, Whatley, and Halborg, McNamara, imitatio Christi osculari 31 ). This shift implies, according to Catherine . . The Gospel stories where Jesus healed the Sainted Women of the Dark Ages, Ages, Dark the of Women Sainted 94 Radegund had so much 95 Replying Replying to tangere 96 With this With ) the 78. CEU eTD Collection 101 Press, University 2005). Manchester (Manchester: La raison des gestes dans l’occident médiéval through a kiss.” Peyroux, “The Leper’s Kiss,” 180. This idea can also be found discussed narratorsin returned, fascinated, to Jean-Claude explore capacity their to holy create protagonists’ Schmitt, that brief, impossible community the voluntary embrace of a leper, and the faithful.Inthe successiveof iterationspeace of between a the clergysaint’s ina kiss notional of community: the the ‘feudal’vassal and lord,mystic the vision ’s of kissing Christ, the kiss 100 Ibid. ofprayer.’” seal as‘the kiss ofpeace’ ‘the to referred Hethen kiss’?’ ‘holy the from divorced if complete Christian tradition; “ (c.145-c.220) attested (Manchester: Manchester to University Press, its2005), 19. importance Koslofsky goes on in to explain the this 99 role liturgy, of asking the kiss in ‘What early 98 is itprovides anunspoken social at commentarythatonmoment, how, lepers were perceived in the of monotonouslyhighlighting the devotion ofthe saint,every time the kiss appears in a new text Radegund did not heal the but leper, she did show the importance of humility Instead to sanctity. the kiss was also a means to highlight her sanctity, but in Martin a different manner than Martin. outside the gates of Paris and Radegund received the wandering lepers boundaries in of her a city, cloister. as For prescribed in the Old Testament legislation — Martin met the was leper trying to present varied greatly. Both Martin and Radegund met the no way became a cliché. lepers outside the respect. Christian ofmutual moment intimate an incorporated which one and humility communion liturgy. tradition; an everyday greeting between Christians as well as a significant moment within the or her attention to the leprous.” Peyroux, “a different register of interaction for the moment in which the holyperson turned his

Craig Koslofsky, “The Kiss of Peace in the German Ibid. Peyroux, “The Leper’s Kiss,” 173. Leper’s Peyroux,“The This gesture has been linked to many inother the ‘kisses’medieval gesture world. that “A unitedthe participants , While While the image of kissing a leper was widelyused in medieval hagiographic texts, it in the the kiss was a way to show the virtues ofliving in the footstepsof Christ. For Radegund, 99 Therefore, the kiss between a saint and a leper was a gesture of extreme 101 The The appearance of the kiss in a text as well asthe specific message it 98 Indeed, the kiss was one of the oldest practices in Christian (Paris: Gallimard, 1990); Karen Harvey, ed., 32 ,” in in The The Kiss in History The The Kiss in History , ed. Karen Harvey 100

CEU eTD Collection 104 féodaux.” des liens significatif hautement l'autre, de l'identité sur les communautés de malades: le baiser au lépreux est un acte fort de rapprocher protection;des il lépreux, à signe se la soucier parité de reconnue leur place de dans la société; on en verra plus loin douteux les conséquences pratiques que de telles images aient 103 façonné, en même 174. Ibid., poverty.” power and temps qu'elles l'accompagnaient, une such, proposition narratives “are à both mirrors se and guides to their contemporaries’many,and perceptions thus about impacted the the social understandingrelationship of between the disease as well as the treatments given or to may the not leprous.As depict accurate renderings of situations. However, the written text is what misery and loss,” Peyroux,was “The Kiss,” Leper’s 173. Itis important to remember that the distributed hagiography of a saint may and read by necessary to say when rendering the spectacular meeting between an exemplarof virtue anda figure of utterly abject narrators who hold our attention. These storytellers reveal not what certainly occurred, but 102 what it was felt to be Lombard laws, and mostinterestinglywas not influenced by either Roman or canon law. be found in the society occurred in 635. It wasprescribed inthe manners. contrasting and twodistinct in treated socially between the Old and New Testament treatment of the leprous, lepers were thus to the creation of hospicesand provisionsfortheir legally care. Much in the same vein asthe dichotomy and At marked the assame an time, their ‘other.’ however, situation saw an influx of money donated wear distinctive clothing as well as other attributes of their status, the for leprous the sick were and the legally poor. Reduced to living outside the walls of the cities and often forced to boundaries of medieval cities, the leprous also became an icon for the rise in social caregiving ecclesiastical law and secular law. Although they were often legally excluded from the Society inMedieval Lepers world. medieval the in reputation medieval world. Moore, expands Touati upon this idea of the kiss being an element which further shaped medieval tradition; “il n'est pas As Peyroux explains, “in pondering tales of holy men and women who kissed lepers, it is the ‘unreliable’ The The firstnon-ecclesiastical legal action which segregated officiallylepers from the restof The status of the leper was often restated throughout the Middle Ages, in both The Formation of A Persecuting Society Persecuting A of The Formation Leges Leges Langobardorum 102 In these ways, the kiss given by a saint to a leper retained an enduring 103 . The . The , 45. Code Code of Rothari 33 Code of Code of Rothari Touati, Touati, Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie wasthe firstwritten compilation of ( Edictum Rothari ) and ) and can also , 88. 104 R. I. CEU eTD Collection Chinese whispers.” Rawcliffe, whispers.” Rawcliffe, Chinese transformed them into planks of a national policy of segregation seems at times to example,resemble an academic game were of absolute fictions, selection than although an invention the process of were extremely repetition, isolated incidents. elaboration“In the case and of medieval leprosy, misquotation the or ‘the Leper burial’Mass’) processwas not complete fiction,but hashave been which given more beenattention than they deserve, as proven they less has a matter of proven by Carole Rawcliffe to be an isolated incident of maltreatment of lepers.The This Formation of‘funeral A Persecuting service’(or Society, ‘mock- 108 107 2007),45. Publishing, (Oxford: Blackwell 106 44. Ibid., health.” forpublic concern any with than it who into crowded fact, it looks as though this had no more to do with a drive to rid the city of the swarmsof indigents and vagabonds of lepers fromthe cityof Constantinople and executed an official namedZoticos for givingthem shelter instead. In 105 betrothal: Thisleprous. statute discusses what shouldhappen if a girl becomesinfected byleprosy after her text. this in implied isnot generated be isto howincome of,though this off live to some regions. the disease which was not widespread within Europe in the Middle Ages, but was present in been declared, in essence,dead in the eyes ofThis their iscommunity. a drastic interpretation of as their cities. Furthermore, they retain no rights to their personal property because they have fromtheir homes as well Lepers, according to this regulation within the code, are to be ‘expelled’ forcenturies. to wasreferred which usedand leprous ofthe status onthe position to a rise in the number of cases of the disease. Moore suggests thatthis code is more a continuation of late antique traditions Katherine Fischer Drew, Drew, Fischer Katherine Moore explains that Emperor Constantine had not actually referred to the lepers when he “ordered the expulsion It is important to note here that the leper ‘funeral service’which is sensationalized both within Moore (Moore, R.I. Moore, The The remains. which that from income onthe nourished shouldbe he lives he while the day that he is expelled from his home, it is asshall not have the rightto alienate if his property or to give it to heanyone. Because on had died. Nevertheless, expelled from the district ( truth of the matter is recognized by the judge or by[Concerning the Lepers] people 176. and On the lepers. leper If is anyone is afflicted with leprosy and the Code Code of Rothari 108 The The Formation of A Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe 950-1250 Although theyretain no legal status, they are still to have some sortof income — or at least serious distortion. Neither the ‘Leper nor Mass’ the writ of exclusion,for The Lombard Laws The Lombard Leprosy in Medieval England, England, Medieval in Leprosy further mentions only one other reference to the status of the 54-6) 54-6) and Brody’s (Brody, civitas (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 1973),83. ofPennsylvania University The (Philadelphia: ) ) or from his house so that he lives alone, he 34 106 However, this legal decree clearlylays out a 39. The The Disease of the Soul, 105 64-9) 64-9) books has been than a response 107 CEU eTD Collection offrent l'opportunité de le mieux comprendre.” comprendre.” mieux le de l'opportunité offrent modalités suivies par l'ensemble des frustrant, communautés. Englobés soulève dans d'importants ce mouvement, problèmes certains chronologiques: cas 113 il mieux éclairés constitute toutefois par 112 lui-même un 47. Ibid., Europe.” Western over all scale large ona place took which indice des represents a remarkable effort of organization and expenditure 111 110 109 leprosaria did not provide a hope for a cure, butinstead functioned more as places of residence institutions directed at caring for the lepers. and sick houses in the it medieval wasn’tWest, until the eleventh centurythat a rise was seen in of treating the of‘problem’ the lepers was established. with the status of the leprous. the from turn marked a reflects leprous the concerning leprosy until the eleventh century. attitude of the time. These two statues remained the only Western legal sources that leprosy concerning is “on account of her weighty sins and resulting illness” this code highlights the with sinfulness; the health of the bodyis directly linked with the health of the soul. By stating hints at the social understanding of leprosy in the seventh century. Leprosy here corresponds Although the primary function of this statute was to provide a regulation for marriage, it also Ibid. Moore, Drew, “They do occur, however, on the of a most dramatic alteration in the treatment of lepers, and one which “La plupart des 'apparitions' reconnues concerne des groupes humaines déjà en place: ce constat, d'abord , After After the illness. resulting it did not occur on accountof his neglect but on account of her weightysins and And he shall notbe guiltyinthisevent to because take herto wife againsthiswill. her betrothed husband shall receive back hisproperty and he shall notbe required woman has been betrothed she becomesleprousormad orblind inbotheyes, then girl who becomes a leper after her [Concerning the girl who becomes a leper betrothal. after her betrothal] 180. Concerning the If it happens that after a girl or 46. The Lombard Laws The Lombard The Formation of A Persecuting Society Persecuting A of The Formation Code Code of Rothari 109 , 84-5.

112 However, at the However, turnof the twelfth physical century form a new, there there was a silence in the inmedieval West legislation dealing 110 Touati, Touati, However, this eleventh century rise of documentation , 46. Archives de la lèpre la de Archives 113 35 Because Because of how their disease was viewed the — Code of Rothari. of Code the foundation of hospitals and homes for lepers Though there had always been hospitals , 36.

111

CEU eTD Collection 119 Chartres” à duGrand-Beaulieu léproserie la XIIIesiècles: XIIeet aux hospitalier du phénomène et maladie la de approche “Une Touati, Francoise-Olivier 118 Firnhaber-Baker in Rouen,” Century 117 chapter. later a in detail greater discussedin be will century thirteenth jusqu’au XIII 116 115 Institutions, Medieval 114 century there were over eightyleprosaria in the region (known atpresent). France there were only three leprosaria (known at present). However, by the end of the twelfth dramatically after the turn of the twelfth century. whothem. founded benefactors ofthe generosity the display asto aswell traders situated on the main roads leading into cities to both attract the alms of passing travelers and was considered to be one of the greatest acts of piety. For this reason, leprosaria were hints often at the less dominant attitude towards leprosy. Like Christ and Martin, helping the lepers still dominantly viewed as a mark of punishment,God’s the foundation of leprosaria atthis time charity provided there were of greatest importance to their wellbeing. Though their disease was not permitted towork tosupport themselves, boththe abilitytolive at a leprosarium as wella the later. century a about peak its reached eventually and years the grewover hospitals and effortof organization and expenditure.” of “a mostdramatic alteration in the treatment of lepers, and one which represents a remarkable institutionsfor housing the lepers, something which R. I. Moore explains asbeing representative for the lepers. duXI fin “Dèsla Thirteenth- and Twelfth- in Identity Social and Exclusion, Leprosy, Walls: City the “Outside Brenner, Elma Moore, “La pr Ibid., 282. Ibid., James W. Brodman, “Shelter and Segregation: Lepers in Medieval Catalonia,” in The The establishment of these care centers and the number of those providing care rose Aslepers were Providing charityto those who needed itwas seen as a greatactof charity. ésence confirmée, à partir de la fin du XI The Formation of A Persecuting Society, Society, Persecuting A of The Formation e siècle au moins.” Touati,

(Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), 144. Ashgate, (Farnham: 114 Difference and Identity in Francia and Medieval France, France, andMedieval Francia in andIdentity Difference e During this time there was the first large-scale push for the foundations of siècle, un peu partout en Occident, les fondationd d’hôpitaux et de léproseries se multiplient.” semultiplient.” léproseries de et d’hôpitaux fondationd les Occident, en partout unpeu siècle, edited by Donald J. Kagay and Theresa M. Vann (Lieden: Brill, 1998),44. Brill, (Lieden: Vann M. Theresa J.and byDonald Kagay edited Histoire des Sciences médicales, médicales, des Sciences Histoire Maladie Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, 115 The The foundations of such houses, known as leprosaria, 47. e siècle, des léproseries dont le nombre ne cesse de croître 36 118

Before Before 1100 in the province of Sens in 14:4 (1980): 421. (1980): 14:4 ed., Meredith Cohen and Justine Justine and Cohen Meredith ed., 250. This This rise of leprosaria in the On On the Social Origins of 119 There were a few 117

116

CEU eTD Collection 125 124 123 Touati, deslépreux.” exclusif service au placés et roi le par exemptés peaussier, l’autre et boucher l’un bourgeois, deux ici Chartres: à comme desartisans, et des commerçants milieu 122 121 120 The first source is a collection of acts affecting the leprosarium between 1107 and 1297, which two major collections of written sources on the foundation and operation of Grand-Beaulieu. and 1107 He founded and dedicated a church to for the lepers somewhere between 1090 wasof the Chartresfirst (d.person 1115) to intervene onYves behalf of the lepers of Chartres. to understand the greater workings of the growing network of leprosaria in the twelfth century. Grand-Beaulieu in Chartres. This leprosarium, when examined in detail, can be seen as a means service. their at who skinner workedexclusively a and butcher a both provided to Saint-Lazare by local merchants and craftsmen. The leprosarium was even granted IV for the abbey of Saint-Denis ( its development and place in society. It was recognized again in 1122 in an act issued by Louis known leprosarium of earlytwelfth century which has resulted in better documentation of both composite Newfigure Testament of Lazarus. Saint-Lazare was one of the larger and more well- outskirts of the city, this leprosarium was called Saint-Lazare of Paris and was dedicated to the was builtin the diocese of Paris near the city of Saint-Laurent in 1110. Situated on the northern well as their function in the medieval landscape. leprosaria founded at this time which termsTouati ‘grand leprosaria’

Touati, “Une approche de la maladie,” 421. maladie,” la de approche “Une Touati, Touati, Touati, Ibid., 420. Ibid., le par fournie l’aide est urbaine communauté la avec léproserie la de liens les resserrant et également “Concrète 318. Ibid., Perhaps one of the most well known of these early ‘grand leprosaria’ is the of leprosarium is the leprosaria’‘grandknownearlywellofmostthese of Perhapsone the Archives de la lèpre, lèpre, la de Archives lèpre, la de Archives 124 in hopes that through devotion to her the lepers would benefit There spiritually. are 41. 41. prope prope Parisium, juxta domum leprosorum 37 One One example of this sort of ‘grand leprosaria’ Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie 122 120

both due to their size as ). 121 Support was 261. 125 123

CEU eTD Collection 132 1204. in kingdom 131 Chartres. goods entering 130 129 128 Ibid. Grand-Beaulieu.” 1264,au 1250et entre accomplie principalement disciplinaire, intérieure, réforme la accompagne complémentaires, compilations de résultat patrimoniale, reconstruction de outils tels de confection la 1259; 127 homogène.” d’analyse unchamp 1297,offrent et tôt 126 donated to the exclusive use of the community at Mont-aux-Malades. Rouen. There are a large number of records which indicate gifts of land, money, and property France. and was patronized at first by the Anglo-Norman royal familyand then after 1204 the kings of was Mont-aux-Malades in Rouen. Mont-aux-Malades was established between 1106 and 1135 fair. Grand-Beaulieu’s business at dotheir to required were Chartres privileges. enter the cityduring these eight days, but their communitywas nonetheless granted substantial it was moved into the city center. It is notknown for certain if the lepers were also allowed to eightdays. Blois-Chartres, allowed a yearly fair held by the patients of the leprosarium which lasted for Chartres was greatly attached to the urban life of Chartres. In 1102 Theobald the IV, count of actions. disciplinary and reform, internal of buildings, spans between 1250 and 1264. This source mainlydocuments land acquisitions, reconstructions detail the traditions and operations of the leprosaria. Ibid. French ofthe control the under came whenRouen changed 139.Patronage Walls,” City the “Outside Brenner, 153. Walls,” City the “Outside Brenner, de partir à s’échelonnent rédactions les dont cartulaires trois (1237)et compte de unlivre fonciers: “Recueils plus au 1107 entre répartition, la et tradition, de modes leurs à sans égarde nombre, le dont pratique la de “actes Touati, Touati, Touati, 131 Another example of a larger leprosarium which originated in the early twelfth century Though located outside the boundaries of the city, the leprosarium of Grand-Beaulieu à Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie Despite its lineage of royal patronage, it was also well supported by the citizens of 129 128 Over the course of the eight days of the fair all people who normally traded in Though Though the fair wasoriginally held in the countryside outside of Chartres, in 1151 534. 534. The leprosarium was also granted the commercial taxes on all onall taxes commercial the wasgranted also leprosarium The Ibid. 38 127 126

The second is an account book which 130

132 Much like Grand- CEU eTD Collection Social History, History, Social Âge auMoyen volontaire pauvreté 1994); Kolakowska(Oxford:Blackwell, Agnieszka Ages Middle the in 136 Christ’” le comme vraiment qu'on serve sorte les telle de 135 134 133 medieval world. lifestyle. religious completely a to adherence punished with their disease by God, the regulations of the early leprosaria focused on living in earlyestablishments on the spiritual health of the patients. Though they were still seen as being responsibility of local monastic communities. Because of this there was much focus in these though they were serving Christ. stated thatmonks should care for the sick before and above all ( manyof the early leprosaria relied on Chapter 36 of the least that the care of their inhabitants were under the direction of monastic rule. was founded that leprosaria ought to be run as though they were monasteries for the sick or at institutions and because of this were treated in a similarEarly manner. on, in particular, the idea were small and housed only a few patients. They were often attached to existing monastic leprous. towardsthe attitudes newsenseofpositive roots ofa the resident lepers.” “that the people of Rouen and the surrounding area were notafraid to risk potential contact with Beaulieu, Mont-aux-Malades hosted a yearly fair, which according to Elma Brenner indicates For more on the concept and role of poverty in the Middle Ages, see: Mark R. Cohen, ed., ed., MarkR.Cohen, Ages, see: Middle the in ofpoverty role and concept onthe For more “Le chapitre 36 de la Ibid. Brodman, “Shelter and Segregation,” 36. Segregation,” and “Shelter Brodman, The The twelfth century also saw a rise in the number of paupers and beggars across the most ofthe newtwelfthcentury institutions aside from these ‘grandleprosaria,’ However, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven: Yale University Press, University 1990); Yale (New Haven: Arthur Goldhammer trans. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005); Bronislaw Geremek, Press,Geremek, Bronislaw University 2005); Princeton (Princeton: 136 As people were trying to find a means to express their religious devotion, 133 Règle Règle These yearlyfairs hosted by leprosaria indicate the early twelfth century de de saint Benoît est formel: ‘on prendra soin des malades avant tout et par dessus tout, (Paris: Mouton, 1970); Mouton,1970); (Paris: 135 Because of this, leprosaria were seen as the natural

Tadeusz Manteuffel, Tadeusz 39 Touati, Touati, Michel Mollat, Mollat, Michel Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie Rule Rule Naissance d’une h d’une Naissance Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Essayin An Ages: Middle the Poor in of Saint Benedict. In it Benedict ante omnia et super omnia Poverty: A History, History, A Poverty: érésie: les adeptes de la la de adeptes les érésie: The Voice of the Poor the of The Voice 134 , 251. For example, trans., trans., ) as CEU eTD Collection the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation the to Reform Gregorian the 137 lepers. forthe precedent another set the walls and gates of the cities, justas had been decreed in Leviticus. However, this canon also canon 23 of this council, lepers were to be segregated from the rest of the community; outside society, making it understandable and applicable to the medieval Christian According West. to council which formalized the Old Testament process of separating the leper from determine some of the mostimportant issues facing the Church in medieval Itthe wastwelfth this century. Ages. Middle ofthe rest forthe out played lives their which sentiment towards both disease in general and the leprous specifically, creating a framework in declared leprous in the medieval West. These two canons the established Fourth Lateran the Council official in Church 1215 helped to regulate the life andCanon 22 of inCouncil 1179 ThirdLateran Both ofCanonpieces23majorlegislation. of the and position of any person further solidified statusthe Agesin leper’swiththe two Christian communityofthe High Middle the laws established in respectLeviticus. With paid to the laws in the the Church Old Testament, community. ofits members wandering and leprosaria in the twelfth century, the Church needed to officially deal with the poor and new problem for the Church. Because of this as well as the rising number of leper communities the Gospel. Groups, like the Waldensians, many turned to following in Christ’s words and live a life of complete poverty while preaching For more information on the Waldensians, see: see: Malcolm D. Lambert, For more Waldensians, information on the In 1179 Alexander III called for the Third Lateran Council to meet to discuss and Church legislation concerning the leprousin the twelfthcenturywasnotbased entirelyon gathered gathered together in such a way under have decided We byapostolic charitythat the wherever some ofthem [the lepers] rule are of common life that they can (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002),70-96. (Oxford:Blackwell, 137 who devoted themselves to these practices posed a 40 Medieval Heresy: PopularMovementsfrom MedievalHeresy: CEU eTD Collection 140 139 138 because they were not allowed contact with the rest of the Christian community. considered Instead to be the of elect of God. They were to be provided their own churches and cemeteries sake of piety”) emphasized their exclusion. With regards to the ofsalvation. means society, they were still members of the Christian community, and as such, entitled to the same recognized the place of the leper within the medieval world lepers were granted in this canon the right to participate in spiritual life. Canon 23 officially were diseased in body, and considered by some to be diseased in their souls, in this canon the space before them by making a noise with a rattle which theyhad to shake.” this “helped to make them into closed worlds which the lepers could onlyleave if they made a right to their own places of worship, priest, and places of burial.According to Jacques Le Goff, outside the walls of a city, an official status within the Church. It allotted them, officially, the gave communities of lepers, like those gathered in leper hospitalsor in other small communities and beginning to gather around the cities from which they had been excluded. Jacques Le Goff, Goff, Le Jacques Moore, ed., Goodich, in translated Council, Lateran Third 23ofthe Canon Although Although it may seem to have been a positive action for the leprous, canon 23 instead Canon 23 acknowledged the communities of leprous poor which were rising in number animals. oftheir pasturing orthe gardens for their the injury of others.have We also decided thatthey should not have to pay tithes This exist. is granted tothem for but the we sake do ofnotpiety, want itto lead to beware not to do any injury to the parochial rights of they should old be allowed to do churchesso without contradiction. They shouldshould, nevertheless, they provide themselves with a cemetery and they are able to enjoy their own priest, The Formation of A Persecuting Society Persecuting A of The Formation , the ,the Church knewit needed toprovide for the leprous, asthey were in manyways Medieval Civilization 400-1500 Civilization Medieval , 49. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1990),321. Publishing, (Oxford: Blackwell 41 Dives et pauper 138 Other Middle Ages Other Middle — although separated from their story(“ granted to them for the , 146. 140 139 Although they This decree CEU eTD Collection 143 142 Ages 141 priest: a that required canon The doctor. a like just the confessional between a person and their priest in medical terms; arguing that the priest was Council also placed the spiritual needsof a person above theirphysical needs. Canon 21 equated his or her priest(or another properly qualified member of the clergy), the Fourth Lateran laity. ofthe life devotional the helped to simultaneouslyconsolidate the authorityof the Church and produced a majorchange in council is widelythought to have instigated a turning pointEurope in as the it history Western of Christianity at the time as well as the pressing contemporary issues facing the Church. century. This this council has long been considered the greatest ecclesiastical assembly hundred bishops, of eight hundred priests, the and representatives thirteenth from all the princes across Europe, overwhelming number of bothecclesiastical three andpatriarchs, royal With figures. condition. their to was which favorable one them grant Although this canon did grant them an ‘official position’ in the eyes of the Church, it did not injuryofothers”), hinting at a concern for contagion explained this as a concern for the members ‘clean’ of society(“ peers, thus drawing more attention to their status as an ‘other’ in their communities. The canon incorporating the leprous into the medieval world this canon further separated them from their Rawcliffe, Rawcliffe, ed., J. Geary, Patrick Katherine Ludwig Jansen, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, University 2000), 199. Princeton (Princeton: Aside from Aside from Canon 21, which required thatevery person to make an annual confession to In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council was called by Pope Innocent III and attended by an 142 This council set out to resolve all the pressing and essential doctrinal issues facing Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy Readings in Medieval History Medieval in Readings The The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle 143

, 131. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010),430. Toronto of University (Toronto: 42 — either of the physical malady or the soul. — either ofthe physical malady or thesoul. we do notwant it to lead to the 141 over four CEU eTD Collection 146 145 144 been suggested by many historians that this canon helped to refine an internal mechanism for prohibited from prescribing it for the patient. Though leprosy is not explicitly mentioned, it has that should there be a way to heal the body that might harm the soul, physicians were strictly soul. individual’s the healed have priests the bodyonce the afflict which problems the treat a cause for bodily illness. The physicians of medicine of the bodytherefore are onlyallowed to between sin anddisease. This canon, according to numerous scholars, in a sense solidified the religious connection 22states: Canon Council. FourthLateran ofthe canon following ofthem. laity the sinshealing and diagnosing This highlighted the understanding of the priest as a physician of the soul, responsible for both Rawcliffe, Rawcliffe, ed., Geary, in translated Council, FourthLateran 22ofthe Canon ed., Geary, in translated Council, FourthLateran 21ofthe Canon Moreover, Moreover, this canon also emphasizes the hierarchyof the soul over bodyby explaining hissoul. endanger might which health forhisbodily man sick we forbidon pain of eternal anathema anydoctor toprescribe anything for a body, cause ceases, the ceases...Furthermore, effectas the soul ismore preciousthan the seen to, the sick man mayrespond better to the bodily medicine — for when the anything else to call in doctors of souls, so thatafter his spiritual health has been present decree ordain and strictly whom command he had cured, doctors, “Go and when sin no more, itlest worse befall happens you,” — we As before physical by illness the is sometimes the result of sin This idea, of priest as physician of the soul, was emphasized and expanded in the sick. the heal to availing means various apply, to remedy choose intelligently what sort of advice he ought to enquiring give into the him circumstances both of and the sinner whatand of sort the sin, fromof which to wineand oil on the wounds of the injured, diligently like a practiced doctor...pour Leprosy in Medieval England Medieval in Leprosy 146 Here Here the precedentissetbythe biblical understanding of sin as being , 132. 43 Readings in Medieval History Medieval in Readings History Medieval in Readings — the Lord said to a sick man 144

145

, 439-40. , 439. CEU eTD Collection Touati, Touati, par les sentiments encore mêlés que les malades inspirent sous le coup desils été modèles freinés un antérieurs temps par toujours un idéal rappelés.” de vie se manifestent dans la province à l’issue au d’une tournant première des ‘crise’XII 148 Moore, orsoon after.” century thirteenth ofthe middle bythe perfected was worked out towards the end of became sharplyapparent thein the middle decades of the twelfth; and in each a comprehensive apparatus of persecution twelfth century, codified by the Fourth Lateran practice until the Council beginning of of the eleventh century 1225..., and remained and intermittent until its end; in each, rising striking. hostility There were differences, but in each case although persecution was rigorous 147 in theory it did no occur in the Old and New Testament visions of leprosy. The dominant view of the disease during the Summary sick. the saving and ofinterceding means primary the itself declared officially to be a mark of a diseased soul worshipas the healthymembers of society. Despite this, less than forty years later, disease was members of the Christian community and as such they were entitled to to the be same segregated access from to their cities because of their disease, they although the lepers were still had inearlier centuries.In1179, Testaments same waythe Old andNew were considered to be Middle Ages. However, this precedent provided two contrasting views on leprosy much in the Lateran decrees established a precedentfor the perception of understanding leprosyin the High leprosy. with linked been historically had which depiction association between the outward appearance of a disease and its link to illness of the soul, a outcasts. decrees of Lateran IV may have just been an expression of an overall hardening attitude towards persecuting groups of those excluded from the Church.

Moore explains, “The parallels in the development of the persecution of heretics, Jews and lepers are very Touati explains, Touati “les prodromes de ce malaise, peut-être déjà suggéré par les mesures canoniques de Lateran III, Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie At the turn of the twelfth centurythe perception of leprosy stood ata crossroads between Providing the Church’s official position on both the leprous and the ill in general, the 148 Either way, this prescription, officially sanctioned by the Church, highlighted the , 764. héroïsé héroïsé avec avec le regain de religiosité de certains mouvements, mais aussi 44 — something — something for which the Church declared 147 The Formation of a Persecuting Society aPersecuting of The Formation However, as Touati suggests, the e etXIII e siècles. Sans doute ont- , 62. CEU eTD Collection cities as well as emphasized the need to contain and across the control medieval West. It their further emphasized the access exclusion of to the lepers the from the medieval Christian stood as a reaction to the rising number of leper communities and foundations of stigmatized at leprosaria the turn of the thirteenth century. The 23 their time. ofthe perceptions and standards social the against went charity with of the foundations of the leprosaria. To take in those whom societycast out and provide them Thiscan be similarlyseenin theboundaries early which roots Jesushadcrossedcenturies earlier. Martin and Radegund kissed and cared for the lepers, they for the actions of some holy men were andwomen looking to live in crossing the same social notalter the dominantperception of leprosy in the Ages,Early itMiddle did provide a precedent medieval world tofollow; inhisThough eyesthis lepers did were worthyof these acts of charity. food. The Biblical stories of Jesus’s actions towards the leprous provided an example for the the charityof others.Prohibited from working, they were leftto beg on the streetsformoney and disease. deforming and deviating their with along They were to be ‘cast outside the camp’ and were burdened with the social stigma that came completely excluded from their former lives, reduced to the margins of the medieval landscape. and as such were no longer considered to be members of the community. Legally they were disease a punishment form God for their sins. Because of this, they had been deemed ‘unclean’ was that of the vile and sinful. Lepers were seen as having incurred their vitae Despite Despite the approval of the actions of Martin and Radegund, whom were both seen in Because they were excluded from their communities, lepers were entirelydependent on as so holy that kissing the lepers did not repulse them, lepers were still largely 45 rd canon of the Third Lateran Council imitatio Christi. imitatio Christi. When When saints like CEU eTD Collection new sortofinclusion. leprous. In essence, he took these newexclusions of the lepers and created instead a means for a to the leper for personal spiritual purposes and simultaneously altered social perceptions of the social boundary between the clean and the unclean, SaintFrancis Assisi of used the kisshe gave means of exclusion were being enforced on the leprous. Although not the first man to cross the drastically divided on how tohandle the leprous, thisman came forward at a momentwhen new both Jesus and manysaints before him and embraced a leper. With a historical background so rituals. exclusion Testament Old the Lepers, community. though allowed to participate in the Church, were still seen as the lepers of Itis at this point, thisconceptual crossroad, that one layman would follow the actions of 46 CEU eTD Collection Assisi: Early Documents Assisi: Early 149 was experiencing a mounting spiritual crisis, Francis stepped up and kissed a leper, in effect unprecedented transgressionsof long-standing social At boundaries. a moment when the Church medieval world. Nonetheless, Francis’s Bythe twelfth centuryunderstandingsthe ofkissing leprosy. of lepers was a familiarmotifin the interactions with the lepers highlighting still the role that one constituted man seems to have played in the evolving religious and social exemplary medieval case of Saint Francis of alternative Assisi to, and the the development reigning of popular his perception. Order, This sufficiently considered chapter the role will played by therefore such figures examine in reforming, the or at least offering an figures. religious ofcharismatic influence the namely, change, this in factors key ofthe one towards the leprous, favoring the image of the leper as the elect of God. This chapter considers until the late twelfth century. The thirteenth century, however, saw a positive shift in attitudes lepers being the cursed of God was the dominant perception of the disease inthe medieval world disseminated both by their Biblical origins and by the positionofficial of the The Church. idea of to be simultaneously punished and favored by God. These perceptions were fostered and

The The Testament Previous scholarship on the history of leprosy in the High Middle Ages has not As has alreadybeen discussed, atthe turn of thethirteenthcenturylepers were considered III. Saint Francis and the Treatment of Lepers in the High Middle Ages Middle intheHigh ofLepers Treatment III. and Saint Francis the translated translated in Regis J. Armstrong, J.A. Wayne Hellmann, and William J. Short, ed., — TheSaint (New York: New City Press, New City 1999),124. York: (New into sweetness of soul and body. soulandbody. of sweetness into I left them, what had seemed bitter to me me among them and I wasshowed to mercy them. And when turned too bitter forme to see Andlepers. Himself the led Lord in this way: for when I was in sin, gave The it Francis,me, Lord thus Brotherto begin doing seemed 47 Saint Francis of Assisi, TheTestament of Francis Saint Francis of 149 CEU eTD Collection 150 life. the Ages.Middle His influence was, and can still be, seen in mostaspects of medieval religious Saint Franciswas a figure whose life and legacywere exceptionally important for the Church in turning point in the definition of medieval sanctity. Canonized only two years after his death, which theyappeared in his life. Francis, as the founder of a isdominant religiousseen order, as a revolutionary in medieval society and hagiography it is important to understand the context in Rise andThe Franciscans: Controversy outcasts. interactions may have had on bridging the gap between society and its hitherto most repulsive early practices of the Franciscan Order. This chapter will thus tconsider the impact that these of the saint. These events were crucial to the development of Francis’s piety as well as to the through these accountsof Francis'slife, also evolved and took on a prominent place inthe legacy manipulate the story of Francis for contemporary purposes. The representation of 'the leper,' response to and reflection of controversies within the Order. The process. this in figures central became leprous the society, lay and redefining the idea of sanctity for the High Middle Ages. Although outcasts from both religious Kleinberg, Kleinberg, 150

To To fully understand how Saint Francis of Assisi’s interactions with the leprous were The evolution of Franciscan hagiography during the thirteenth century was partially a Prophets in their Own Country their in Prophets , 126. 48 vitae written during this time CEU eTD Collection commit to a Christian life without fully removing themselves from the secular world. Ibid., 18. world.Ibid., secular the from themselves removing fully without life Christian a to commit 154 153 Society onWestern Movement Mendicant Early the : of The Impact Empire,anda sustainedrise in population.” C. H.Lawrence, revival of urbanlife in Western the old landsof the 152 Europe Medieval in Economy Profit the of Urban Europe 1000-1950 1000-1500 University of Chicago Press, 1997); Steven Epstein, and Society in the Twelfth Century: Essays on the New Theological Perspectives in the Latin 151 West Literate members of the lay based society, on careful study of the New Testament, themselvesbeganexploring for alternativesexpressing theirreligionand ensuring theirsalvation. Ages.Instead of relying blindly onthe Church for spiritual guidance, membersof the lay society from these councils theyfurtherrefined theirperceived role as the dominantpower ofthe Middle (as well as the non-Christians who lived within its boundaries), and with the pronouncements Thechapter. Church was eager to regulate everyaspect of the lives of the Christian community Reformation. — dissent which led to the most hands of formidable the a Church. With growing educated and religious literate dissentlaity, was on the rise challenge the Church would see until power the shifted into the hands of those who had the most access to wealth rather than into the wealthier, greater importance started to be placed on capital, money, and credit. Because of this, which, in turn, led to the rising urbanization and prosperity This of expansion towns. instigated As a the boom towns in industry grew and trade between the growing extensive expansion — both urban demographic and economic — centers which did notslow for centuries. medieval world was undergoing drastic changes. Ibid., 3. Ibid., For more on this topic,which has beenwellresearched and discussed, please see: M.D.Chenu,ed., Ibid., 17. According to Lawrence this expansion included “the rapid growth of international trade and commerce, the Also, the Lateran councils were promulgating the statutes described in the previous Francis’s rise to prominence in the late twelfth century occurred at a moment when the (Cambridge: Cambridge (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2009);Paul M. Although Although they were slow to accept it, Church officials eventually came to accept that people could 153

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1985); (London: P. Elek, 1978). Elek, P. (London: An An Economic and Social History of Later Medieval Europe, 49 151 The West was embarking on a phase of Hohenberg and Lynn HollenLees, andLynn Hohenberg (London: Longman, 1994),1. Longman, (London: Lester K.Little, Lester Religious Poverty Religious Poverty and 154 (Chicago: (Chicago: The developed Nature, Man Nature, The Making The 152

CEU eTD Collection to be burned.” Lawrence, Lawrence, burned.” be to todeath-bed Testament the brethren tobe withoutbinding force, and provincial ministers were ordering copies of it 156 Goff, Le Jacques goals. and beliefs that Francis resigned from the leadership of the Order; believing the Order to have strayed too far from his personal fromthe Holy Land in 1220 and the composition of a new 155 to seek out papal interpretation of Francis’s In the 1230, practice justof four death, poverty. yearsthe after leadersFrancis’sof the Order had dividing into two distinctive factions. administration, regulation, and focus. Even during his own lifetime Francis saw his Order pure. and focused remained apostolica order arose out of a commitmentto living according to the Gospels; a collective form ofthe prominent religious and social practices of the times. The ideals on which he established his which the Western world had not previously seen; one which contrasted with the Franciscan Order developed and came to prominence. Francis represented a new sort of community. religious the in assuch,sanctified and, movements these movements were either labeled as heretical formed and grew around these charismatic leaders, andthe Churchtook careful notice.In the end and punished or called new monastic radical interpretations of how people ought to live their lives in accordance with God. Groups Leaders within the Franciscan Order “were obligated to seek a papal interpretation of Leaders within the Franciscan Order “were obligated to seeka papalinterpretation of theRule which declaredhis lifetimewhich According promptedit tohis was Le earlythe Goff, return growth of this division during Francis’s However, as the Order grew and spread further afield it began to struggle with internal It was into this setting of growing spiritual crisis that Francis was born and outof it the . Over the course of his life, Saint Francis went to great lengths to ensure his ideals The Friars Saint Francis of Assisi of Francis Saint , 26. 155 The most heated debates revolved particularly around Testament 50 (Routledge: London, 2004), 17. London, (Routledge: Rule in 1221. It was also because of thisinternal conflict and its’ significance for the Order. vita vita 156

CEU eTD Collection Founder Regis J. Armstrong,J. A. Hellmann,Wayne and William J. Short,ed., becoming gradually more divided in their interpretations of the Founder’s ideals and their day-to-day and expression.” had spread across Europe and into 161 Africa and Asia. They Church. bythe heretical deemed were “in need of direction. The brothers160 were Burr, stigmata.” Christ’s was he granted life, ofFrancis’s end the when, toward final stamp of approval on Francis’s project was given not emptying he saw by in Christ, a behavior the thatinvolved not only pope humility but alsolove. Thus, but in Franciscan legend, the by Christ himself on Mount as Alverna possible to what Francis originally wanted for himself and his Order. “Francis’s basic goal was the sort of self- 159 Dissentc.1250-c.1450 to Heterodoxy of TheRelation Ages: Francis Conventuals see: David Burr, 158 Commedia the in Papacy andthe Poverty Franciscans: the subject with which a substantial amount of modern Dante criticism has been concerned.” Nick and Havely, their relationship tothe ecclesiastical authority forms an important part of the provided material for Dante in the Cambridge University Press, 2006), 100. It was this controversy around 157 and within the Franciscan Order which more accessible to its growing numbers. augmented by papal bulls. The aim of the Conventuals was to make membership in the Order was on a lesser form of poverty and following the Rule of Francis as it was were a moderate groupwho embraced the interpreted changing landscape of the medieval world; their and focus secular needs. from papal authority, which they believed to be too willing to compromise religious beliefs for poverty — both as individuals and as an order. They also wanted to keep the Order distanced beginnings. preserve, and perhaps in a sense protested against even the Order’s diversion from the original ideals of revive, their Theyfounder. wanted to the simplicity and poverty of Francis’s ofdiscipline.” sphere the two sides “beyond the between schism a creating During the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries tensions began to escalate further, Burr, Brooke, For more detailed investigations into the rise of the Spiritual Franciscans as well as their controversy with the Rosalind B. Brooke, The The Spirituals eventually became devotees of the teachings of and as such were ultimately (University (University Park:The Pennsylvania State University Press,2001); Gordon Leff, (New York: New City Press, New City 2000),496. York: (New One side of this debate was composed of the Spirituali (or, the Spirituals) The The Spiritual Franciscans The The Image ofSt Francis 159 160 They were a rigorist group whose emphasiswas placed on complete humility and The The other faction wascomposed of the the Conventuali They Conventuals). (or, The The Image of St Francis: Responses to Sainthood in the Thirteenth Century The The Spiritual Franciscans: From Protest to Persecution in the Century After Saint Le Goff, Goff, Le , 4. The Order wasgrowing rapidly; it had risen to over thirtythousand members Commedia , 106. According ,According 106.to David Burr the Spirituals sought to act in a manner as close Saint Francis of Assisi of Francis Saint .Nick Havely explains that: “Concern aboutthe Franciscans, poverty 161 The reduced emphasis on complete poverty was 51 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, University 2004),2. Cambridge (Cambridge: (Manchester: Manchester University Press, University 1999). Manchester (Manchester: , 17. Francis of Assisi: Early Documents The Spiritual Franciscans The Spiritual Commedia 157 Heresy in Heresy the Later Middle

’s political’s vision (Cambridge: , 2. Dante Dante and 158 — who The — a a CEU eTD Collection maladie, son approche vécue du monde des souffrants dessouffrants dumonde vécue son approche maladie, incarne un idéal enraciné dans la des société sciences m contemporaine: révélatrice d’une sensibilite et d'une conception 164 de la Assisi Franciscan Institute, 2008); Richard C. Trexler, Life Saint Francis of Assisi Boeck & Larcier,1999); Chiara Frugoni, Dalarun, Responses to Sainthood in the 163 Thirteenth Century Order. the into masters university and ofclerics number 162 itself through virtues and miracles, but instead through his living a completely holy lifestyle also completelyrooted in thatsociety. of holiness which acted both contrary to the rising control of the Church in secular life but was Assisi: Conversion by Lepers of Saint Francis Order. forthe own beliefs their to closely most the was aligned that founder oftheir image Francis which best fit with their developing priorities. There was a growing desire to produce an Francis’s life, both the Spirituals and the Conventuals were attempting to present an image of completely reliable source on the life of Francis. Through the manipulation of extended for many the years after his storydeath. Due to of this rise of dissent within the Order there is no many for various purposes. This manipulation of his image began importance grew, his during reputation and his his public lifetime image were and carefullyused and manipulated by through the hagiographic materials which concerned the saint. As Francis’s visibility and world. ofthe comforts the meant to avoid discouraging the new and younger friars For more detailed and extensive discussions onlife Francis’s see: Rosalind B. Brooke, Instead of Instead of being composedpredominantly of members of the the Franciscanslaity, had begun to accept a greater François-Olivier “FrançoisFrançois-Olivier Touati,d’Assise et la diffusion d’une modèle thérapeutique au XIII (London: Continuum, 1997); Roberto Rusconi, (New York: P. Lang, 1989); Lang, P. York: (New Born in Assisi in either 1181 SaintFrancis or1182, Assisi ineither1181 Born in This internal division in the Franciscan Order manifested itself perhaps most clearly François d’Assise: Principes et modalités du gouvernement dans l’ordre des Frères mineurs éicales, XVI XVI explains (1982): that 175.Francis Touati “représentantd’une sainteté nouvelle, Francois (London: Routledge, 2004); Michael Robson, Francis ofAssisi: A Life 164 sanctitydid not manifest explainsLe thatGoffFrancis’s Naked Before the Father: The Renunciation of Saint Francis of (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Jacques — Francis Francis of Assisi in the Sources and Writings 52 les lépreux en particulier.” Ibid. particulier.” en lépreux les (New York: Continuum, 1989); (New York: Jacques Le Goff, 162 163 Saint Francis of Assisi: The Legend and the by removing them completely from was the was the firstexample ofa new type The The Image of St Francis: e siècle, (New (New York: (Paris: De ” Histoire CEU eTD Collection episodes that marked its stages, and to extract their historical significance.” Ibid., 25-6. Ibid., significance.” historical their extract to and stages, its marked that episodes conversion is difficult to analyse and that the most important task for one, historians and is to in focus the on the themes, on the secunda Vita conversion show a number of inconsistencies. This is mainly due to the change in tone from the 170 garments.” flowing soft and others in hisflamboyant displayof vainaccomplishments: practicalwit, jokes curiosity, and foolish talk,songs, and Saint 169 Short,ed., and Armstrong, Hellmann, as well as his high may have writing studiedtheology at Monte Cassino,Rome or Bologna. It style is most likely due to his educational background that Pope Gregory apparent that IX Thomas of Celano sought was well out acquainted with the Thomas monastic literary tradition to and educational background, while itunknown for certain, is exemplified by also write his style of writingon seemsSaint Francis. It is also that the he the earliest followers of Francis, it is evident through his writing that he inmost the likely Abruzzi. Thomas knew was Francis a personally. His member of the Franciscan Order, joining around 1215.Although he was not among 168 Kleinberg, other religious leaders, Francis did not accept167 a separation between 29. Ibid., aroused.” he expectations hisown, and the satisfaction their to fulfill, to the role of saint and with problems.He had the to guard against the adulation going to role his head and corrupting him; at the same of time he had leader.” grew and placed him at the center of the attention of “Popular many. devotion to the living holy man presented him 166 Ibid. admiration.” general affectionate and sympathy same charity in the highest sense (in other words, so much love) that history has granted him, as though in exchange, the all creatures and of all creation, he poured out so 165 much tender care and fraternal understanding to all, so much through a number of stages. Early chapters of the extended process. has an instant transformation based on a moment of illumination, Francis’s conversion was an glory and spiritual questioning. Unlike the common practice in most where hagiography, a saint imitator of foolishness.” all of his peers in vanities, he proved himself a more excessive inviter of evil and squandered his a time almostup to the zealous twenty-fifth year of hislife. Maliciouslyadvancing beyond prima Vita literal interpretation ofthe Gospel. RosalindBrooke; in his desire to imitate the life Apostles, of FrancisChrist focused and onHis a which could serve as an example for others. Le Le Goff, According to Kleinberg, idea “Francis’s of sainthood was totalistic.One was a saint in whatever one did. Unlike Le Goff, The The Brooke, Thomas of Thomas of Celano wasborn around in 1185 Celano, a city located roughly seventy-five miles southeastof Rome , 183. Here Thomas of , 183.Here Thomas of Celano continues: “ Vita Prima Prophets in TheirOwn in Country, Prophets The The Image of St Francis Saint Saint Francis ofAssisi Saint Saint Francis ofAssisi , , thatin his youth Francis “passed his time from childhood and miserably wasted and . “The conversion would be presented in the Vita Vita secunda translated translated in Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., 170 It occurred over roughlyfive years and assuch it was progressive and went 169 from a ‘religious’, or mystical point of view. Here it is enough to recognise that a Francis’s early years were spent in a cycle of lusting after personal , 13. Le Goff ,13.Le Goff continues by explaining that Francis was “the friend and brother of , 26. Le Goff ,26.Le Goff also notes that Thomas of presentationsCelano’s of Saint Francis’s , 13. Brooke explains that despite his desire not to be noticed, his popularity Francis of Assisi: Early Documents Assisi: Early of Francis 167 139. His firstThomasbiographer, of Celano, He He was an objectof admiration to all, and he endeavored to surpass 165 53 “Francis was no self-effacing saint,” Vita prima Vita vitae of of Saint Francis document a progression in a ‘spiritual perspective’, or a psychological Francis of Assisi: Early Documents —

The Saint , 171. 168 Vita Vita prima explains in the Vita Prima 166 explains in 1228. — to the The CEU eTD Collection of the radically poor.” Peyroux, “The Leper’s Kiss,” 172. Leper’s Peyroux,“The poor.” radically of the conversion to an ascetic Christianity whose ethical imperative made continualreference to the material vulnerability 173 172 Ibid. forhisfuture.” noblueprint had manifestly Francis although advancing, 171 forhislife. direction was only after Francis let go of himself that he was able to fully know and understand God’s overcome. Though Francis had renounced his secular lifestyle there were still traces of it left. It point at which Francis received direction from God, telling him that he still had obstacles to he would come to the realization that it somehow still was not far enough. This was the very However, itpoverty. seemed as though everytime Francis removed himself further from society marked his place in society and he traded the comfortsof his home family’s for the harshness of was left to fully discover and refine his new purpose. He shed the clothing which had once leper. —the figure repulsive most handsofsociety’s the at came ofhisconversion element, This chapter will argue instead that the most important element, and therefore uncertainties, his difficulty the in sounding the defining right note, in moving from one life to the other.” a spiritual life actuallyamounted to ‘false In steps.’ the earlyacts of conversion, he showed “his according conversion.to However, Le manyGoff, ofthese firstconversion events to of Francis’s life can be, and have been, considered by scholars he was building and defining tohis relationship with God. Many be of the earlier episodes within the his main catalyst for Francis’s proceed. wanted to become a man of God, Francis was unaware of how hisprocess of conversion was to towards a conversion which led him away from the secular world. Despite knowing that he Le Goff, Goff, Le Peyroux echoes this sentiment by explaining how Thomas of Celano presents “the crux of the saint’s decisive Robson, Free Free from the constraints of familyand the responsibilities of the secular world, Francis life in which Thisprocessof conversion wasa confusing andperiodextendedin Francis’s 171 Saint Francis of Assisi of Francis Saint The Franciscans in the Middle Ages , 28. , 14. Robson explains that 54 “[t]he “[t]he process of conversion was 173 172

CEU eTD Collection as such cannot be grouped into this category. this into grouped be as suchcannot example,does not chronicle Francis’s life before his conversion, which will be discussed later in this chapter), and There are versions of Francis’s 179 saconversion.” de déterminant l’attitude quiendécoule constituent non seulement unaxe majeur de l'itinéraire spirituel du pauvres d'Assise - motif 178 manibus obturaret. 195. Latin: 177 Founder 176 Kiss,” 173. Leper’s Peyroux,“The ofhumanity.” portion 175 hislegacy. and hisOrder, hisministry, hislifetime, throughout Francis 451. These ideas of ‘despising himself’ and ‘trading the bitter for the were sweet’motifs which would remain with tibiquae dico.’ commutato, et amara pro duicibus sumens, contemne te ipsum,me si velis agnoscere; nam, et ordine verso, sapient Founder 174 Assisi and, following divine inspiration, he kissed the leper. This is one of the main episodes All order. versions of this story evolves with each leprous. the to devotion focusand particular with sick, the to charity the ‘sweetness’ of knowing God. therefore his ties to the secular world, through of the the ‘bitterness’ lepers, he was able to enjoy became the basis of Francis’s conversion as well as his ministry. By overcoming himself, and hewouldcoverhis nose with his hands.” two miles away, “natural horror of lepers.” those whom the rest of society abhorred, the lepers.

Here “allversions of thisstory” refers to the According to Touati “la rencontre du père séraphique avec les malades, le regarde porté à leurs souffrances et Peyroux suggests that through this,Francis “henceforth set his path irrevocably in step with the most wretched

Vita prima Vita Vita Vita Secunda Vita Vita secunda , 248. Latin: , 248.Latin: , 248. Latin: Whatis most interesting aboutthis ultimate moment of conversion for Francis is how it What Francis did notknow was that to completely letgo he would have to learn to love opposite.” the seem they though youeven to sweet taste say will come to know Me, despise yourself. For when the order is reversed, the things I emptyway for things of the spirit, taking the bitter for the sweet. If you want to “Francis,” God said to him in spirit “you have traded what you loved in a fleshly, cum tempore cum vanitatis tempore suae per duomilliaria fere eminus ipsorum suas nares domos propriis respiceret, translated in Enrico Enrico Menestò and Stefano Brufani ed., translated in translated in

Menestò and Brufani ed., Brufani and Menestò leprosos naturaliter abhorrens naturaliter leprosos vita ‘Francisce,’ ‘Francisce,’ inquit illi in spiritu, ‘pro carnaliter et vane dilectis, iam spiritualia

Armstrong,Hellmann, and Short, ed., over the course of the thirteenth century in light of the division in the

Touati, “François d’Assise, “François Touati, Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., 176 vita This repulsion was so great that “when he saw their houses even which do not talk about his conversion process (the 179 178 agree on one point: Francis met a leper on the plains below This, in essence, was the focus of his ministry: providing Fontes Franciscani Fontes Vitae , Menestò and Brufani, ed., Brufani, and Menestò which tell of conversion Francis’s in the plains Assisi. below 55 Fontes Franciscani ” 175. , 292. 175 Francis Francis of Assisi: Early Documents 177 Throughout his youth Francis had a Francis Francis of Assisi: Early Documents Francis of Assisi: Early Documents However, this longstanding this longstanding aversion However, (Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola,1995), Fontes Franciscani, Fontes 174 Legend Legend of Perugia, 451. — The Saint — — The The for , CEU eTD Collection Also see: Rosalind B. Brooke, B.Brooke, Rosalind Also see: Francis, whose virtues associated him with the apostles composition and of their a mission.” saint’s life. Robson, The influence of these standard Athanasiustexts andcan St be Martin glimpsed of in Tours (c. the 316-97) earliest by biographies Sulpicius of Severus Robson were revered notesas the in classical models for his the work of Saint on Bernard Saintand the Francis that Thomasbiographies,used two “[t]he biographies of St Antony the 182 (251-356) by procedure. canonization St However, because Pope Gregory IX was well acquainted with Saint Francis the document was unnecessary for the more common for the held for Saint Francison 16 July 1228. 181 pratique.” une transposé en modèle,à la fois expressiondes mentalités etguid du sentiment à l'égarddes corps référence affligés, à “d’intègre, durant Touati, une centaine d'années au moins,au premier plan du discours social et religieux;le réel est 180 misrepresenting the As saint.such, the serious. Due to this, Francis’s not subject tothe internal struggleofthe Order because itwas written beforethe division became earlier saints order to generate a well rounded and balanced picture of the new saintand used the world as an exemplar of piety and grace. Thomas consulted manypeople who knew Francis in after his death by Thomas of Celano. It was written to present the new saint to the Christian aims. their to important beliefs of the two parties within the order to present the image of used to Francis test which Francis’s devotion. These was most overcomes himself. However, in subsequentversions the leper eventually became a guise Christ gainsedmore details. In the earlier versionsof the With each telling of the life of Francis the story of his meeting with within the Francis’s life that leper adapted and changedmanipulated with and each evolution of the saint’s biography. The representation of The representationof Francis as an individual concerned with the suffering of the sick and the according poor, to The The

Scholars, such as Jacques Le Goff and Michael Robson, have shown that when writing Saint Francis’s Vita Vita prima The The first biographyof Saint Francis, the Touati, “François d’Assise, “François Touati, 182 as a framework for his text. Unlike subsequent biographies, the

was commissioned by Pope Gregory IX in 1228 to accompany the ceremonies of canonization Vita Brooke, Brooke, Life Life of Saint Antony of of a saint to be written prior to their canonization as evidence of the individual’s piety. 180 The Image of Saint Francis Saint The Imageof

The Image of St Francis St The Imageof vitae Robson, vita asmodels: the ” 176. was written in an environment without a motive for Vita prima Vita vitae by St. Athanasius. SaintFrancis of Assisi were were used as a platform to express the image and Life Life ofSaintMartin 56 , 39. . Vita prima Vita presented the official image of the saint, but it vita vita the the leper is only a tool with which Francis Le Le Goff, , , vi. On this matter, 181 was completed a mere two years by Sulpicius Severus and the bySulpiciusSeverus and the Saint Francis of Assisi Saint Francis of Assisi, Brooke Brooke notes that itwas Vita prima Vita , 20. Michael vitae vitae FirstLife of two was was vii. vii.

CEU eTD Collection suimet victoriam perveniret. victoriam suimet Exinde quoque coepit seipsum magis constitutus ac leprosum unum obvium habuit magis die quadam, contemnere,et semetipso quousque fortior effectus accessit, misericordia et 195.osculatus Redemptoris estLatin: eum, ad perfectam 186 saniem extergebat. 185 Saint 184 183 his life was changed. This highlights the current social sentiment towards the position of the When Francis came upon a leper — the figure which was the most horrible sight to Francis — ofthe paragraph next will. God’s be to knewit he because task repulsive of the lepers disgusted Francis. As an example of his obviously repulsive to Francis profound because, only lines earlier, humility, Thomas explains how Francismuch the sight did this washed the filth from them, and even cleaned out the pus of their only sores.” lived among the lepers, but he also “served all of them [the lepers] with great love. lepers He being the elect of God is overtly shown by Francis’s actions towards the leprous. He not thatFrancis “moved to the lepers ( saint. of the wasnotpolemical. Brooke, Ibid. Latin: The Vita prima Vita , 195. Vita Vita prima mercy of the Redeemer, he came to complete victory over himself. over victory complete to came he Redeemer, ofthe mercy osculatus est eum unum the Most High, while still in the clothes of the world, he When he started thinking of holyand useful matterswith the grace metand strength of a leper ( However, despite living among the lepers, conversion Francis’s was not complete. In the According to The Image of St Francis St The Imageof Sed, cum iam gratia et virtute Altissimi, sancta et utilia inciperet cogitare, in saeculari adhuc habitu translated in ) one day. Made stronger than himself, he came up and kissed him ( diligentissime diligentissime serviens omnibus propter Deum, et lavans putredinem omnem ab eis, ulcerum etiam

Menestò and Brufani ed., Brufani and Menestò translated inArmstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., 183 Itwasperhapsthe only Vita Vita prima Vita prima Vita

Armstrong,Hellmann, and Short, ed., Menestò and Brufani ed., Brufani and Menestò ). He then began to consider himself less and less, until by the , 43. Thomas depicts Francis’s final moment ofconversion: moment final Francis’s depicts Thomas it was shortly after renouncing his family and his inheritance ad leprosos Fontes Franciscani Fontes Fontes Franciscani Fontes vita ) ) and stayed with them.” 57 whichmay have accuratelyrepresented the life , 292. Francis Francis of Assisi: Early Documents Francis Francis of Assisi: Early Documents , 292.

184 186 Here the image of the 185 leprosum leprosum This task was — et The Saint — The , CEU eTD Collection as Minister General of the Order in favor of John of Parma, a member of the Spirituals, in 1247. in Spirituals, ofthe member a ofJohn favor ofParma, Orderin ofthe General as Minister was qualified in both medicine and 188 canon law. Rosalind Brooke, day.” this to hasendured and B.century, Brooke, tobe of crucialimportance in focusing the image of the insaint the that early was fourteenth projected, successfully, notes that“Information relatingto St Francis that waswrittendown in the middle yearsof the thirteenth century was 187 official compilation of documents on Francis’s life so soon documentation. after Crescentius, as his an ardent death opponent of might the Franciscan assuage Spirituals, hoped that an requested that brothers who knew Francis and brothers who knew of any miracles send him 1244 the newly elected Minister General of the conversion beganto take a dramatic turnwith therising Spiritual faction. In the leperin Francis’s Franciscan Order, Crescentius of Jesi, dramaticallywithin the Order the image of Francis also began to fracture. the in episodes ‘sweet’ and as such becomes the epitome of AsFrancis’s spirituality. it stands, the order of the rejection of all secular things.The kiss isthe ultimate action of embracing the to ‘bitter’ gain the while he is still disgusted by their presence it shows, in a of bold Francis’s conversion manner, on Francis’s the dramatic kiss. By having Francis’s first interaction with the leper come of a leper should notbe as repulsive as before. Second, because it places the greatest importance Thomas depicts, is living among the lepers when he meets the one whom he will kiss, the sight change istwofold. First, because it makes more sense structurallyfor the narrative. If Francis, as leper — was ultimately reversed in all later versions of Francis’s himself. over mastery complete gain to able was Francis finally leper lepers in society; Francis embraced what most repulsed him. By giving a kiss ( According According to Rosalind Brooke, Crescentius was a well-educated man who had joined the Order later in life.He Despite this growing division within the Order and the manipulation of the image of Francis, Rosalind Brooke However, after the completion of the This sequence of events — moving to live with the lepers and then laterkissing the single (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959),247. Crescentius was later deposed fromhis position Vita prima Vita devalues the importance of this kiss. ofthis importance the devalues The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof 58 Vita Vita prima 102. and as things began to change Early Early Franciscan Government: Elias to vita. The significance of this 187 The incident with osculatus ) to ) to a 188

CEU eTD Collection Documents 193 192 Brooke, see Hellmann, and Short,ed., of serious questions which point to a later date of issue. “Theories abound; definite answers are Armstrong, lacing.” BrothersLeo, Rufino,Angelus, and dated August to 1246. 11 the However, writing within the text suggests a series this text has been difficult 191 190 Francis. ofSaint life onthe ofstories collections comprehensive most the life of SaintFrancis and the early Thisdays document,of calledthe the Order. 189 After life. receiving the message from God Francis, like Jesus in the Gospels, meta leper on the the thathe would one dayeventually be able to fully remove himself from the secular world. Unlike was “overjoyed...and was comforted by the Lord.” comes after an intervention from God. Because of the message he received in his dream, Francis life. onFrancis’s written elsewhere among the early sources.” one which is a “more comprehensive and more comprehensible account than the can life of SaintFrancis inthe be found version of the life written by a brother named Julian of Speyer. Despite this, the presentation of 1241 and 1247. Legend of the Three Companions. new augment and new sources didnotin itselfdrastically alter theimage of the saint, partsof it were usedto create concerns raised by critics of the Franciscans within the Church. Brooke, Brooke, Brooke,

While While he was Minister General, However, it is uncertain if However,it isuncertain if this compilation is in fact the direct result of collection Crescentius’s as the dating of Legend of the Three Companions, Vita prima, Vita Francis’s conversion at the conversion at the hands of the leper in the Francis’s One text which makes use of the wealth of documents compiled by Crescentius is the The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof Francis, St The Imageof — The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof TheFounder thistextexplains where Francis metthe leperthat would change the course of his 191 In places thistext closelyThomas parallelsof Celano’s vitae vitae Francis of Assisi: FrancisAssisi: of Early Documents , 74. for for historians. Attached to the document is a letter which was supposedly written by of Francis which did. which of Francis Crescentius also initiated a search for Crescentius alsoinitiated a search for alldocumentary materialsdealing with the Legend of Legend of Companions the Three 157. 102. 147-9. translated translated in This textclaims to have been composed between the years of 192 As such, it is an invaluable source in the collections

Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., 190

59 193 — The The Saint This comfort was because he understood Legend of Companions Legend of the Three , 16. For a longer discussionon this topic , , as stated byRosalind Brooke,is 189 AssisiCompilation Although this collection of Vita prima Vita Francis Francis of Assisi: Early , is perhaps one of as well as a a as well as also also CEU eTD Collection 195 194 hisnewlife. to transition youth, with each kiss and coin that Francis gave to the lepers at the hospice he reinforced his with his ultimate mastery over himself. Despite the disgust he had felt towards the lepers in his From the moment he exchanged kisses with the leper on the road Francis associated the lepers ofhim: asGoddesired isjust had This them. to hisministry began and conversion Francis moves to the lepers. It was at the Unlike the house of the lepers that Francis cemented his of conversion, Francis’s itwas followed byanother interaction between Francis and the leprous himself. over victorious returns Francis’s kiss with a ‘kiss of peace.’ Here it is the Rather leper than who Francis allowsjust Francis kissing the to leper, be in the Thomas’s from difference key a contains road near Assisi. This final moment of conversion in the Ibid. Ibid. a servant and friend of the lepers. ofthe friend and servant a lepers, was turned into sweetness...With the helpof grace, God’s he became such alms. When he left there, what before had been bitter, that money. Calling is, them to all see and together, as touch he kissed the hand After a fewof days, he moved to a each, hospice of lepers, taking with he him a large sum of gave them While these kissesexchanged between the leper and Francison the road wasthe moment himself. over victory complete to came he grace, byGod’s less,until, and Francis remounted and continued on his way. He began to consider himself less coin, kissing his hand as he did so. After he accepted a kiss of though he peace usually shuddered at lepers, he from made himself dismount, and gave him, him a One day he was riding his horse near Assisi, when he met a leper. And, even Vita prima Vita , inthe Legend of Legend of the Companions Three 195 Vita Prima: Vita 60 Legend Legend of the Three Companions Legend of the Three Companions it is after the kiss on the road that 194 the leper . CEU eTD Collection 198 197 Robson, povertywere to the fore and the development of schools and the use of bookswere treated witha tangible unease.” sayingthat observance of povertyand buildings.” He continueslater, saint “harked back to the halcyon days of the fraternity and were critical of some more recent developments in the 196 Assisi. below events from Thomas’s previous command, and was led throughexperience to the truth of these things.” Francis“wasmoved toobeyimmediatelythe divine forthe ‘bitter,’ from God to trade the ‘sweet’ marked departure from Thomas firstof biographyCelano’s of After the receiving saint. direction Francis. ofSaint teachings and life the detailed known, further commonly constituencies. Thomasattempted to Spirituals, presentthe saintin a waywhichmight satisfythe desiresof both close to Francis. version of Francis’s documents collected by write another biography of Saint Francis. the completion of the biographyof Francis was composed for the Franciscan Order. In 1244, only fifteen years after Brooke, Le Goff, Vita secunda, secunda, Vita Saint Francis of Assisi of Francis Saint felt terrified and revolted, but not and one wanting day as he wasriding to his horse Assisi near he meta transgressleper on the road. He God’s command and Among all the awful miseries of this world Francis had a natural horrorof lepers, The episode in the Roughly around the same time as the moneyand a kiss. Francis immediately mounted his horse and although the field him. As the leper stretched out his hand, expecting something, he received both break the sacrament of His word, he dismounted from his horse and ran to kiss The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof Saint Francis of Assisi Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., Short,ed., and Armstrong, Hellmann, 197 196 The

Vita Vita prima, Vita Despite Despite the motives of the Minister General to strike out against the Remembrance Remembrance of the Desire of a Soul by bringing in the stories from the brothers who had known and been Crescentius. , viii. Vita secunda Vita ,21. MichaelRobson explains that 140. vita Thomas of Celano was commissionedby Crescentius of Jesi to , Francis was first confronted with the leper in the plains T he he aim of this new of conversion Francis’s through the kiss to the leper is a When composing this new Francis of Assisi: Early Documents Assisi: Early of Francis Legend Legend of the Three Companions 61 “questions of “questions of discipline and the preservation of their accounts of their accounts of events during the life of the vita , or the was to augment the previous 198

vita Changing Changing the order of Vita Vita secunda, — Thomas used the TheFounder another another official as it is , 248. CEU eTD Collection 201 200 199 devotion. Francis’s test augmented that the leper waseventually considered to have been Christ, disguised to personally conversion. that the leper was a divine tool who was sent in order to facilitate Francis’s final moment of further in later to be seen. This supernatural element is an addition by Thomas of Celano which was carried of God ‘sweetness’ with a kiss, Francislooked around, searching for the leper who was nowhere the end of this episode in the rest.” the out carry to prepared courageously and sweet forthe bitter the took Thus he mouth, way to the houses of the lepers and, giving moneyto each, he also gave a kiss on the hand and embraced and cared for by the rest of their community. Francis, understanding this, “made his to run away — Francis has to run to Francis the understoodleper. that God wished that lepers be ensure that he does whatGod wants of him — instead ofwhat he wanted to do, which would be episode, the only reason Francis approaches the leper at all is so as not to go against God. To approach to the leper as something about which Francis is hesitant. In fact, in this version of the approaching the leper and then kissing him. In the leper as the fulfillment of God’s plan. In the Peyroux, “The Leper’s Kiss,” 173. Leper’s Peyroux,“The 249. Ibid., 248-9. Ibid., Another Another key departure from earlier Instead of being a moment of conversion, the anywhere. leper the was wide open, withoutany obstructions, when helooked around he could not see 201 In future versions (mostly those written bySpiritual authors) this element was so vitae and stories of Saint Francis.The leper’s mysterious disappearance suggests 199 Vita secunda, Vita . Having . Having turned the of ‘bitterness’ the lepersinto the vitae vitae 62 of Francis is the disappearance of the leper at Vita Vita prima Vita Vita secunda, Vita Vita secunda Thomas shows Francis calmly however, however, Thomas depicts the treats the kiss given to the 200

CEU eTD Collection the Dominicans at Strasbourg in 1260 which enacted similar legislation regarding regarding legislation similar enacted 1260which in Strasbourg at Dominicans the the Saint: “This decision, which has provoked historians’wrath, may have been inspired by the general chapter of 207 Assisi could show that the Franciscan Order had deviated from Francis’s axiomatic intentions. 206 life. ofFrancis’s events the depict to Thomas of Celano’s 205 204 General. Minister be to was he elected which at Brothers 203 Cullen, Christopher see: Bonaventure, canonized in 1482 and in 1588 he was declared Order of Lesser Brothers. Bonaventure a wasone of the most influentialtheologians doctor in the Ages; Highhe Middle was of the Church. For a more While detailed he biography was studying of at the Saint faculty of arts at the in was very ill 1243, andit Bonaventure was only after joined his mother the made a vow Franciscan to Francis on his behalf that he recovered from his illness. SaintFrancis; he does credit his devotion to the Franciscan Order As to intercession. a Francis’s child, Bonaventure 202 pressure of public business, he would eagerly beg the divine kindness to show him whatway to he complete his transition to an entirely spiritual life; “he was removing himself from the in Francis’s conversion to a spiritual life. Before meeting the leper, Francis was searching for a burned. and collected were they ofthis because and forbidden were to end the internal division plaguing the Order, Bonaventure’s peace to the growing dissent within the order. In This new biography 1266, of Saint Francis, the at the General Chapter meeting, vita conclusion of the General Chapter in Narbonne in 1260, Bonaventure was asked to write a new general by the Conventuals to try and restore a sense to unity to the diverging Order. Because of this, on 2 February 1257, Bonaventure disseminated across the medieval world — both within and outside the Franciscan Order. Robson, Short,ed., and Armstrong, Hellmann, Brooke, Despite Despite being biographya of ‘new’life Francis’s and the legacy, Born in Bagnoregio, near Viterbo, around 1221, Bonaventure never claims in any of his writings to have met Despite Despite the intentions of the of SaintFrancis to bring uniformity to the diverse materials on life of the order’s founder. , 20. The The By the middle of the thirteenth century these multiple depictions of Francis had been Saint Saint FrancisAssisi of The The Image of St Francis Legenda major Legendamajor Vita Secunda Vita provides the longest and most descriptive version of the role lepers’ Legenda Major as well as other important religious texts and documents which had been written , 7. Regarding the ,7.Regardingthe declaration to recall and destroy allother earlier biographies on was declared to be wasdeclared to be the only official , 242. Interestingly, Bonaventure was not present at the meeting of the Lesser Bonaventure Francis of Assisi: Early Documents Assisi: Early of Francis , according to Jacques Le Goff it did not include any text which Legenda major (New York: , Oxford University 2006). York: (New 63 206 all other documents regarding Francis’s life 202 was appointed to the position of minister LegendaMajor , 205 was also meant to unify and bring — TheFounder vita 207 vitae

includes substantial portions of of Francis’s life. In a life. In a hope ofFrancis’s of St Dominic.” Ibid, 7-8. Ibid, ofStDominic.” Le Le Goff, , 495. Saint Francis of 203 At the 204

CEU eTD Collection 210 209 The Founder 208 secunda Vita ofhisnewone. arms the into and life hisprevious from away isrunning Francis seen as a desire to complete his conversion and leave the secular world worried he might completelyrun away and break a promise behind. to God. the Rather, running towards the leperis mercy to the leper he met on the road. Francis is not running towards the leper because he is become To a ‘knightof Francis Christ’imitated the actionsNew Testament of Jesusby showing overcome hisaversion and embrace the leper in the manner whichwas in line desire. with God’s because the meeting still filled him with horror and when he disgust. came upon the leper Francis wasstill ‘inthisworld’ which Franciswasnotpreparedfor. Despite that, he was able to In this text Bonaventure highlights how the meeting between Francis and the leper was one Assisi: below plains hishorseonthe riding while leper upona comes Francis himself, self.” one’s over victory with his spirit that a spiritual merchantmust begin with contempt for the world and a knight of Christ fully overcome himself in favor of the spiritual. All Francis knew was that “it was suggested to should do.” Ibid. Ibid. The The Legenda Legenda major something, he gave him money with a kiss. a with money him gave he something, his horse and ran to kiss him. As the leper stretched out his hand as if to receive conquer himself if he wanted to become a knightof Christ, he dismounted from perfection he had already conceived in his mind, and remember that he must first This unforeseen encounter stuckhim with not a Recalling little the horror. plan of Again inthe Bonaventure Bonaventure next follows in the tradition which was started byThomas of Celano in the , 533. 208 . After kissing the leper and giving alms, giving and leper kissingthe After . According According to Bonaventure, Francis was still unsure of how he would be able to translated in Armstrong, Hellmann,and Short, ed., Legendamajor 209

, while trying , while trying to figureouthowto fullybecome a master over 64 210 Francis of Assisi: Early Documents —

CEU eTD Collection 213 212 211 Francis met in the plains below Assisi was Christ in disguise, he does bring of the humbling himself association before them. Though Bonaventure does not explicitly state that the leper who of had the overcome lepers,the was‘bitterness’able to visit them and enjoy the ‘sweetness’ life. spiritual a to hisconversion cemented finally he —that hisyouth in him horrified greatly the world.secularItis thisaftervision when Francis visited the leperhouses— whichplaces had vision Bonaventure explains that Francis was finallyready to let go completelyof his place in Christ’s passion was so impressed on the innermost recesses of his heart.” to him fastened to a cross. This vision was one which greatly affected him and “the memory of done. had he ofwhat byGodFrancis to affirmation asan isseen here leper ofthe disappearance solidified, in Francis’s mind, his desire to complete his Bonaventure, it was conversion the combination of to meeting the leper this and the leper’s new disappearance which life. The Bonaventure paid more attention to the disappearance of the leper than Thomas of Celano. For Ibid. Ibid. 534. Ibid., 533-4. Ibid., The The idea of the leper being Christ in disguise is also expanded in this passage. Francis, Later in this chapter of the greater. onthe always embark to ofthis, proposing,because while Lord, anywhere. He began, therefore, filled with wonder and joy, to sing praises to the the open plain stretched Immediately clear mounting his in horse, however, and all turning all directions, around, even he though could not see the leper great drive of compassion kissed their hands and their mouths. their handsand kissedtheir ofcompassion drive great their houses frequently, generously distributed alms to them, and with deeds a of humility and humanity to lepers with a gentle piety. He despised visited as a leper, he, in order to Christ despise himself crucified, completely, showed who according so to too did even the gazing upon them from text a distance. But, of nowFor because previously not of the onlyhad association with prophetlepers horrified him greatly, appeared Legenda Legenda major 65 Francis has a vision in which Christ appeared 213 212 211 Because of this CEU eTD Collection document as “The Assisi Compilation.” as“The document Short,ed., Perugina [Legend of Perugia] Angeli Sociorum S. Francisci [The Writings [Ancient of Legend], Leo, I Fiondi Rufino dei and Tre Compagni [The Angelo, Flowers Companions of the of Three Companions], St,215 Scripta Francis],Leonis, Rufini Legenda et 214 is a prominentSpiritual text which is commonly referred to as the Order after 1260, other of hisnewlife. aspect responsible for Francis leaving behind his old life he viewed caring for them as an important saw serving lepers was the ultimate act of humility and godliness. Because the humility and lepers mercy. After were that, particularly because of the disappearance of the leper, Francis faithfulness,broughttheFrancis’s leper to him onthe road so that he,like Christ, could showhis is depicted as being a logical extension of his conversion. Francis understood that God, to test conversion in Bonaventure’s Despite the alterations from the previous continues: Bonaventure hisministry. in role important an why the leprous were suchan important groupfor Francis, as well aswhy theycontinued to play exactly understand tohelpsexplanation This here.forefrontthe toleprousthe Christandbetween Ibid., 539. Ibid., The Despite Despite being designated as the onlyofficial life of Francis recognized bythe Franciscan illnesses. physical and spiritual healing in effectiveness miraculous had remarkable devotion. As a result, he received such power from the Lord that to he be a physician of the Gospel bandaged even sores, drew pus kissed from wounds and their wiped away ulcerousfilth. He who wounds was soon out of them, his serving them all most diligently From for there the God’s lover sake. of He profound washed humility moved their to feet, the lepers and lived with To further show Francis’s growing humility and devotion to the lepers in his new life, Legend of Perugia Francis of Assisi: Early Documents vitae vitae has been published under a number of different titles, including “ and and of of the saintwere still written after the Legendamajor Compilatio Compilatio Assisiensis — The Saint vitae, . Here, when Francismovesto live withthe lepers, it 66 the the lepers remain at the forefront of Francis’s

, 16.The translation being used for this study calls this [The [The Assisi Compilation]. Legend of Perugia Legenda major. Legenda major. ” ” Armstrong, Hellmann, and 214 Legenda Legenda Antiqua Onesuch text . 215 Though Though CEU eTD Collection The Founder 218 Brooke, wrote.” companions According to Brooke, “many scholars still217 doubt that Documents Early the stories as we Biblioteca have communale Augusta them in Perugia, truly dated 1311.” Armstrong, represent Hellmann, and what Short, ed., the 216 to Saint Mary of Portiuncula. There he sees a brother called James the Simple ministering to a Thisbecomes humility. clearlyevident in a later episode of this collection where Francis returns earlier. centuries had Christ manner the in life of living to humility above all other aspects of their Forspirituality. Francis, this was the ultimate means in hospitals of lepers to serve them.” beginning of [Francis] the wanted religion, the after brothersthetobrothers stay grewinnumber, leprous was of greatest importance to Francis. The being of the lepers. It is explained early in this collection that to live with and minister to the collection. There is no doubt in this text that Francis held deep love and concern for the well- himself. over master become finally had he once began Therefore, the momentof his conversion was notlife life important only astohis Francis’s ‘real’ Francis observed the Gospels literally from the moment of his The collection conversion emphasizes until the unrelenting his spirituality of death. Francis. According to this collection of the saint which, if true, could only have been known to those who knew Francis personally. attributed to BrothersLeo, Angelo, Ruffino, and was completed around 1311, long after the completion the saint’s earlier biographies. it claims to have been composed between 1244 and 1260 it is more likely that its final version “The Manuscripttradition of The The exact authorship of this text has been widely disputed and debated in the study of Franciscan hagiography. The Assisi CompilationThe Associating Associating with the lepers in the Despite the omission of the kiss, the leper still remains an important figure in this , 123. — TheSaint translated in Armstrong,Hellmann,andShort,ed., translated in The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof , 16.

the the Legend of Perugia 218 Francis wanted the brothers to remember their devotion Legend of Perugia 104. is considerably more simple: it is found in Codex 1046 of is considerablymore simple:itis foundin Codex1046 of the 67 217 this collection isfull of stories and anecdotes Legend Legend of Perugia served as a testament of ultimate Francis of Assisi: Assisi: EarlyDocuments Francisof explains “thus at the Francis Francis of Assisi: 216 Widely Widely —

CEU eTD Collection 222 The Founder 221 Francis, example for Christian living. Italso exemplifies the paradox of Brooke, authority within the Order.” didnot care for allhisactions: a simple who laycould brother, help other poor folkand the andafflicted setthem an 220 219 byhisactions. required be to believed he penance the complete Francis his then behavior. asked Brotherthe Peter, Minister General of the to order, allowhim to he associated with the essence of his apostolic lifestyle, Francis was determined to make up for Because Francis believed what he had said to Brother James was insulting to the leper, a figure because blessed Francis believed that in reproving Brother James he had shamed the leper.” and he told his fault to Brother Peter of Catania, who was then However, upon general saying these things minister, to Brother James, especially Francis“immediately reproached himself, church. the at leper the with James Brother uponseeing manner strange a in reacts approved of within the Order. he was simple andcaredforthe lepers, Jamesisseenas the type of brother whom Francis readily with the worst sores because “he gladlytouched, changed, and treated theirwounds.” leper who is covered with sores. Brother Jameswas considered to be like a doctor for the lepers Ibid. Accordingto Brooke “Brother James is revealedas the kind of brother Franciswarmly approved of 166. Ibid., The Assisi CompilationThe Brother Peter Brother Peter so venerated and feared blessed Francisandwas so obedientto him, sores. whosevere had lepers to the church of Saint Mary, especially because Brother Jameswas very andsimple, andhe often wentwith a leper especially because people usually did abhorred not want him to take those with severe sores outside thatthe Brother hospital. James This helped was and served them, the holy father said this because Blessed he Francis used to call lepers ‘ChristianAlthough brothers.’ he was pleased Christian brothers about in this way since it should nottakeAs our ifreproving Brother is James,blessed Francistold him: “You not right for you or for them.” penance: penance: I will eattogether with my Christian brother from the same dish.” While other times, it hurt him inside and that out. he Blessed would Francis not said: presume “Let to this change be his my obedience, although then, and many 121. , 166. translated in Armstrong,Hellmann,andShort,ed., translated in 220 Despite Francis’s desire to humble himself to the leprous, he 221 68 Francis of Assisi: Assisi: EarlyDocuments Francisof The The Image of St 219 — Because even if even if he 222 —

CEU eTD Collection Complete Works Works Complete we have promised to the testament and Lord.’” “declared that he Regiswas writing it ‘so J. that we may Armstrong, observe in a and more Catholic remembrance manner the Ignatius Rule of which C. his lifetime Brady, trans., and the considered things a which God binding had document called or him seen considered toto as be do. one another of Francis the most version called controversial documents the of ever written document the by Francis. his He was 226 adamant that it not be task. difficult a seen, Francis of Assisi the attempt to generate a picture of who Francis was or the image he was trying to project of himself. is trying to communicate.According to Le Goff, Francis’s own writings,therefore, cannot be greatly influential in to episodes in his own life which he uses as examples to his followers in order for them to understand a message he by him,and because it provides an insight into the desiresof the saint.In hiswritings, however,there are allusions material.The 225 224 223 of Assisi’ that we can deduce Francis himself wanted to present. appropriate place to conclude this section is with the role of the leper in the life of ‘Saint Francis Francis. ofSaint life onthe source written another in replicated which was noteasily erased from the memoryof the medieval world, butalso one whichwas not himself that he shared a bowl with one of society’s most repulsive outcasts. This is an image Francis eating with the ulcerous leper promoted the figure of a saint who so greatly humbled Order and the Brothers in strict observance to Francis’s views and principles. companions remembered him and also to present an image of Francis which would keep the for making the collection. Theywanted both to present an image of Francis based on how his Brooke, Brooke, 167. Ibid., The Despite Despite all his writings dealing with his vision of the Order,Francis never composed any truly autobiographical Testament It seems, therefore, in light of the controversies plaguing the Order, that the most Thisstory in the it. into deformed and bloody, so that whenever he put them in the bowl, sores blood dripped and ulcerated, and especially the fingers with was which placed he between was the eating two were of them. blessed The Francis was leper sitting at was the table completelywith the covered leper and other with brothers, a bowl The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof Testament Testament 223 (New York: Paulist Press, Paulist 1982),153. York: (New ,14-7. This, therefore, makes reconstructing the image of Francis, as Francis himself wanted to be was dictated by Francis and completed in October 1226, shortly before his death. It has been is the is the closest to thissort of document which exists, as it is believed to have been composed Legend of Perugia 120. exemplifies exemplifies the two-partmotivation of the Spirituals 69 Rule . Instead, he wanted it to be read as a 225 In his Francis and Clare: The Testament 224 The story of Le Le Goff, , 226 Saint Saint the CEU eTD Collection Saint 227 Asidea the of dominantcompassion textstowardsofthe transmitting Francis’s leprous.Francis’s charityor his miracles (for example his stigmata), they were nonetheless an importantmeans of world. While images of his interactions with the leprous are notas numerous as hisother acts of for hisconversion. catalyst ultimate, perhaps and final, the asbeing role their lepers were of the greatest importance thistoplacementWith him. in his By placing them and in cared a for. dominant positionin this personal textFrancis shows that the show him the error of his ways. Lepers were not to be avoided and cast out, but to be embraced horrifying the lepers had once been to him, but also explains how it took God’s intervention to does show to his readers how important the meeting was to his life. Francis acknowledges how worldbehind. secular the leave completely life. Before he mettheleper he was in sin,andonly after the Lord led him to them he wasable to Assisi that, in his mind, allowed him to fullyovercome the influence of the secular world in his able tofully let go of all worldly ideals. For Francis, it was meeting the leper inthe plains below Francis understood thatGod brought him to the lepers and through interacting with them he was read: document ofthis lines opening The position. prominent closest document to an autobiography, Francis himself places the figure of the leper in a

The The Testament , 124. Written Written sources were not the only means for presenting Francis’s Although Francis does not chronicle his actual meeting of the leper in his world. the left and little a delayed seemed bitter to me was turned into sweetness Andof afterwardssoul I and body. led me among them and Ishowed mercyAndto when them.I left them, what had when I wasin sin, itseemed too bitterfor me to And see the lepers. Lord Himself The Lord gave me, Brother Francis, thus to begin doing penance in this way: for translated in

Armstrong, Hellmann, and Short, ed., 227 70 Francis Francis of Assisi: Early Documents Testament vitae to the medieval Testament he he highlights — The , he CEU eTD Collection 229 228 saint. the because it depicts a number large of smaller life scenes surrounding ofa Francis’s image large of he panel was moved to the Bardi Chapel in the late sixteenth century. mighthave been commissioned in 1252 for the firstFranciscanchurch in Florence. Bardi Chapel at Santa Croce in Florence. The exact date of it’s painting is unknown, though it Church. therefore, served as a means to disperse his reading community to be affected byFrancis’s story. The use of visual depictions of his life, vitae Ibid. Brooke, were were written in Latin, the physical depictions of Francis allowed more than the Latin One image which depicted Francis caring for lepers was on the Bardi Altar Panel in the The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof 176. vitae vitae 71 to individuals outside of the Order and the 229 This panel is unique 228 However, CEU eTD Collection 231 Giotto 230 . towards eternal path a seeking forpeople model role a asbeing onFrancis emphasis places this like arrangement an Brooke to According hislifetime. during ofFrancis actions the highlights arrangement This Brooke, Brooke, Chiara Frugoni, (Torino: Giulio Einaudi editore, 1993). Image 31. 1993).Image editore, Einaudi Giulio (Torino: The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof Francesco Francesco e l’invenzione delle stimmate: una storia per parole e immagini fino Bonaventura 231 The painting was well thought out and as such can be ‘read’ by its byits ‘read’ be assuchcan and out thought was well painting The 176. Florence, Santa Croce, Bardi Chapel Bardi Croce, Santa Florence, Fig. 1. The Bardi Altarpiece 1.TheBardi Fig. 13 72 th Century 230 CEU eTD Collection 234 233 232 and feet ways:washingtheir twodistinct in lepers forthe caring twice, isdepicted Francis piece, in forliving model asa his role as aswell Christ to life ofFrancis’s closeness the emphasize They ministry. ofFrancis’s aspects important the highlight panel, onthe it to foundclose images the with coupled image, This stands. Francis where below just panel, ofthe column ofissuesthemes. and variety ona commentaries sermonsand fornumerous material provided piece As altar suchthis levels. onmany treated be can and ofmanners variety a in audiences Brooke, Brooke, Frugoni, 178. Ibid., The scene which depicts Francis’s interactions with the lepers is found on the right-hand right-hand isfoundonthe lepers the with interactions Francis’s depicts which scene The The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof Francesco e l’invenzione delle stimmate delle l’invenzione e Francesco 186. imitatio Christi imitatio Florence, Santa Croce, Bardi Chapel Bardi Croce, Santa Florence, The Bardi Altarpiece -Detail Altarpiece The Bardi , Image 171. , Image . 13 73 234 th In this particular frame of the Bardi altar altar Bardi ofthe frame particular Inthis Century 233 232 CEU eTD Collection conforming to a long tradition.” tradition.” long a to conforming of the poor, particularly on Thursday, in imitation of Christ, http://www.sacredbible.org/catholic so Francis’act of humility must be seen as 238 237 236 stimmate delle l’invenzione e 235 his image. in shouldfollow they leprous) forthe ascaring aswell ofothers feet washingthe in seen be can meaning dual a (here ofChrist image the in was asFrancis following just that viewers its tells foryou,soshouldyoudo.” done also asIhave just so that example, an you given words GospelofJohn;“ForIhave the Jesus the following spokein istherefore image feet.” disciples’ washedthe and basin a into water poured and towel a taken had Supper Christ Last the “at Supper; Last the to reference asa seen be can image this in Francis of twofigures the between hanging towel the even that notes Brooke lepers. ofthe feet the washes too Francis supper, last the before ofhisdisciples feet As washedthe Christ Christ. with towardsFrancis. out arms his spotted infectious and gruesome particularly look to seem They lepers. ulcerated severely ofthree feet the and legs washingthe Francis child. her wouldhold mother waya same the in much his lap, in leper showsa holding left Francis onthe image The ofcharity. acts similar performing twice isdepicted Francis which in altar whole onthe image only isthe it Interestingly, them. holding Ibid. Brooke, Itis also reminiscant of holding the the bodyof the lifeless Jesus in the John 13:15 translated in The imagery of these two scenes places a great deal of emphasis on Francis’s relationship onFrancis’s ofemphasis deal great a places twoscenes ofthese imagery The

The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof , 377. “Catholic “Catholic Public Domain Version of the Sacred Bible,” (accessed 17 January 2011, Brooke, Brooke, ). Brooke notes that “over the centuries monks and princes had washed the feet 187. The Image of St Francis, Francis, St The Imageof 236 as one is scratching at his sores while another is reaching isreaching another hissores while at isscratching asone 74 188. 235 The image on the right shows right onthe image The pieta pieta 238 The image therefore therefore image The images. Frugoni, 237 Francis in this in Francis Francesco Francesco CEU eTD Collection accepter les conséquences: prendre part individuellement aux souffrances duSauveur.” souffrances aux individuellement part prendre conséquences: les accepter franchir le pas 239 was alone. There was no one around and yet he still approached the leper out of the desire to compassion. showsleprous same the Francis’s touch does not heal the leper like Christ’s touch did, his continued ministry to position as the a figure of the revival of living in to live in close accordance with the Gospels. This interaction with the leper highlights Francis’s stories as well as the life of Saint Martin after him. aim Francis’s in hislife and hisministry was meeting of the leper on the road directly imitates the actions of Christ in the New Testament where the meeting between the leper and Francis took place. As has been said already, the leprous. ofthe care towardsand compassion in changes leper, Francis helped to usher in a new understanding of the disease self — realization Francis was able to trade Although the one for he ‘bitter’the did ‘sweet.’ notheal the which spurred given to the leper allowed Francis to finally see himself clearly. physical deformities, Francis’s kissing the leper healed Francis’s soul. Like a mirror, the kiss historical climate of the thirteenth century. Where Martin’s kiss had healed the leper from his acting within a longstanding tradition, actions Francis’s were revolutionary in many ways in the and the leper — had long been looked upon as the ultimate gesture of humility. Though still be the physicallylast. cross To the boundary between the clean and the unclean — the holy man Summary

Touati, “François Touati,d’Assise, What is of particular interest in these multiple versions of Francis’s Saint Francis of Assisi wasby no means the first holy man to kiss a leper, nor would he The The other interesting element of Francis’s conversion is that it took place when Francis — embrasser embrasser le lépreux 179.“La vision du lépreux agit comme un miroir de sa propre condition de pécheur; — signifie reconnaître humblement cette condition partagée par tous et en imitatio imitatio Christi 75 in in the High Middle Ages. Though 239 Because of that moment of vita is the setting CEU eTD Collection 240 disguise the association was also present as a link between the suffering of the leper and the Where the later versionsof Francis’s deserving of charity. leper houses, Francis showed to all those who reador saw hishagiographies that the lepers were giving the moneyto the leper in the fields Assisi below as well asthe charity he provided at the medieval Theysociety. were poor beggars who relied on the charity of others, like Francis. By a coin from Francis along with the kiss, the stories depicted the role the leper had playedthe image of the in leper as a deserving pauper, ofand charity, Christ-like. Since the leper received favor. God’s and sanctity, ofhumility, indicator an became leper towards a renewal, many other individuals followed closely in Francis’s footsteps; showing compassion legacy extended beyond the boundaries of his order. As Christianity experienced a sense Francis’s period of much humbling themselvestime, in the same wayChristhad earlier. centuries of lepers. Brothers — according to early statutes — were expected to live among the lepers for a Aleprosy. central tenant of his order was ministering to the poor and the sick, specifically the vitae Ages andMiddle well into the modern era. continued to affect devotional discourse as well as religious life through the remainder of the spiritual. the moment of his transition from the secular to the sacred, Francis shows the individual impact of followin the path laid outbynoChrist.With witnesses to the mostimportant event and ultimate Julie Orlemanski, “How to Kiss A Leper,” Leper,” A “HowKiss to Orlemanski, Julie , , Francis played a decisive role in the evolving religious and social understandings of Through Through all his reported interaction with the leprous, Francis’s hagiography emphasized Francis’s impact on the medieval world is undeniable. Kissing a leper, as a paradigm, Postmedieval Postmedieval 240 It is possible that, through the dissemination of the 76 (Forthcoming). vitae vitae hinted at the leper being hinted atthe leperbeing Christ in CEU eTD Collection one man kissing a leper will be examined in the following chapter. chapter. following the in examined be will leper kissinga man one donations to both the leprous and for institutions which provided for their care. These effects of eager to follow in his example, collections of sermon This kiss directlyinformedthe positionwithin exempla,bothreligion andsociety. and the rise in charitable imitatio Christi helped bridge the gapbetween medieval society and the lepers. In reviving the idea of living in the most repulsive figure in medieval society. Saint Francis, through his actions and legacy, — one of revival, reflection, and new exclusions — that Francis stepped forward and embraced marginsof medieval cities, howthey were perceived changedIt slowly. was within this moment excluded lepers and medieval society. Though lepers remained segregated and reduced to the although manipulated to suit contemporary purposes, helped to blur the line between the leper. ofthe images evolving nature of Francis’s suffering of Christ. Despite the impact of the controversy within the Franciscan order on the The The extensive hagiographic tradition which developed around the legacy of the saint, Francis brought caring for — and indeed kissing — lepers to a more central vitae , all versions of his life served to reinforce these positive 77 vitae vitae of of numerous saints CEU eTD Collection sull’alto medioevo, 1991),129-30. medioevo, sull’alto aux XII divina remuneratio. oportet dimicare...sed sicut non deficiunt temptamenta ita non deficiunt remedia. Precedit enim temptatio, succedit 241 the volunteers who provided the care, the influence of Francis can be seen particularly in the there were manycatalysts for the rise in the numbers of both care facilities for the leprous and number of new establishments grew greatly over the course of the thirteenth Although century. ofGod. elect the asbeing of lepers seen acrossthere medievalare society, three areas which bestrepresent the rise of the perception secular and ecclesiastical communities. While the shift in social perceptions of leprosy can be perceptions also resulted in a greater outpouring of charity given to the leprous byfor both the the leprous by members of both the lay between the leprousand the healthybecame more Thispermeable. andcan be seen in the rise of care ecclesiastical communities. This shift in Although the lepers remained segregated from medieval settlements and cities, the boundary and the sick, helped bring the social perception of lepers as The elect legacy of his of act of God compassion, coupled with to the Franciscan the devotion to serving forefront. the poor the

Nullus Nullus enim super terram potest uiuere sine temptatione, sed cum una uincitur succedunt alie, contra quas vitae vitae ème Although Although leper hospitals (or leprosaria) had been founded before Francis’s life, the While it is true thatboth understandings of leprosy still existed after the dissemination of et XIII of of Saint Francis, the kiss he gave the leper shook the medieval perception of leprosy. ème Guibert de Guibertde Tournai, siècles, ed. Nicole Bériou and IV. The Medieval Leper: Inclusion Through Exclusion Through Inclusion Leper: The Medieval IV. Translation mine. Translation Sermo Sermo I follows the divine reward. divine the follows not stop. Because you see, first comes occasionsfortrials do the not stop, so alsothe do remedies trial, then Against those it is But whenever one trial necessary is overcome, others will follow. to fight...But For no one upon the just earth can live without being tried. as in Voluntate dei leprosus: les lépreux in Voluntate entre conversion et exclusion François-Olivier François-Olivier Touati (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi 78 Guibert de Tournai, Tournai, de Guibert Sermon 1 241 CEU eTD Collection Harrison and Sons,Harrison and 1907),31. him, and spits that mucus into his left hand.” thy fingers Whitley will strip Stokes,my skintrans., off: put thy mouth round The it.’cleric puts his mouth round the nose and sucks “‘Now However, it saysleper. my the Moling nose,’to leper.gives his hand to him to blow says it.the ‘Nay!’‘for leper, his clothing (so that the roughness of his clothing would not harmthe leper’s delicate skin) and went to pick up the his 242 the disease of leprosy can be clearlyseen. Sermons which had earlier warned healthy members leprosos were the sermons delivered by members of the ecclesiastical community. In the sermons hagiography. Francis’s in played had they role surpassing the became an important figure in many hagiographiesAges, ofin the manyHighcases Middle even used their The money leper to establish leper hospitalsand to physicallyparticipate intheirwork. licking thirteenth century hagiographies depicted saints embracing, kissing, and even, in some cases, up the mantle of Francis and in most cases went even further in their acts of humility. Many to be seen asone ofthe ultimate acts of humilitywhich a holy person could perform. Saints took holymen and women to expresstheir sanctity through caring for care lepers. To for lepers came shown tolepers in the hagiography of Ages.saintsFrancisin setthe a HighprecedentMiddle for ofnewestablishments. foundation supportforthe asfinancial well leprosariatheywere able to provide directcare tothe devotion With sickto as the Christian faith. members of the laity in the thirteenth century also began to search for ways to express people their could take control of their spiritual lives without joining the clergy. In the same way, number of leprosaria dedicated in his name. As a layman, Francis provided an example of how As in the case of the Irish Saint Moling,who will not be discussed in this thesis. Saint Moling in one episode of Life came upon a leper on the road who wished for Moling to take him to the local church. Moling removed all 242 The The final area ofmedieval life whichreflected the changing attitudes towardsthe leprous Perhaps the mostdirect impact of legacyFrancis’s can be seen in the rise of compassion which which remain bytoday, preachers like Jacques the de changing Vitry, attitudes towards the sores of lepers.Some, like SaintElizabeth ofHungaryand SaintHedwig of Silesia, 79 The The Birth and Life of St. Moling (London: (London: ad CEU eTD Collection leprosaria began in the eleventh century. However, theirnumbers continuedto growsteadilyHowever, well leprosaria began in the eleventh century. built outside the city walls. As has been discussed previously, the for the organized foundation of centers of foundation care. These hospitals and residence of centers for the leprous were between the sick and the healthytoprovide directcare tothe leprous, othersprovided financially as a means to express religious devotion. While some individuals would cross the boundary century, provisions for their care also began to change. Providing care for God’s elect was seen oftheLeprous Changes intheCare Ages. HighMiddle the in bring to the forefront the impactlife of and Saintlegacy Francis’s on the treatment ofthe leprous century began to blur the lines between society and its outcasts. This chapter, therefore, will segregated from the rest of society, the rise in compassion shown to of them the sinful, butinstead itwas viewed in as a Although mark they of divine were God’s favor. still the thirteenth cared for them. Because of this, leprosywas no longer predominantlyconsidered to be a disease example of a means to get closer to God — both the lepersthemselves and those who provided perception of the disease in the thirteenth century. Saint Francis’s legacy made the leprous an next. the in suffering God with without live could they worldso this that in still while manner lepers in their churches and leprosaria. Preachers focused on the benefits of living in a leprosy holy as a divine reward. Often these sermons were tailored to be preached directly to of the society of the relationship between sin and leprosy began to focus instead on the idea of As attitudes began to change positivelytowards the leprous at the turn of the thirteenth These three areas of changes in the care of the leprous highlight the changing social 80 CEU eTD Collection société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société 246 England. and ofFrance that to compared small relatively still is also data onthis research the Sweden.However, and of Finland 245 section. this in discussedlater be will This MaryMagdalen. to dedicated been had which book Inher England. 244 jusqu'au XIII 243 charter from Maison Peinte states that the leprosarium oughtto provide a place to rest for those medieval world. This idea can be seen in the remaining foundation charters. For example, one leprosaria providedcentury, a place for lepers to be included somehow in the social fabric of the lepers who had been separated from society due to their disease. Instead, in the thirteenth time. the both because of this wealthofdata and because of thestrong mendicantinfluence in the region at France hasexamining been the selected rise ofthe network of leprosaria inthe thirteenthcentury. François-Olivier Touati Ages has been conducted in France England. world provide a comparable picture. Presently the greatest research on leprosaria in the Middle However, with the spread of the Franciscan Order, leprosaria in other regions of the medieval date, been limited. researchspread on Unfortunately, acrossthe the leprosaria medieval in West. to Italyhas largely, disease. ofthe perceptions social changing ofthe marks physical were and landscape medieval medieval landscape was important. As such, leprosaria became into prominent the thirteenth features century. of the Peter Richard’s book Richard’s Peter and ofFrance that with whencompared minimal relatively isstill but done, hasbeen research some Indeed, This study will use the data from books Touati’s for primary sources as well as reference: “La présence confirmée, à partir de la fin du XI By the turn of the thirteenth century leprosaria were no longer simply places to house it quickly greatest influence wasseenin Italyin the thirteenth century, Although Francis’s e siècle au moins.” moins.” au siècle The Making of the Magdalen Magdalen the of The Making and and 244 The Medieval LeperandHis NorthernHeirs The Medieval François-Olivier Touati, Touati, François-Olivier As such, it would not provide a basis for reliable conclusions here. 246 Touati, Touati, on the leprosaria in the province of Sens in France as a basis for 243 The role of the leprosaria in both medieval society and on the Maladie et société au Moyen Âge auMoyen société et Maladie Jansen discusses the presence of some of the leprosaria in Italy Italy in leprosaria ofthe ofsome presence Jansen discusses the Archives de la lèpre la de Archives e siècle, des léproseries dont le nombre ne cesse de croître 81 245 This study will use the data compiled by also discusses cases of leprosaria in the region region the in discussesofleprosaria also cases . , 250. Touati, Maladie Maladie et CEU eTD Collection 250 249 exclusivement.” 248 247 province of Sens. The greatest concentration of these new leprosaria was around the dioceses of references to leprosaria in Sens. By 1250, ninety-three new leprosaria had been built across the foundation charters, city documents, and other vast. assorted Not limited official solely to documents archaeological evidence, which Touati compiled made this data also based foundations on of new leprosaria. Information which hints at the existence of these leprosaria is leprous. forthe care to meant it what and itself leprosy ofboth perceptions changing the the foundations of leprosaria over the course of the thirteenth centuryactuallycorresponds with the disease is therefore not necessarily true. Itis, therefore, possible to positthat the increase in to fill all of these hospitals. there is no archaeological or historical evidence to suggestthat leprosywas widespread enough For example, by 1227 King LouisVIII of France had over 2,000 leprosaria in his kingdom, but foundations of leprosaria did not necessarily indicate a rise in the predominance of the disease. leprosaria for 3,297 parishes by the end of the fourteenth century. of urban centers in medieval society. health. physical oftheir characteristic a simply instead but health, ofspiritual neglect disease was not seen as being a divine punishment borne by those infected because ladicte of maladie de their lepre qui sont vacabons et mendiens who suffered from the “sad disease of leprosy” ( Touati, Touati, Touati, ofMaisonPeinte, leprosarium century fourteenth was forthe charter This “Leur développement accompagne celuides centres urbains, principalement en chaque siège diocésain mais pas Touati, Touati, The The beginning of the thirteenth century saw the beginnings of a dramatic push in the According the to Touati leprosaria in France developed alongside the rising development Archives de la lèpre la de Archives Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie Touati, Touati, Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie , 9. 250 Arguing Arguing that the multiplication of leprosaria indicates a spread of 294. 248 In the region of Sens, for example, there were 395 82 257. ou ou sont logez gens enfermes [infirmes] de ). 247 Statutes like these suggest that the 249 Archives de la lèpre la de Archives However, the rise of the , 297. CEU eTD Collection 254 253 252 251 from this region was the Saint-Julien-du-Sault. from Founded around 1147 written by in Louis VII ( 1211, this leprosarium was from 1120 in a document of LouisVI ( was dedicatedto Saint Lazarus and The SaintearliestMichael.records of thisleprosarium comes fourteenth centuries.An example from this diocese is a leprosarium founded in Étampes which such, it contained a large number of leprosaria which were founded in the twelfth through Dyonisis Beato de Denis acknowledged the members of a leprosarium present in the region ( Saint-Denis, and was dedicated to Lazarus. In 1231, a document written by the abbot of Saint ejusdemloci de Roule adopusleprosorumleprosariam 1217 and was indicated in the acts of the city ( thirteenth centuryexample of a leprosarium is found inLe ThisRoule. leprosaria was founded in founded between the twelfth century and the middle of the fourteenth century. One early century. thirteenth ofthe turn the growth after (with 30 new leprosaria). It was this last period (1250-1370) which saw the greatest region. In rate this of period, the dominant diocese remained Paris (with 20 new leprosaria) and Sens diocese. the major cities of the region, with 22 founded in the Paris diocese and 28 founded in the Sens

Touati, Touati, Touati, Touati, Touati, Likewise, the diocese of Sens was a dominant religiousarea of the province of Sens.As The diocese of Paris, as a dominant region of Sens, had a large number of leprosarium 251 Archives de la lèpre, lèpre, la de Archives lèpre, la de Archives lèpre, la de Archives Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie In the period between 1250 and 1370 there were 130 new leprosaria founded in this ). 253

316. 336. 322. 282. Stampensibus videlicet leprosis fratribus S. Lazari de Stampis 83 dedimus dedimus licentiam construendi capellam juxta ). 252 Another leprosariaum Anotherleprosariaum wasfounded at ) ) and a second document ). 254 leprosi leprosi Sancti Lazari A second example CEU eTD Collection 257 256 Âge, au Moyen see ofresidence, dates their and names these with Forchart a there. who lived volunteers 255 leprous became a wayfor members of laysocietyto express their piety through caring for God’s of the healthymembersof societybegan donating bothtime and moneyhelpto the theircare.To As the poor. disease began to be seen as a mark of favor from God instead of punishment, many they survived on the alms and the kindness of others, essentially making them members of the fourteenth centuries was charity. Since lepers could not work or otherwise care for themselves Tuscany. Prato, in Campania, and Santa Maria Maddalenade Malsani Aversa, leprosi in Santa Maria Maddalena de’ centuries which were dedicated to her include Santa Maria Maddalena in Terracina in Lazio, Magdalen. years ministering to lepers, located outside of Assisi at the Rivo Torto, was dedicated to the Ages.For example, the leprosarium where Francisisthoughttohave spent his early High Middle Lazarus. Magdalen was a common patron saint of the leprosaria because of her close naming relationship of to the leprosaria as well as the saints to constructed whom their the own chapels chapels and were churches dedicated. for Mary their members. This can be seen first largely in the to the declaration made at the Third Lateran Council and reinforced as leprosaria léproserie.” la de Hughes, prêtre oncle recognized ( Ibid. Jansen, Touati, Touati, One factor which motivated the foundationsof these new leprosaria in the thirteenth and In the High Middle Ages leprosaria were essentiallyreligious institutions. This was due 256 Archives de la lèpre, lèpre, la de Archives The Making of the Magdalen, Magdalen, the of The Making 257 This is one of the areas for which data from Italy is known on the leprosaria of the de de domo leprosorumSancti Juliani 377. Other leprosaria which were founded in Italy in the thirteenth and fourteenth 350. Records of this leprosarium even contain the names of some of the patients and and patients ofthe ofsome names the contain even leprosarium ofthis 350. Records 113. 113. 255 84 ) in an “accord passé entre Milesd’Ordon et son Touati, Touati, Maladie et société société et Maladie CEU eTD Collection Brepols Publishers,2006),208. Brepols Northern France,” in Lester, “Cares Beyond the Walls: poor Cistercian therefore came Nuns to and have a the potent spiritual as Care a meansof charity, mitigatingthe defilement of and accumulated wealth, became all the more pressing. Caringfor the redemptive of dimension Lepers as well in as a Twelfth-and-Thirteenth-Century by the early thirteenth Moreover, social century as trade and particular.profit grew more conspicuous within urban centres, function.” Anne E. to reconsider the place of hospitals and 260 259 258 a potent spiritual component for the benefactors. intothe fourteenth centurymainly because providing care forthe poor and the sick came to have Ages. HighMiddle ordersofthe vowsreligious the of taking and entering without nature of the disease, people moved to the leprosaria as a means to devote themselves to God volunteers who lived and cared for the sick patients. With the changing understanding of the actually even leprous. leprosaria the number of residents was often less than a dozen individuals, few of which were rise of the leprosaria, lepers were provided for in ways they had not been previously. In most personal potential for income was through begging on the streets for alms. However, with the explained, the leprous were notpermitted to work in order to provide for themselves. Their only leprosarium, but also for the provision of care within the building. As has already been disease. towardsthe newattitudes ofthe light in made were they family, donor’s ulterior motives such as the spiritual health and eternal rewards promised for the donor and the her own community in Liège. Maryof Oignies, for example, worked at a leper hospital with her husband before she founded favored people. Many female penitents worked at leper hospitals as an example of their charity. “Recenttrends in historical research informed by developments inanthropology and sociology have led scholars Jansen, Touati, Touati, Foundationsof new leprosaria saw a rise during this period of the thirteenth century and This rise in charitywas not simply the money donated for the foundation of the physical Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie The Making of the Magdalen, Magdalen, the of The Making Religious and Laity in Western Europe, 259 A great number of the inhabitants of the leprosaria were in fact the 258 Although Although these charitable donations mayhave been made with leprosaria 113. 294-300. within within the social fabric of medieval society and urban growth in 85 260 Through helping lepers live their lives in a ed. Emilia Jamroziak and Janet Burton (Turnhout: CEU eTD Collection interacted interacted with the leprous, either in their lifetime or through their postmortem miracles in the both founded leper hospitals and provided direct care to the which will be inhabitants. discussed here, exemplifythe changing Other attitudes towardsthe leprous poor saintsas they who Saint Elizabeth of Hungary and Saint Hedwig of Silesia. Their interactions with the leprous, show of compassion. Two the mostprominent figures of this rising attention to the leprous were saints of the thirteenth centurywent to the leprous out of their own desire to provide care and after Francis. Instead, because of Francis’s impact on the social understanding of leprosy, the compassion. and care of long-term through overtexpressions of humility and compassion (a kiss or other touch) and the provision in the centuriesfollowing death.Francis’s Imitations of piousFrancis’s actionscan be seen both interacting withthe leprouspoor became keyelementsin thehagiographies of a numberof saints their humility and Aspiety. such, crossing the boundary between the healthy and the sick and other saints also adopted caring for the most repulsive members of society as a way to express care. Much in the wayFrancis’s interactions with the leprous were a mark of his extreme piety, settlements, the rise in the number of leprosaria provided a location for individuals to provide Francis After oftheInfected:Saints Veneration disease. towardstheir attitudes changing the reflect leprous the entirelyaltruistic for all benefactors and volunteers, the rise of leprosaria and care provided to own spiritual health. Though the motives behind both forms of charity manner mayappropriate to God both the benefactors and the volunteers not were also taking care of their have been This is not to say that individuals interacted with the lepers only to model themselves Although the lepers were still required to remain outside the boundaries of the medieval 86 CEU eTD Collection 265 2004), Company, Publishing Ashgate (Burlington: Warr Cordelia and Janis Elliott in “The Warr, centuries.” Cordelia 264 Press, Oxford University 2011); York: trans., Wolf, Havas, Ladislaus Takács,Emericus Tegyey (Debrecini: Classica-Mediaevalia-Neolatina III, 2009); Kenneth Baxter Hungary: A European Saint,” in Blessed Princesses Rewritings and Diffusion inthe Thirteenth Century,” 263 219. Ibid., world.” secular the in past their from women religious separated vividly the structure of each and Maryof Oignies process of achieving a penitentialand pious ideal. The actions of women of suchMargaret Huy, of Ypres, asYvette 262 220. Walls,” the Beyond “Cares Lester, Christ-like).” (being earth on own suffering Christ’s mirrored that self-sacrifice and suffering ofphysical life a in byparticipating and Christ), for caring (metaphorically Christ-like be to whothough were disease the with those to directly by ministering ownof form their 261 Francis’s emphasis on providing compassion towards poor and sick as well as his emphasis on Perugia, the same place as Saint Francis, who was arguablythe greatest influence on her life. became an example of female piety, chastity, and charity. Her canonization was pronounced in their practices of povertyCanonized andin charity. 1235 of the Franciscan Order — although she never joined officially — Elizabeth deeply believed in and compassion to the leprous was SaintElizabeth of Hungary. world. secular leprous emphasized the piety of the female saints vividly, separating them from the rest of the outstanding marks of female piety in the thirteenth century. Although many saints of both genders ministered to the leprous, it became one of1200), Saint the Louis (d. most 1270), Saint Elzéar (d. 1323), and Saint Bernardino of Siena (d. 1444). centuries after Saint Francis, include SaintThomas Becket (d. 1170), Saint Hugh of Lincoln (d. Klaniczay, “Saint Elizabeth of Hungary,” 201. ofHungary,” Elizabeth “Saint Klaniczay, “ The Church of Santa Maria Donna Regina: Art, Iconography and Patronage in Fourteenth-Century Naples, For more detailed and extensive discussions on Elizabeth’s life see: Ottó Gecser,“Lives of St. Elizabeth: Their The canonization of Elizabeth was “one of the most expeditious processes of the thirteenth and fourteenth “Many of these thirteenth-century female saints’ lives make explicit the efficacy of caring for lepers in the The hagiographic representations of such women demonstrate how they used an association with lepers to create create to lepers with association usedan how they demonstrate ofsuchwomen representations hagiographic The Perhaps the most prominent of these saints to followexample Francis’s of providing care The The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth of Hungary: From Her Testimony Canonization Hearings 262 imitatio Christi imitatio (Cambridge: (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2000), 209-43; Gábor Klaniczay, “Saint Elizabeth of vita – who were whowere connected with the Cistercian order or became Cistercian choosing to care for lepers or contracting the disease was partof a conversion process that GoldenLegend . Caring for lepers was an active way for women to pursue this ideal in twoways: in ideal pursuethis to wayforwomen wasactive an forlepers . Caring Schola Schola Europaea. Les valeurs de l’Europe – L’Europe des valeurs, and the Cycle of the ‘Life of Saint Elizabeth of andthe Cycle of the ‘Life Thuringia-Hungary,” of SaintElizabeth of AnalectaBollandiana 87 264 byPope Gregory life IX, Elizabeth’s 261 127(2009); Klaniczay, 263 The decision to care for the As a follower of the practices

155. – reflect this. Within reflectWithin this. Holy Holy Rulers and ed. Ladislaus (New 265 ed. ed.

CEU eTD Collection .” prayers.” 269 Press, University 2004), 86. Princeton (Princeton: husband.” Dyan Elliott, construed her prayerful vigils as genuine austerities precisely because they marriage kept and husbandsher equally fromirksome and the seem to side spend much of of their her time evading beloved the marriage bed, Elisabeth hagiographies.” She expands upon this idea by saying, “Unlike most female saints,who are represented as finding 268 Wolf, the poor and the sick but for eroding her own experience of 267 privilege by exposing herself to its polar opposite.” 266 wasdeeply devoted toher spiritual health forher whole life. Elizabeth, according to her happy to him and living in his court since the age Theirof marriage, four. basedon mostaccounts, was Meran. At the age of fourteen she was married to Ludwig IV of Thuringia after being betrothed piety. extreme and nature compassionate privilege atcourt. gave alms to the poor and the sick, but also because it stood in stark which she contrast cared to for, as her being life worthy of of divine rewards. This was not only because she freely Elizabeth viewed her actions of charity towards the leprous, as well as the other poor and sick much on her own initiative and she often exceeded Francis, Francis’s itwas notsimply aninteractionsact withof the imitation. leprous Elizabeth’s were done interactions with the lepers. Francis.” ofSaint counterpart female asthe regarded be to she came changed the life of this pious princess with such a shocking radicalism, that...in a few decades voluntary poverty proved to be, according to Gábor Klaniczay, “the crucial influence that Dyan Elliottnotes that the fact that the couple seemed to be genuinely in love was “a refreshing contrast to most “Like Radegund, Elizabeth expected spiritual rewards inexchange, not only for sharing her ample resources with Ibid. “While her husband was still alive, being religious, humble, very charitable, and extremely intent on her The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life 268 Born in 1207, Elizabeth was the daughter of Andrew II of Hungary and Gertrude of While caring for the leprous was a way in which Elizabeth followed the example of Dicta quatuor ancillarum, quatuor ancillarum, Dicta and together they had three children. Despite being married and having children, 267 The level The level of care she showed to the leprous poor became a markof both her Proving Woman: Proving Woman: Female Spirituality and Inquisitional Culture in the Later Middle Ages vita, trans. in Wolf, Wolf, in trans. disdained disdained the life of privilege that came with her marriage. She 59. The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life 88 269 She was, therefore, often looking 266

195. CEU eTD Collection significant that the practice resulted from Conrad’s explicit behest.” Elliott, Elliott, behest.” explicit Conrad’s from resulted practice the that significant justifiably construed by feminist historians as an act handmaidens of refuse subversion of any her own food social that position, it might is have 275 nevertheless been purchased with suspect 274 funds. Although this discipline Elliott, marriage.” approximating hierarchy heterosexual a in participated fully is “for laywomen living in the world...suchvows tended to bind the confessor and penitent in an intimate relation that 273 272 Elliott, aswell.” oflearning man a confessorbut mere “Ludwigseems to have written to the papacy when firstElisabeth’s confessor died,purportedly requiring not just a 271 270 that she be beaten often after her nightly prayers by her handmaids as an act of penance. In a requiring that she be cautious ofthe food she ate problems in the life of the court. style fanatical as a confessor quickly caused enthusiasm andConrad’s ofcombination Elizabeth’s With this vow Elizabeth’s devotion to both Conrad and her spiritual life were absolute. The legacy. spiritual her was largelyshaped by visionConrad’s both of his role as her spiritual director and his vision for Elizabeth upholding the virtues expected of a saintly woman. Elizabeth’s spirituality, therefore, appointed as Elizabeth’s confessor. mentor. asher serve ofthem one asked and Eisenach ideals of the Franciscan Order. As a result of this, Elizabeth had a chapel friars arrived builtat their for court and them during their in stay taught Elizabeth about the wayof life and the for ways to devote herself more fullyto her religious Around life. 1224/5 a group of Franciscan Klaniczay, Klaniczay, 85. Ibid., Klaniczay, “Elisabeth’s celebrated food asceticism wreaked havoc with her husband’s board by requiring that she and her Elizabeth’s husband requested that Conrad become Elizabeth’s confessor after the death of her first confessor; Dicta quatuor ancillarum, husband. her outlive to shehappened if continence perpetual observe of her husband. She promised, at the hand of this same Conrad,swore obedience that to Mastershe Conrad would of Marburg, except with regards to the rights while the landgrave was still alive, and with his consent, the blessed Elizabeth In 1226 Conrad of Marburg, a preacher and inquisitor active in the region of , was Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses, Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy 272 Not long after his arrival at their court, court, their at hisarrival after Notlong trans.in Wolf, 274 Conrad placed her spiritual health above her physical health, 271 He was a stern and controlling man who was devoted to The Life The Life and Afterlife ofSt. Elizabeth, 248. 248. Proving Women Proving 89 275 and the clothing she wore. He even required 270 , 87-8. Proving Women Proving Proving Women Proving 196. According 196.According to Dyan Elliott , 94. 273 , 93. CEU eTD Collection 280 279 278 death. Ludwig’s after extreme harshand more even became expressions ofpiety her and life her hand in Conrad’s death,refusing tomarry evenwhen marriageswere proposed by prominent members of her family. 277 276 ofhow Elizabeth tells Isentrud, handmaidens, ofElizabeth’s one Thursday she. OneMaundy husband’s death, Elizabeth was keen to take in and care for those who were less fortunate than for Elizabeth to express her profound devotion to performing charitable works. Even before her her. with oftime amount greatest whothe those spent from life saint’s quatuor ancillarum. which included both a prologue and a conclusion and came to be knownas the while the collections of the presence in the medieval world; itexisted inWest. sevenknownmanuscripts acrossthe was when Conrad dispensed with their services for Elizabeth. The maidens detail episodes of Elizabeth’s life, from her childhood until she was widowed, which handmaidensandwas based on their testimonies givenduring hercanonization Theprocess. four quatuor ancillarum. life. Elizabeth’s over control absolute gained Conrad moment that from and sense, Conrad was preparing her life for her eventual canonization. She waswidowed in 1227 Elliott, Crusade. Fifth the in participate to was he headed where HolyLand the onhiswayto died Ludwig Dicta quatuor ancillarum, quatuor ancillarum, Dicta 55. Ibid., 54-5. ofSt.Elizabeth,” “Lives Gecser, places. Wherever she found lepers, she satherselfmost humbly at their feet, kissed them next in the most ulcerous and disgusting to them, consoling them and gathered many lepers, washed their feet and hands, and then, after prostrating According to the stories in the One of Elizabeth’s major people — and donating many things to them. to things many donating — and people exhorting them to patience — no more horrified by them than she was by healthy Proving Woman, Proving 279 87. As a result of As a result of her promise to Conrad,Elizabeth took a 87.vow of chastityafter Ludwig’s

This collection of ‘sayings’ came from Elizabeth’s four primary The trans. in Wolf, Wolf, in trans. Libellus Dicta vitae were gathered and transformed into a more complete The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life is seen as a being a personal collection of stories of the Libellus came came from a collection of stories known as the 90 , , the leprous seem to have always been a source 280

201. Dicta 277 had had a longstanding

Libellus de Libellus de dictis 278 After a Dicta Dicta vita, 276

CEU eTD Collection 281 Christ. when they arrived at the bed, the leper had been transformed into the image of the Crucified Together theywent angrily to confront Elizabeth and to see the leper for themselves. However, bed. When mother Ludwig’s heard ofthis toldshe, Ludwig reportedly, whatElizabeth had done. storyElizabeth bathed a attended leper, to his needs, and finally laid him to rest in her husband’s commonly known as smuggled into the court. This story is in a next. the in salvation wouldattain they life, this in situation attitude towards their disease was of a positive nature; if the lepers note here is were how she would talk aboutpatience to the patientlepers she came upon.This showshow her with their personal; she would kiss them on their wounds and give them alms. Whatis also interesting to whenever she came upon them. Her form of charity towards the gathered them leprous for was celebrations such intimate as these, and and also would go out of her way to help them The lepers, according to her legends, never elicited a repulsion or disgust from Elizabeth. She

Gecser, “Lives of St. Elizabeth,” 94. ofSt.Elizabeth,” “Lives Gecser, him him to the bed, saying: “Now you can recognize, whom Elizabeth stains your bed prince. Upon finding this out, her taking mother-in-law, his son by the hand, led laidhim having in bathedthe a bed leper, of of the humilityand worker of charity, together with his , mother, and hisspouse, Elizabeth.Then Elizabeth, lover Another time, the landgrave, master Ludwig, was in the castle of Nuenburg One of the mostpopular later legends of Elizabethdetails a story about a leperwhom she Crucified Crucified One placed in the bed. with.” Comforted God, by then, this opened contemplation, the the inward pious eyes of the devout prince, who saw the Reinhardsbrunner Reinhardsbrunner Bearbeitung vita 91 of of Elizabeth written by Dietrich of Apolda, or or Reinhardsbrunner Reinhardsbrunner Rezension . 281 In this CEU eTD Collection castle of Wartburg. Klaniczay, Klaniczay, Wartburg. of castle menial jobs in order to support herself. Because of this she was required by 285 her in-laws to leave her home at the 284 Princesses, 283 Woman, Proving dominus et fovetur. stratu suo tales leprosos frequenter collocaret. Intellexit enim, quod sacramconiugem suam, ut in suo positum crucificum.Qua contemplacione consolatuspiusprinceps rogavit inthoro in membris suis infirmis suscipitur Christus modo, quod his solet Elysabeth aperuit Tunc stratum deus tuum devoti inficere.’ principis interiores oculos viditque quendam reclinavit. Quo comperto socrus, apprehensa manu filii sui, duxit ipsum simulad erant. lectum Tunc amatrix dicens: humilitatis ‘Recognosce misericordieque cultrix, Elysabeth, lotum in balneo lecto principis tempore in leprosum castro Nuemburg dominus Ludwicus lantgravius cum Sophia matre sua et sancta Elysabeth coniuge sua 282 family. royal ofthe member bya required standards the up to this particularly through her focus on providing alms to the poor and the sick in favor of living death andattempted tolive herlife in the imitation ofreligiousorders.She Ludwig’s exemplified complete religious devotion. Moreover, she became strictly devoted to her spiritualityafter after the highest perfection,” control over her actions, far more than he had had while Ludwig was alive. Elizabeth, “striving legends. Elizabeth’s sweet smelling rose, in the vein of the ‘miracle of the roses’ which was a much-used motif in and those who suffer. In some variants of this story the leper is also said to have turned into a repeat heractions with the leprous often, ashe finallyunderstoodthe relationshipbetween Christ of her pious actions. He even went so far in his admiration that he requested that Elizabeth to actions, wasmovedbythe Ludwig, result whowasatfirstupsetabout his wife’s be seendirectly. leprous above all her other earthlyrelationships. In thisthe story, effect of pietyElizabeth’s can Bybringing the leper into hermarital bed, Elizabeth was placing her charityand devotion to the The writers of The writers of her legends claimed that after the death of her husband, Elizabeth took up begging and performing

For a discussion on the ‘miracle of the roses’ in Elizabeth’s Summa vitae, Summa vitae, Die Die Vita de heiligen Elisabeth des Dietrich von Apolda, After After the death of Elizabeth’s husband in 1227, Conrad gained an extreme level of body. sick the in cherished and was Christ received Lord that understood, prince asked his saintly spouse to lay such a leper frequently in his bed. For he 369-372; Gecser, “Lives of St. Elizabeth: Their Rewritings and Diffusion,” 76-80. Diffusion,” and Rewritings Their ofSt.Elizabeth: “Lives Gecser, 369-372; trans. in Wolf, Wolf, in trans. 94. As As translated in Gecser,“Lives of St. Elizabeth: Their Rewritings and Diffusion,” 94-5. Elliott, 283

Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses, Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life 284 asked Conrad how she might live out the rest of her life in 92 ed. Rener (interpolation in) book 2, ch. 7, 40-41: 203. Elliott, 203. Elliott, vitae vitae 93. 285 see see Klaniczay,

Proving Woman, Woman, Proving Holy Holy Rulers and Blessed 282 87. Alio Alio CEU eTD Collection 289 288 287 286 Elizabeth felt that embracing the lepers would help to undo the effects of her life in the royal able to live the ascetic life she had always wanted. Much like Radegund and Francisbefore her, attempts to lessen the secular aspects of her life at court, it was in her hospital where she was wasway Elizabeth’s of compensating for her pastof living comfortablyat court. Despite all her contemptible,” Elizabeth explained to him their role in her life. Caring for the poor and the sick Though Conrad reprimanded her for being in such close contact with the “most miserable and God. to Inthe devotion and humility expressher way to physically show their piety. For Elizabeth, taking in and caring for the poor and the sick was a hospitals, as discussed earlier in this chapter, was a means sternly by refused to let which her beg from people door to door were like a pauper. able to the sick, and especially the lepers, at Marburg. She had this hospital built afterConrad describes Conrad how Elizabeth had took her widow’s inheritance to found a hospital for the poor, life after Conrad became her confessor in chronological order in a short with the summary. contextlife of for Elizabeth’s situating her miracles. nowknownas the Thisletter, leprousandthe poor. Ibid. 51. ofSt.Elizabeth,” “Lives Gecser, Ottó Wolf, Summa vitae, Summa vitae, necessary for her to cure one extreme with its opposite in just this manner this just in opposite its with extreme one cure to forher necessary was — she called my attention to the life that she lived before, saying that it was singular grace and humility. Like a prudent woman — which she most certainly when I reprimanded her about it, she responded that the weak. she She placed the mostmiserable and received contemptible people at her table and from them a There in thattown [Marburg] she built a kind of a hospital, taking in the sick and devotionIn to a the letter he wrote to Pope GregoryIX in 1232 he highlightedElizabeth’s The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life trans. in Wolf, Wolf, in trans. The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life 91. 93 Summavitae Summa vitae 93. 286 288 This letter chroniclesElizabeth’s , was written to provide the , waswrittento providethe pope The foundation of these leper Conrad explains: Conrad . 289 287 In it, CEU eTD Collection 291 290 the leprous woman with some, albeit temporary, relief from her disease. Elizabeth, therefore, the power to heal the leper. Instead, her compassion and continued charitywere able to provide the effects of Elizabeth’s profound care. Her touch, unlike thatof Jesus or Martin, did not have It is also interesting to note here that the leprous woman was only “healed for a time,” showing personal and intimate in nature, she attended to all areas of care the woman might have needed. in the way a mother would care for a child. Elizabeth’s care for this caring fordistance.” her suffering,Elizabeth much attendedto all aspects of the leprous woman’s female leper was also leper who was so disfigured and grotesque that “anyone else would have abhorred even from a devotionElizabeth’s to providing charityto lepers is exemplified in this passage. She cares for a She there. leper repulsive most forthe care ofConrad. supervision divided between providing charity to the lepers and court. personal self-mortification under the Wolf, Dicta quatuor ancillarum, quatuor ancillarum, Dicta 290 ulcerous face with her hand; and the woman was actually healed for a time. fora healed was woman actually the and hand; her with face ulcerous doing it herself. She trimmed the nails on take them her off, butthe leprous woman handswould notpermit her andto do thisinsisting on feet and touched her treatments. Laying herself down in front of her, she untied her shoes, wanting to bathed her, covered her, and tied strips of cloth on her sores, nurturing her pus, with whom anyone else would have abhorred took care of even a certain woman who from was fetid, leprous, and a covered with sores and distance. Elizabeth On one occasion while working at her leper hospital, Elizabeth took it upon herself to The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life Elizabeth lived at that hospital for the rest of her life, spending her remaining years trans. in Wolf, Wolf, in trans. The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life 58. 94 207. 291

CEU eTD Collection 293 205. ofHungary,” Elizabeth “Saint Klaniczay, worksthe ofcharity.” food, penitent widowhood with patient endurance of the tribulations, status and, of finally, a lay recluse dedicated to emulation of the Virgin Mary, a courtly lady with exemplary affirmation of tender matrimonial love,self-restraint motherhood with associationspointingtowards refusing no less that similarity to and splendor regarding dress and 292 leper. isshowingviewsthe how sheherself Elizabeth leper, ofthe appearance and presence deserving care. Although her instructions to the rest of her household to not be offended by the her from repeating such According actions. to this letter, however, Elizabeth viewed the leper as the rest ofthe depictions inElizabeth’s actionsthathe “punishedher severely” —which,if in line with wasso worried aboutElizabeth’s how he was fearful actionsofbecause Elizabeth’s he was worriedthat she would be infected. He For Conrad, the lepers still represented the diseased outcasts of God. In this letter he explains safety. viewed these physical contacts between the holy woman and the lepers as detrimental to her explains to Pope Gregory IX his concerns over Elizabeth’s interactions with the lepers. Conrad health, was also concerned about her physical well-being. Also within the account of this, Conrad, despite being forceful and cruel in his devotion to Elizabeth’s spiritual leprous. became a model for both female religiosity and the impact of acts of compassion towards the

“[Elizabeth] provided a multiplicity of models for female religious roles: pious saintly childhood, innovative Summa vitae, Summa vitae, girl. forgive me such things. When I discovered this, I punished herher shoes, severely imploring — the other may members the of the Lord household not to be and even removing laying her down,washing humbled her, herselfbyfeeding her, offended by in her own quarters, taking upon herself every [Elizabeth] duty took on, without mydictated knowledge, the care of by a leprous girl and humanity. hid her She always Elizabeth’s put herself in direct contactwith the most grotesque of the lepers. On 292 293 trans. in Wolf, Wolf, in trans.

— because I feared that she would be infected by contact with the The Life and Afterlife of St. Elizabeth, Elizabeth, St. of Afterlife and The Life vitae, meant that Conrad beat her severely — to dissuade 95 94. Summa vitae Conrad CEU eTD Collection 295 294 important events of Elizabeth’s life in a series of detailed images. The detail shown in these Swidnica in the fourteenth century. The codex recounts (among other legends) the story of the comes from the so-called This image (Fig.3) of Elizabethwashing the feetof twolepersand one (presumably) sick person many. repulsed wayswouldhave in which leprous forthe care spread across the medieval She West. is seen in these images as humbling herself by providing to Francis. These images provided a visual way for Elizabeth’s acceptance of the leprous to be Klaniczay, Klaniczay, Klaniczay, The The storiesof Elizabeth caring for the leprouswere spread also through images, similarly Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses, Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy Krumauer Bildercodex Fig. 3. Saint Elizabeth Caring for the Sick Caringforthe Elizabeth 3.Saint Fig. ÖNB. Cod.370,f.88v. 220. 41. 222, Image 96 295

which which was commissioned by Anne of 294 CEU eTD Collection 296 discussed above. the leper in Elizabeth’s marital bed transforming into an image of the crucified Christ, as own her initiative. entirely done are towardsthem actions her image, this to According around to either help her care for the sick and the leprous or to chastise her interesting to for note that her she is actions. alone with the lepers. There are no other people (such as Conrad) shows her humbling herself before them, a clear mark of her devotion to their care. It is also She tends to their wounds with care and devotion. Hercrouching posture below the seated lepers Elizabeth is crouched in front of them, delicately washing the feet of the firstin a basin of water. hagiography. sourcesofElizabeth’s the to addition detailed a images isunprecedented in medieval codices of the Ages High Middle Ibid. A second image A (Fig. 4) of Elizabeth from the The two lepers in this image are covered in ulcerated wounds on their arms and legs. 97 Krumauer Bildercodex KrumauerBildercodex 296 and as such it provides depicts the depictsthe storyof CEU eTD Collection 297 away from the lepers. When she was told byher family members or Conrad to stop working so Francis, who had been repulsed by the lepers in his youth, Elizabeth never flinched or turned the sick, but she also took in and personally tended to the worst of them, the leprous. Unlike tool to highlightNotpiety. Elizabeth’s onlydid Elizabeth provide alms and care to the poor and for. caring been had whomElizabeth leper gruesome a earlier husband. Those who saw this image would have known that what is depicted as clasped Christ in a was prayer-like pose, knowing that if the leper is found she will be in trouble with her the bed, the leper has turned into an image of Christ. Elizabeth is posed bed, it doesencapsulate the behind whole episode in Asa Ludwig single pullsimage. back the covers of him, hands Even though this image does not contain the leper who had previously been lying in Elizabeth’s Klaniczay, Klaniczay, The The role of the leper in all hagiographies, of both Elizabeth’s written and visual, was as a Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses, Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy Fig. 4. St Elizabeth and the Lerposus turning into the Crucified Christ Crucified Lerposusthe andthe into turning Elizabeth 4.St Fig. Krumauer Bildercodex. f.93r. Bildercodex. Krumauer 373, Image 81. 373, Image 98 297 CEU eTD Collection with zeal and upholds for imitation.” upholdsforimitation.” and zeal with and having children,Hedwig “distinguished herself by her moderate use of sex 1993), 225. Elliott notes also that before entering intothe spiritual marriage with her husband, despite being married 300 Ibid. Francis. ofSaint life ofthe influence the to connection 299 decade. a than bymore Elizabeth outlived also 298 life recorded by Caesarius of Heisterbach in 1225, called God. to pleasing manner a in living the rest of their lives. husband to enter into a spiritual marriage in which they would abstain from sex permanentlyfor life was paramount. So much so that after the birth of her sixth child Hedwig convinced her being married and devotionhaving to six a childrenreligiouswith wayher of husband,Hedwig’s when she wasfive, where she remained until she married the duke of Silesia in 1203. decades after her niece. Born in 1174/8, parentsHedwig’s sent her to live in a Abbey Cistercian spiritual life much earlier than Elizabeth, was Saint Hedwig of Silesia, Elizabeth’s maternal aunt. Although she began her devotion to a mark of piety expressed especially by female saints. One other dominant figure in this respect As has already been stated, thisbecame a life remain anda legacy. unique attribute of Elizabeth’s century. thirteenth the in leprous surroundingthe attitudes positive rising the with consonance Elizabeth, too, saw them as deserving figures of her charity. Her attitude towards them was in Just as both Christ and Francis had acted compassionately intimatelywith them she refused, towardsunable to see how caring for them could be the considered wrong. lepers before her, Dyan Dyan Elliott, “St Hedwig...had started leading the life of a religious when Elizabeth was still a toddler.” Ibid. In 1232 Hedwig changed her religious allegiance to the Franciscans from the , thus showing her One story which is of particular interest to this studyis based on an episode of Hedwig’s Providing care for the leprous, both personally and byfounding leper hospitals, did not Spiritual Marriage: SpiritualMarriage: Abstinence Sexual inMedieval Wedlock 300 Hedwig was clearly an extremelypious woman who was focused on 298 she was notcanonized until 1267, more than three 99 De De ducissa leprosa, que sanata est, (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, – a fact that her a factthat her hagiographer details , 299 240. Hedwig Despite CEU eTD Collection 305 ed., gaudium magnum in terra illa, omnibus Deum glorificantibus,qui tanta eis dignatusostendere est mirabilia. 304 sanaberis.’ verbis alloquitur dicens: ‘Si oratorium edificaveris beate Marie virgini et sancto Bartholomeo apostolo, a lepra tua volens, quantum matrem, de qua carnem suscipere dignatus est, incessanter diligeret, supplicaret multasque leprosam elemosinas ducissam erogaret,Christus, quadam qui ‘multum nocte est (ps.sisericors’ hiis 120,8), ostendere 303 percussit. 302 desCaesariusHeisterbach von Wundergeschichten 301 healing from the most stigmatized medieval disease. Despite this, itis apparentthat her actions wastrue, it shouldhave been included in other versions of the saint’s account which describes Hedwig as having been both afflicted with and healed of leprosy. If it ducissa leprosa thistext, her husband Henry is,and the storyislocated in Polonia, sothere is little doubtthat the that she devoted herself to anascetic religiouslifestyle.Though she isnotmentioned byname in concludes thatthis action was enough to miraculously heal the princess, a convent of the Cistercian order and sent their daughter to be raised there. Caesarius’s report In order built to Mary. inbe name even of more theVirgin pleasing to God, theyalso established and told of what she had been told in her dream. He immediatelyset out to have the church be thisshe would be miraculously cured of her When leprosy. she awoke, she went to her husband dedicated Maryto and the Virgin Saint Bartholomew Apostle. the after she was diagnosedwith the disease,she wasadvised by Christin a dream to founda church life suggests thatshe mighthave contracted leprosyherself. Hedwig’s religious devotion before Elizabeth’s influence on her life. This episode in Hedwig’s dum ecclesiam beate Marie edificasset Klaniczay, Klaniczay,

Dominus Dominus Deus,qui multus modis electos suos ducis probat, huiusfeminam uxorem, per omnia laudabilem, lepra

Et ecce! mirum in modum, mox ut Deus ibidem laudari cepit, laudantis virtus infirmam sanavit et factum est Pro Pro cuius emundatione cum dux, utpote uxoris unice dilecte, tam per se quam per alios religiosos Domino Die beiden ersten Bücher der Libri VIII miraculorum, derLibriVIII Bücher ersten beiden Die Alfons Alfons Hilka, ed., It is not certain whether Caesarius’s record can be considered true, as it is the only Hilka, ed., ed., Hilka, Hilka, ed., ed., Hilka, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses, Princesses, andBlessed Rulers Holy in question isHedwig. question in Die beiden ersten Bücher der Libri VIII miraculorum, derLibriVIII Bücher ersten beiden Die Die beiden ersten Bücher der Libri VIII miraculorum, derLibriVIII Bücher ersten beiden Die Die Die beiden ersten Bücher der Libri VIII miraculorum 305 . 301 , vol. 3 (Hanstein, Bonn,1937),84-85. 3(Hanstein, , vol. 240. This exemplum helps shed light on the status of 100 85. 302 According According to the one story, night, 84. 84. 303 He explained thatif she did vitae , in Alfons Hilka, ed., 304 due tothe miraculous and it was due to this Hilka, Hilka, Die CEU eTD Collection eosdem leprosos, quos laverat, vestibus induebat. induebat. vestibus quos laverat, eosdem leprosos, 309 consolatos. semper dimittere studebat elemosina data pauperes 308 1960-1), 522. 307 306 depicts Hedwig mid-kiss with her lips pressed to the foot of She a isleper. kneeling down before context for an image of Hedwig which shows her caring for the leprous. This image (Fig. 5) were also disseminated through images.The shorttextof the perform. to woman saintly fora humility ofextreme act an feet, kissedtheir she specifically said to have humbled herself in that notonly did she kiss the ulcerouswounds of the lepers, but disgusting of places,” but never tell where on the body these were located. Hedwig, however, is hands or faces. Elizabeth’s Martin and Francis had kissed lepers as acts of charity and humility, they kissed either their on to explain how, after bathing the lepers, she provided them with new clothing. Hedwig bathed and dried the feet of some lepers and then kissedtheir feet. Vita sanctae Hedvigis ducissae Silesiae. residents. forits provide to order in donations large hospital the sent foundation, as it highlighted her devotion to caring for the sick and the poor. Hedwig, for decades after its specificallyfor the leprous.This was, perhaps, one of her greatestacts of charity in her lifetime, Hedwig and her husband founded a women’s hospital at Neumarkt in were influenced later 1230 by her which niece’s devotion to catered religious life. It was because of her niece that Ibid.

Aleksander Szemkowicz,ed., In In cena domini specialiter nobis quiillus voluit ut pro amore,estimari, leprosus pedes et abluit novis leprosorum Lotis autem pedibus et extersis lintheo,deosculabatur humiliter non solum pedes sed et manus eorum ipsoque In the same vein as the saints before her, the important episodes in the One other episode in Hedwig’s life in which she dealt with lepers was recorded in the Monumenta Poloniae MonumentaPoloniae Historica,IV vitae vitae only describe her kissing the lepers in the “mostulcerous and 307 Ibid.

This text, while short, describes an episode where 101 Ibid. stwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Wydawnictwo Państwowe (Warsaw: Vita sanctae Vita Hedvigis 308 This textalso goes 306 vita vita

provides the 309 of Hedwig Though CEU eTD Collection Angeles. Angeles. in Klaniczay to According 311 depiction. gruesome most the Hedwigiskissing—as being which one —the leper With the first person being not yet outwardly recognizable as a leper (wounds and ulcers, for example) and the last feet of the lepers” it is possible that all three individuals of are the person leprous, is depictedsometimes a at visual different indication stages of As leprosy. of this image their is disease. entitled “Hedwig kisses and washes the 310 importance. greater, The changing attitudes of society towards the leprous made them a growing importance of the people who worked at them and cared for the lepers was Though of money equal, ifwas not being given to found the leper hospitals across the medieval West, the piouswoman. asa role her and humility Hedwig’s highlights image in a scowl. Hedwig, however, doesnot seem to be affected by the appearance of the This leper. depicted ascovered in ulcerous wounds. The leper’s hair is unrulyand his face is deformed and a group of sick people who have their feet in a washing basin. Wolfgang Braunfels, ed., ed., Braunfels, Wolfgang The first sick person whose feet are in the tub(on the left) might The alsocloth be covering a of leper. the mouth The The turn of the thirteenth centurysaw a shift in the importance of care for the leprous. Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses andBlessed Rulers Holy Der Hedwig Codex, Sammlung Ludwig Der Codex, Hedwig Fig. 5. Hedwig washes and kisses the washes 5.Hedwig andkissesthe Fig. Hedwig Codex, Codex, Hedwig 102 , is presently kept at the Getty Museum in Los Museumin Getty the at kept , ispresently f. 30r. f. (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1972) Gebr. (Berlin: feet of the lepers the of feet 310 In this image the leper is 311 , 39. Abb. 32, f. 30r. Abb. 32,f.30r. 39. CEU eTD Collection the Walls,” 219-20. Walls,” the became linked physically and spiritually to God’s chosen people, the poor and the leprous.” Lester, “Cares Beyond concomitant with elevation in the eyes of God. Through care-giving and begging alms for lepers religious women 313 disease. of the 312 the lepers. With the pronouncement of the Fourth Lateran Council, preachers began to place for seeing the changing ideas of the thirteenth centuryis in sermons delivered both to and about in perception of the disease, ideas disseminated about the disease also changed. The best source the rise inpeople interested incaring for them are both paramountphysical examples of this shift and compassion shown to the Althoughleprous. the rise in institutions to house lepers aswell as theLeprous To About Leprosy, Preaching: Ages. HighMiddle the in religiosity offemale mark dominant a became hadrejected, God through his chosen people, the leprous. Because of this type of care-giving holywomen became both physically and spirituallylinked to simultaneously separating themselves from lay society and humbling themselves before God. and Saint Catherine of Genoa (d. 1510). Women who lepers in their hagiographies include Alice provided Saint(d. 1250), care to the leprous were humility and desire to serve God, took to the lepers. Other female saints who interacted with Elizabeth and Hedwig are onlytwo examplesofthe manysaints who, due both totheir profound piety, like Francis before them, often moved to live with the lepers in order to care for them. leprous. the to ministering through piety their target in need As of a charity. result, this provided more opportunities for individuals to express Alice is reported to actually even have contracted leprosy due to her acts of charity and had to be isolated because because isolated be to had and ofcharity acts her to due leprosy contracted have even actually to isreported Alice “To provide such care was literally to humiliate oneself in the eyes of lay society, but this humility was Changing Changing perceptions of leprosy in the thirteenth century did notoccur simplyin the care Holy individuals who viewed providing care to the leprous as an extreme example of 313 103 To care for the leprous, those whom society 312 SaintCatherine of Siena (d. 1380), CEU eTD Collection 316 status.” sermonsad de exhaustives particulièrement collections dans trois 315 2001), 92. Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages 314 they were usually composed in Latin and based on notes taken during delivery. As such, the could understand the message. However, when sermons were written down for church records the thirteenth The century. original sermons were generallygiven in the vernacular so audiences sermons which survive at present are notnecessarily the exact sermons which were preached in outlines, models, or analysis. During the thirteenth century sermons were often composed using preexisting sermon century. thirteenth the the in current towardsleprosy attitudes social and appropriate for their intended audiences. valuable because they highlight the themes, argumentation, and rhetorical devices which were highlight the changing attitudes towards leprosy. and Humbertof Romans (d. 1277)each composed a comprehensive collection of sermons which and leprosy in the thirteenth century. Jacques de Vitry(d. 1240), Guibert de Tournai (d. 1248), at specific groupsof people, provide the best examples ofthe attention paid to the idea of lepers next. the in suffer would not borne in this life in preparation for a celestial reward; lepers suffered in this life so that they public opinions on disease. imagery and theories in their sermons to both appeal to and contrast with the greater emphasis contemporary on their role as spiritual physicians. As such they adapted the current medical Adam J. Davis, “Preaching in Thirteenth-Century Hospitals,” Hospitals,” Thirteenth-Century in J.Adam Davis,“Preaching Jessalynn Bird, “Medicine for Body and Soul: Sermons Jacques to de Vitry’s Hospitallers and their Charges,” in Bériou and Touati, There are a few limitations in using sermons such as these as the basis for historical Three major collectionsof sermons Voluntate DeiVoluntate leprosus repotartio repotartio 314 These sermons spread the message that leprosy was a disease as a place on which to base their arguments. The recorded , ed. Peter Biller and Joseph Medieval Ziegler York Press, (Woodbridge: , 37. “Il faut attendre le XIII 316 adstatus, These collections of sermons clearly show the ideas 104 315 collections of sermons whichwere directed Journal of Medieval History Medieval of Journal These three collections of sermons are e siècle siècle pour voir apparaître les lépreux 36 No. 1(2010), 74-5. CEU eTD Collection 323 322 321 320 319 318 reconstruction.” ofa reconstruction a was often calling into question what we mean when we designate an ‘author’for a particular sermon...In short, the 317 the lepers could be certain of their celestial reward if they like Job,Vitry, according to Jacquesde Also beloved. leprosy was a visible sign from God highlighting their statusasamember of God’s the storyof Job( onearth. ispurgatory leprosy that idea the highlights message towards salvation. These two sermons were meant to be preached directly to lepers metaphor as for their sin, texts written to address the lepers directly. Although Jacques de Vitry often used leprosy as a bishop of Tusculum surviving sermons have been the source of much study in history. Of particular importance here are his two Ages. HighMiddle the in ofleprosy perception surroundingthe climate what is of the greatest importance to this section, as they provide an present atthe time ofThesetheirideascomposition. which were presented and example transmitted are of of the social problematic historical sources, they still provide a glimpse of the historical ideas which were spoken sermon. written sermons which have been preserved are, in a sense, often reconstructions of the original Ibid., 101. Ibid., Touati, and Bériou 92. Soul,” forBodyand “Medicine Bird, Touati, and Bériou 75. Hospitals,” Thirteenth-Century in Davis,“Preaching Touati, and Bériou found in be twosermonscan ofthese text Latin The Ibid., 75. “Even apart from language, a The The firstsermon Jacques de Vitrywas an eloquent preacher and well-known ecclesiastic whose writings 317 sufferentiam Iob audistis et Iob audistis et sufferentiamfinem Domini uidistis 321 Voluntate Dei leprosus, leprosus, Dei Voluntate leprosus, Dei Voluntate 318 While it is true that because of this such sermons can be considered 319 these two sermons particularly point to a message of leprosy as a means

ad ad lepros et alios infirmos between the years of 1228 and 1240. ad lepros discusses the discusses the status of the lepers as the elect of God inlight of reportatio reportatio 24. 37. 105 might might reflect more about the which were written while he was the cardinal- 322 Voluntate Dei leprosus, leprosus, Dei Voluntate 320

These are the first two known ). 323 Much like Job’s suffering, suffering, Muchlike Job’s reportator reportator than the preacher, 101-28. reportatio reportatio CEU eTD Collection heremita et angelo qui sepelierunt peregrinum peregrinum sepelierunt qui angelo et heremita 327 Géhenne.” la risquent endurcis pécheurs les ses anges; l’âme a plus de prix que celle de corps; la péché, multiforme à la manière de la lépre, est insupportable à Dieu et à 326 75. Hospitals,” Century humanity and suffering of Jesus, and to associate him with the beggar and leper.” Davis, “Preaching in Thirteenth- By the thirteenth century, it was increasingly common in devotional art, literature, and preaching to emphasise the the poor and the sick in the image of Jesus, preacherssought to galvanise hospital workers to help the less fortunate. Davis also echoes this sentiment of relating the suffering of the leprous to the suffering of Christ;“By representing step on the road to conversion, and thence to spiritual perfection.” 325 Rawcliffe, Dieu” en confiance la par Job,épreuves les comme surmonter, à et moines, divine, semblable à celui manifesté à Job, la souffrance est une invitation à suivre un chemin parallèle à celui des 324 soul, therefore, is of greater importance than the health of the body. Lepers exemplified this focused on the secular world with no care for the desires of God or heaven. The health of the worthy of heaven. The arrogant youth, on the other hand, was revolting because his soul was therefore, did not bother the because the soul it had once contained was righteous and physical bodyis nothing more than a container for the immortal soul of a man. The rotting flesh, butwas unaffected by the smell of a rotting corpse. famous confession for the lepers. spiritual health in the light of physical sickness. To do this he stresses the importance of hissuffering. to consented rejoice in their suffering in this life, they will enjoy the resurrection just as Christ did after he immense spiritual reward they will receive in heaven. He promises them, if they accept this, and he stresses that the leprous ought to welcome their disease as a blessing because of endured their the suffering on earth while still remaining devoted to their spiritual health. Ibid.,42. “Disease,however terrible, should thus be welcomed as a blessing,not least because itmarked the first Bériou and Touati, Bériou and Touati, Rawcliffe, In his second sermon exemplum Leprosy Leprosy in Medieval England in in which an angel is disgusted bythe scent of a rich and arrogantyoung man, Voluntate DeiVoluntate leprosus, Voluntate Voluntate Dei leprosus, 326 325 This idea is exemplified by one passage in the sermon based on a ad ad lepros , 135. This story can be found under the subheading in Bériou and Touati, Touati, and Bériou in 24. “....appel sublimé à la conversion: signe visible de la sollicitude 42. “Les lépreux doivent se confesser aux prêtres, car la santé de , Jacques de Vitry again stressed the importance of 106 327 Here Jacques de highlightsVitry how the Voluntate Dei leprosus, leprosus, Dei Voluntate Leprosy Leprosy in Medieval England 123-4. Exemplum Exemplum de 324 Due to , 57. CEU eTD Collection 332 331 330 329 Touati, and Bériou 328 He explains that the leprous, because of their disease, believe that God has forsaken them and lepers“blaspheme Godlike persons inHell and as a result of the injuries theyhave received.” Humbert of Romans, they have also hardened their hearts against God. He explains that many The firstgroupisnotonlymessage.quick tobecomehostile,butrequires a according to different must be aware of: the bad, the ambivalent, and the good. care. providing to lives their devote to order in leprous ofthe fear He does, however, praise the piety of the men and women who have overcome their disgust and leprosy as their disease and should also refrain from any other topics which might upset them. lepers as being quick to become hostile, and as such, preachers oughtnot mention the name of talk to them about God, altogether or in a group.” [the lepers] from time to time or even, when one finds them in a place where one is praying, to beginning of his second sermon preachers interested in directing their sermons towards the leprous. However, unlike Jacques de Humbert Vitry, of Romans’s sermons were intended to be used by stepping down from his position in 1263, also composed a collection of sermons health. spiritual their condition, their physical suffering mightbe terrible in thislife, but they could use it to intensify Goodich, ed., ed., Goodich, Touati, and Bériou 77. Hospitals,” Thirteenth-Century in Davis,“Preaching ed., Goodich, Goodich, ed., In this sermon, Humbert of Romans describes three types of lepers which all preachers Humbert of Romans was the fifth minister general of the who, after Other Middle Ages, Ages, Other Middle Ages Other Middle Other Middle Ages Voluntate Dei leprosus, leprosus, Dei Voluntate Voluntate Dei leprosus, leprosus, Dei Voluntate , 146. 147. , 146. The Latin version of Humbert of Romans’s sermons can be found in ad ad leprosos 156-63. 50. that “itisregarded as anextremely pious act to visit 107 329 He also highlights the temperament of the 331 He explains that each of them 330 328 He explains at the ad status. 332

CEU eTD Collection 334 report.” to not Iprefer which behavior, filthy and lust to themselves abandon they desire, oftheir fires Theystuff themselves with loyalty. food and get drunk asa result of an excess of food. Puttingaside any rein on the beat each other. They throw at each other the charity they have 333 received, lacking even the most minimal mutual Though he modeled manyof his sermons on those of Jacques de he Vitry, often modified both focused mainly on exemplifying the life thata leper ought to focus on living while in this world. the Franciscan Order in Paris around 1240. He wrote three sermons towardsGod. leprous souls ofthe the fordirecting responsible leprosy was not a punishment from God, but instead a gift. Priests, according to Humbert, are again comforted bythe example of Job.” avoid committing new sins, and, theyfinally, must accept their current situation “with patience, on their status in the next. The leprous, therefore, need to confess their sins to a priestregularly, According to hissecondsermon, disease. the lepers ought tospend their time in thislife focusing sermons. Humbert of Romans emphasizes how preachers ought to discuss the benefits of the actions of thislast groupoflepers on whichhe suggests thatpreachersfocus the message of their God, with the third group he highlights the benefits which can come from the disease. It is the ofsin. state a in constantly who are lepers asthe asbad Humbert, path to salvation. Their failure to do anything positive because of their disease is, according to explains thatsome maynotsin, butthey fail todo anything good whichmighthelp them on their because of this they“abandon themselves to lust and filthybehavior.” Ibid. Ibid. Humbert of Romans expands upon thisidea, “They fight among themselves and sometimes get excited and The The final preacher whose sermons Though he describes many of the leprous as being quick to anger and hardened against 334 ad ad leprosos It was the role of the priest, therefore, to show how 108 survive survive is Guibert de who Tournai joined 333 Of the second group he ad ad leprosos which are CEU eTD Collection 338 337 insignifiant.” vestige remaniements qui en résultent laissent la hiérarchie des états de perfection, très lisible dans son modèle, Jacques Sa à de classificationVitry. l'étatenvisage de successivement les hommes, les femmes et les auditoires mixtes; et les 336 leur.” le avant immédiatement considéré status un autre la maladie quifont souffrir les lépreux,il ne les confond niavec les pauvres, niavec les malades, qu'il associe dans l'epreuve morale l'emporte, à ses yeux,sur l'épreuve corporelle.Sans négliger dans ses développments la pauvreté et 335 devil. ofthe temptations the overcome personcan a that temperance and patience, as Christ According did. to his second sermon Itis up to a person to resist these temptations in order to find their divine reward in heaven, just God. greater in heaven.He explainsthatitis the goal of the devil to trythe andpath steer of people off therefore, are constantlybeing tempted in this lifetime, butif theyresist their reward will be far do not stop. Because you see, first comes the trial, then follows the divine reward.” He explains in the firstsermon that “just as occasions for trials do not stop, so also the remedies possible, according to Guibert, to receive the divine reward withouthaving been first challenged. are present in this world that ought to be avoided in order to ensure spiritual health. It is not gender. specific a to more cater could lepers the sermonsto institution) an within were increasinglysegregatedby gender(either asseparate institutions, orwith rigorous divisions direct the message towards the gender of those who would be hearing them. As the leprosaria the style and the nuances of the message to be delivered. Ibid., 130. Ibid., Touati, and Bériou mine; Translation Touati, Bériouand Ibid. “Le frère franciscain conduit en effet à son terme la logique de différenciation sexuelle ébauchée par tempts the Christian person. Christian the tempts And he tempts us with his trickeries. For you see, he never sleeps, who he tempted has no Christ body, because even of this he does notrest from tempting us. The Devil tests usAnd with he his temptstrickeries. us withall of his strength; he His first and second sermons in particular are focused on the temptations for men which Voluntate Deileprosus, Voluntate Voluntate Dei leprosus, leprosus, Dei Voluntate 338

45. Guibert “fait de l'exclusion le principal trait distinctif 45. Guibert “faitde l'exclusion le principaltrait distinctif des lépreux: 109 ad leprosos 129. , itis onlythrough voluntary poverty, 335 What he did in his sermons was 336

337 Lepers, CEU eTD Collection 339 Abraham. bosomof the in Lazarus, leprosos might face in this world which would steer them away from God. Through the gift hisGod gave to them. sermonsGuibertfocus de was Tournai’s on the temptations which the leprous the spiritual health of the leprous on a path which would ensure that they made the best use of as a means toreach heaven. He emphasized howitisthe their rolesuffering ofthe priests to keep teaching other preachers how to deliver sermons to the leprous. He believedthe leperscould use spiritual health, no matter the state of their physical health. Humbert of Romans focused order to on not have to sufferin the next. Because of this he encouraged the lepersto focus on their differ slightly. Jacques de Vitryemphasized the giftas being a means to suffer in this world in leprosy to a gift from God. However, their focus as well as their explanations behind this idea attitudes towards both the leprous and the disease All of three leprosy. considered the disease of life. heavenly their of their current life and focus on living their lives in an acceptable manner so theymight attain he heaven.stresses However, thatthe lepersof the thirteenth centurystill hadto resistthe desires Much like the leper called Lazarus, they were the elect of God and their souls were destined for had Vitry earlier, lepers suffer in this life in order to spend their eternal life with God in heaven. Gospels, which was discussed earlier. Ibid., 47. Ibid., Through Through their sermons, these three preachers in different ways exemplified the changing In histhird sermon he he advised the leprous to focuson their spiritual health so thatthey might end up, like ad leprosos 339 Guibert focuses on the storyof He highlights how, much in the same way Jacques de 110 Dives et Pauper from the ad CEU eTD Collection preached preached at the newlyestablished leprosaria, it is evident that both lepers and their society saw Through sermons thirteenth-century present,theywere often outweighed by the contrasting view. turn of the thirteenth Though century. the Old attitudes Testament towards the disease were still religiosity. offemale mark wasasa seen lessfortunate the to compassion humbled themselves before God by providing direct particularly care evident in to the hagiographies lepers. of the Providing holy women care of and the High served Middle the Ages lepers, who but also devoted great amounts of time and money caring to for their lepers, his care. actions This were is expanded upon after his death. Many not only kissed moved and to the leper hospitals to be closer to God’s elect.Although Francis set the precedent for God took to caring for the lepers. With Francis having provided an example for piety, many sense of rising compassion for lepers.More and more layseeking individuals tocloserbecome to ofGod. people favored from a to punishmenta blessing toled people both donate tomoneyandtime serving some of the spiritual benefits of caring for the leprous The poor. change in social perceptions of the disease Leprosaria became a prominent fixture outside of medieval cities as physical testaments to the more incorporated and interwoven into the daily lives and perceptions of the Western world. in the West The thirteenth lepers,century. once ritually excluded from medieval became society, Summary The The ideasaboutthedisease of leprosybyand itthose hadafflictedchangedgreatly by the With the foundation of new establishments to provide care for the leprous also came a interactionwith The the legacyleprousof can Saintbe Francis’s seen across the medieval 111 CEU eTD Collection becoming a positive mark of God’s favor in the world. the in favor ofGod’s mark positive a becoming Although still at the margins of social life, the role of the leper systematically in included in the the medieval social fabric world of the was medieval landscape in the thirteenth century. outside the boundaries of their cities, blurred the lines predominantly between viewed the as two. a The punishment from lepers God. were Society, though still keeping the leprous gift. useofthat best the make wayto a in life their live Godto from and gift asa disease Theleprouswere encouragedthrough their disease these in sermonsa to newembrace their light. In the centuries following Saint Francis, the disease of leprosy was no longer 112 CEU eTD Collection Sister Mary Catherine Voorhies) — as well as the social situation of the lepers at the colony. the at lepers of the situation social asthe —aswell Voorhies) MaryCatherine Sister lepers sentthere to be isolated as well those responsible for their care (and in particular one Franciscan sister named colony isolated on the island of Moloka’i. There the story traces both Rachel’s new life in the diagnosed colony with leprosy at the age of seven. She Honolulu, is removed Hawaii, from her in family and the deported to late Kalaupapa, a nineteenth leper 340 century. It follows the life of a young girl named Rachel who was this thesis has been to highlight the role of one man, Saint Francis of Assisi, in this shift. At the High AgesMiddle was a marked change from the previousdominant perception. The aim of changed. disease shown is how a shift occurred in the thirteenth century in which the dominant perception of the in the next. While both perceptions of leprosy existed in the Middle Ages, what this thesis has transgressions and also to mark Hisfavored to sufferin this worldso theymight attain salvation simultaneously seen as a disease given by God both to punish the vilest of Christian sinners traditions, the social for understanding of leprosy their in the Middle Ages was twofold. It was the complete picture of the medieval social perceptions of the disease. Based in both Judaic and tried to distance itself from this stigmatization of the disease, as it does not accurately represent perceived and reacted to its presence. Modern research on the history of leprosy, however, has Ages, leprosy has long attracted historians to debates and discussion on how medieval society limbs, and the rattle of the clapper echoing across generations. As Alan Brennert, With With two contrasting views of the disease, the dominant social perception of leprosy in For centuries, leprosy has conjured up images of grotesque faces, ulcerated or clubbed Moloka’i Moloka’i (New St.(New York: Martin’s Press,2003), 306. V. Conclusion: Malady or Miracle? Conclusion: or Malady V. in our own mortality that we are most divine. most divine. are we that ourin ownmortality and leprosy, with the imminence of death. Because it is gives us, if we choose to use it, the Now spirit to I live with believe: God doesn’t give anyone I used leprosy. to He wonder, why did God give children leprosy? 113 Moloka’i is is a historicalfiction novel set in Alan Brennert, Brennert, Alan the the disease of the Middle Moloka’i — the other 340 CEU eTD Collection based based on the earlymonastic rules which fostered the idea thatlepers ought, due to the nature of institutions to house and care for their needs. Foundations were laid for these establishments those who had been exiled from their places of with the residence, establishment of a the first growing leprosaria. As need lepers established was communities composed seen of for horror. disgustand with given were kisses they asthe as well Both the crowd around Martin and attendantRadegund’s responded to the presence of the lepers cases can be seen through the reactions of those who witnessed the actions of these two saints. which was considered to be the The vilest social partperception ofof society. the disease in both shown in how they were able to cross the social boundaries set byLeviticus and kiss the figure highlight their aim of living in because of the Gospel stories thatsaints like Martin and Radegund kissed lepers as a means to Gospel portrayals of the lepersas being worthyof the compassion of both Godand Christ.It was walls of Although settlements. this was the dominantperception of the disease, it coexisted with members The of legislation society. laid outin Leviticus required them to be castout beyond the were viewed as being and, ‘unclean’ as such, not permitted to remain in contactwith the ‘clean’ society. where society seems to have been attempting to redefine the segregation of lepersfrom medieval perception of the disease. Francis’s dramatic action of embracing a leper came at a religious moment figures such as Francis in reforming, or at least offering an alternative to, the social present, scholarship on the historyof leprosy has paid little attention to the role of charismatic The The twelfthcenturysawthe firstshadesofchanging perceptionstowards the leprous poor In the early Middle Ages lepers were excluded from their communities and cities. They imitatio imitatio Christi 114 in the Early Middle Ages. Their holiness was CEU eTD Collection towards and care of the leprous. leprous. ofthe care towards and to usher in a new understanding of the disease — one which spurred changes in compassion him to finallytake the ‘bitter’ for Although the he ‘sweet.’ did not heal the leper, Francis helped leper from his physical deformities, Francis’s kiss to the leper healed Francis’s soul; it allowed historical climate of the Where thirteenth kiss, Martin’s century. centuries before, had healed the within a longstanding tradition, actionsFrancis’s were revolutionaryin manyways based on the the leper — had long been looked upon as the ultimate gesture of Thoughhumility. still acting physicallycrossthe boundary between the clean and the unclean—the To holythe man last. and Assisi. below plains the in leper bykissinga boundaries societal this historical setting that Francis overcame his personal physical repulsion and crossed Council bothritually included and excluded the lepers the from Itthe was Christian into community. wellbeing — for alms as well as physical care — the pronouncements of the the lepers according Third to the AsChurch. lepers Lateran relied exclusively on the charity of others for their which directly affected the lepers in the High Middle Ages dealt with the provisions allotted to Church needed to define were theyfit into the medieval landscape.The canons ofthese councils of these early leper communities, as well as the rise of other wandering and begging poor, the societywas reinforced with the statutes of both the Third and Fourth Lateran Councils. Because disease. ofthe understanding the in change impending separated from society as the ‘unclean,’ this early care shown their condition, to to live an the ascetic life to lepers care for the hinted their spiritual at health. Though still the ritually Saint Francis of Assisiwasby no meansthe firstholymanto Saint kissFrancis a of leper nor would he be Around the turn of the thirteenth century this position of the leper within medieval 115 CEU eTD Collection God. Lepers were encouraged to embrace their disease and to appreciate their suffering as a gift from leprous also highlighted the changing attitudes towards the lepers in the who moved thirteenth to century. live and work at these hospices. The sermons preached both to and about the moneytowards the foundation of new leprosaria aswell as in the growing number of individuals The shiftinperception of thedisease can be seenasmemberssick. of the lay community donated thirteenth century highlighted growing social compassion for the afflictions of the poor and the following Francis. The rise in the establishment of leprosaria across the medieval West in the ofleprosy. perception societal changing ofthe examples resounding were lepers towards the female piety in the High Middle Ages. Their leprosaria as well as their repeated charityshown Saint Hedwig both embraced the idea of showing compassion towards the leprous as a mark of towards a leper became an indicator of humility, sanctity, and God’s favor. Saint Elizabeth and of renewal, manyother individuals followed closely in footsteps; Francis’s showing compassion legacyFrancis’s extended beyond the boundaries of As hisChristians order. experienced a sense central tenant of his order was ministering to the poor and the through sick, his specifically interaction leperswith and the leper that Francis was finally able to come to know understandings God. A of leprosy. The role of the leper in Francis’s life was immense; example disseminated itin his was only The The ideas about leprosy and those afflicted by it also were reshaped in the centuries Francis’s impact on the medieval world is undeniable. It is possible that, through the vitae , he played a decisive role in the evolving religious and social 116 CEU eTD Collection expression less than two years after his death.” hisdeath.” after twoyears lessthan expression of FrancisThe likening to thesun,of foundimageslight,public andto associated a burst of sunshine. inthe weather, appeared not outof a clear since sky,storm clouds were lowering, but asthe dawn of a new bringing day, a change 341 growing sense of acceptance (though still excluded from settlements) and their disease was seen thirteenth century was undeniable, it was also not long lasting. While the lepers experienced a Ahead: New Exclusions? Looking society. medieval and lepers excluded the between line the blur further this saint, although manipulated to suit contemporary purposes, was how Francis was able to religion and The society. extensive hagiographic tradition which developed around the legacy of Francis brought caring for — and indeed kissing — lepers to a more central position in both the gapbetween medieval society and the lepers. In reviving the idea of living in repulsive figure in medieval Saintsociety. Francis, though his actions and helpedlegacy, bridge revival, reflection, and new exclusions — that Francis stepped forward and embraced the most Ages, howtheywere perceived wasslowlychanging.Itthe was Middle atthis moment—one of well. of God, Francis not only changed his own life, but the lives of his followers and admirers as who, above everything else, wanted to follow in the footsteps of Christas a compassionate man overlooked or shunned by society — is perhaps the most telling part of his legacy. As a man life and society, his impact on the treatment of the lepers — those who, for so long, had been world. Brooke, 341 Although Although lepers remained segregated and reduced to the margins of cities and towns in Francis was, as Rosalind Brooke has suggested, the dawn of a new day in the medieval Although Although Francis’s impact on the treatment of lepers in the medieval West in the Although hisimpact was far reaching and influential on virtuallyall areas of medieval The The Image of St Francis , 6. “When I began to study St Francis I was under the impression that he 117 imitatio imitatio Christi

CEU eTD Collection tota Aquitania fontes et putei erant, vel statim essent veneno infecti per leprosos. perleprosos. infecti veneno essent statim vel erant, putei et fontes Aquitania tota 347 1300à1368, de chronique 346 345 344 12th Heretics, 343 Casebook A and Isolde: Tristan ed., Grimbert, Tasker Joan deviance.” linguistic and forsexual metaphor asa text the usedthroughout figure “a is text this in leper, ofthe image The gallows. asthe ashorrific equally asbeing houseisseen leper a to sent of being punishment threatened the Iseult, rescues and escapes Tristan Though colony. leper a to sent be to Iseult and hanged be to Tristan he them, catches Markfinally When hisback. behind affair an having are Tristan she and Mark, but to isbetrothed Mark.Iseult uncle Tristan’s and Iseult, Tristan, between triangle love a around story centers This Iseult. and Tristan of legend century twelfth isthe of this example Onemajor light. negative a in portrayed 1321,were in persecutions the before centuries, twelfth-fourteenth the in lepers where instances many are There 342 staying in Poitiers about the large number of lepers who had been burned to death after having in June, King Philip V of France heard of these events. were burned.Inthe wakeof these eventsthe tortured, and forced to confess to the plot. Those who confessed were condemned to death and lepers because theywere suspected of playing a role in the plot. faced. ever had community Christian spring and summer. overthrow the Christians, incited a mass panic in the southern regions of France through the ‘plot,’ which was said to have been planned for the strains French created bythe economic and social Jews problemsof the fourteenth century.” by the Moorish king to a plot actually existed in 1321 “is a revealing instance of medieval mental attitudes under the theidea that such According toMalcolm Barber, poison the wells and fountains of the Christians. story. In 1321 in the Kingdom of France lepers were accused of being recruited by the Jews to in a more favorable light in the thirteenth century, Ibid., 64. Ibid., Ibid., way. this seen universally were lepers that mean doesnot light’ favorable ‘more a that note to important ishere It Malcolm Barber, “Lepers, Jews and Moslems: The Plot to Overthrow Christendom in 1321,” in H. Géraud, ed., ...cum ...cum quasi circa festum sancti Johannis Baptistae, rumor publicus apud eum et apud omnes insonuit, quod in In April 1321, in the region around Périgueux, systematic arrests were ordered for all 63. — 14th Centuries, ed., Malcolm Barber (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), Variorum, (Aldershot: Barber Malcolm ed., Centuries, — 14th Chronique Chronique Latine de Guillaume de Nangis 344 vol. 2 (Paris: Société de l’Histoire de France, 1843). France, de l’Histoire de Société 2(Paris: vol. For a short period of time this plot was seen as the greatest threat the (New York: Routledge, 2002),89. Routledge, York: (New Chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis Chronicle 118 342 the early fourteenth century saw a different

de de 1113 à 1300 avec les Continuations de cette 347 Word came to him when he was 345 By Maymore were gathered, Ibid., 31. Ibid., 73. 346 343 describes how, describes how, this However, Crusaders and CEU eTD Collection 701-54. Ginzburg, Moslems;” 350 Sabbath, Witches’ the Deciphering segregated until their confinement and the weaning of their spontaneously, offspring or — as then a burnt.” result of torture, were to the be burnt, lepersunless pregnant; in in that eventuality, great they must be detail. kept 349 He explains that, Jews64. Moslems,” and “Lepers, Barber, fountains.” and wells the throwninto and once caught, leprous women unnamed herbs, and a “ consecrated host,all of which were mixed into a powder,placed in bags, tied with a weight, 348 of perceptions social onthe research forfuture avenue such an event. decades of growing positive perceptions of the disease, the leprous became the scapegoats for lightof the changing social attitudes towardsleprosy over the thirteenth after centuryto see why, the lepers, Jews, and Moors. Future research ought to look at this ‘plotagainst in Christendom’ southern France has been limited and focused primarilyon the supposed relationships between exclusion the leprous faced in the fourteenth century. Currentresearch on the events in 1321 in imprisoned. sentenced to death. those However, who did not confess, or were born after that date, were to be (and tortured, if necessary) about their involvement in the plot and, if they confessed, general to arrest of be all lepers for questioning. The ordinance required all lepers to be questioned the Christians who drank from the well. ‘admitting’ to being paid byJews to poison wells with a particular potion which was to kill all been forced into confessing. Further news came with sealed and signed confessions of lepers For more information on the persecution of lepers in the south of France in 1321 see: Barber, “Lepers, Jews and “Lepers, Barber, 1321see: in south ofFrance the in oflepers persecution onthe information For more Ibid., 65.Carlo Ginzburgin hisbook “The Jew had told him [the leper] that the potion consisted of a mixture of human blood and urine, three These These legalized and ritualized attacks against the leprous are indicative of a new form of 349

350 Although Although itis outside the scope of the thispresent wouldstudy, be a promising Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath; Sabbath; Witches’ the Deciphering Ecstasies: trans. Raymond Rosenthal Raymond trans. Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ 348 In response, Philipissued an ordinance requesting the 119

(London: Penguin Books, Penguin 1991),34. (London: the disease disease the Touati, Touati, Maladie et société au Moyen Âge, Âge, auMoyen société et Maladie of the Middle Ages. Middle of the who who had confessed to the crime discusses this reaction against Carlo Ginzburg, Ecstasies: Ecstasies: CEU eTD Collection * The number in this column corresponds with the texts following this chart. chart. this following texts the correspondswith column this in number The * Lepers With Who Interacted Francis A: Saints Before 463 390- 418 388- 316 Date Condat ofRomanus Saint Amatus Saint Tours of Martin Saint 1991), 8. Press, University Liverpool (Liverpool: James Fathers the Tours, - Gregoryof Soci la de Imprimeur Perriquet, départeme ce aujourd'hui forment qui contrées différentes des servir àl'histoire pour divers documents et chroniques légendes, de ou,Collection l'Yonne, de historique Bibliothèque Duru, ed., Maximilien - - - - - Vita S. Amatoris, S. Vita (597) Tours Gregory of C) (6th Fortunat Venance Martini Sancti Petricordiensis Martin (461-491) Perigueux de Paulin 292-3. 1967), duCerf, Éditions Fontaine(Paris: Jacques Martin, Saint de Severus, Sulpice (a-b) é t é, 1850),154-5. é, // Paulinus Paulinus // Source Source

(Auxerre: (Auxerre: , trans. Edward Edward , trans. Vie de Saint Saint de Vie . De Vita De Vita trans., trans., in Louis Louis in Life of of Life APPENDIX Vie 120 #* 1 2 4 osculatus (kiss) leprosum (leper) leprosorum leprosi (leper) Terminology - - Press, 1983) (Oxford: Clarendon Severus Sulpicius in History andMiracle Hagiographer: andHisMartin Stancliffe, Clare Press, 2006) Ignatus Francisco: (San J. Miller Saint, and Bishop, Soldier Tours: of Martin Pernoud, Régine Secondary trans. Michael Michael trans. St. St. CEU eTD Collection 586 520- 482 d. 547 480- Date Radegund Saint Severin Saint Benedict Saint Saint ------78. Press,University 1992), Duke (Durham: Ages Dark the of Halborg, John and E McNamara Ann Jo (b)(translation) II, 370-1. Merovingicarum, Rerum Scriptores Historica, Germaniae Monumenta BrunoKrusched. S.Radegundis Vita (a) Press, 1965). America of University Catholic The (Washington: Severin Saint of The Life trans., Krestan, Ludmilla and Bieler Ludwig 1991). duCerf, Éditions (Paris: Régerat Phillippe Séverin (a-d)Eugippe, 1880). J. Murphy, (Baltimore: Monks Western the of Benedict: trans., McMahon, Aurelius P 1967), 35. Inc., Company, Merrill Bobbs- The (Indianapolis: Uhlfelder Myra L. Benedict Saint Two: Book Dialogues, Great, Gregorythe (a) 1978-80). du Cerf, Dialogues Grand, le Grégorie Venantius Fortunatus, Fortunatus, Venantius The Life of Saint Saint of The Life , ed. and trans. trans. and , ed. Source Source Sainted Women Women Sainted (Paris: Éditions Éditions (Paris: Vie de saint saint de Vie , trans., , trans.,

libri II, II, libri

121 #* 5 6 3 osculetur osculabatur, (kiss) amplecteris (embrace) conprehendens** (seize) leprosos leprae leprosi, (leper) Terminology - - - 2006). Publications, Bebe’s St. (Petersham, Man andHis Work The Benedict: Saint Vogue, de Adalbert 1998). Stoughton, Hodder & Benedict of andWisdom Life Byrne, Lavinia Press, 2006). Paraclete(Brewster: Benedict St. of Life A Blessing: Butcher, Acevedo Carmen Secondary (London: (London: Man of Man of

The

CEU eTD Collection d735 d650 Date Frideswide Saint Fursey Saint Saint 1988). Press, (Oxford: Perpetua Texts TheEarliest Oxford: of Patron Frideside, ed., - John Blair, - - Fursey Pilgrims, 2007). Fursey Pilgrims, Fursey Saint of Life Century 8th the of Translation A Fursei: Beati Transitus Rackham, Oliver sanctorum Passiones vitaeue 4 Merovingicarum, scriptrerum Germaniae historica, Nivialense, additamentum Fuilano de et Latiniacensis abbatis Fursei virtutesque Vita Source Source , pp423-51. in in Monumenta (Norwich: (Norwich: Saint Saint .

122 #* Terminology - - - 223-37. Press, 2000), UniversitySyracuse York: (New Britain and Stuart Tudor in Culture of Reproduction and the Writing, Women, ed., Mary Burke, 2003), 142-53. Ashgate, (Aldershot: Legendary English South the in Narrative of Art the and Saints Everyday Thompson, Anne Booth 2006), 169-89. Press, Clarendon England Century Twelfth in Stories Miracle Communities: andTheir Saints Yarrow, Simon Secondary (Oxford:

CEU eTD Collection or 'gets' them; perhaps indicating the reason that she is not repulsed by the lepers. bythe repulsed sheisnot that reason the indicating perhaps or 'gets' them; of meaning double the **note 942 878- C 7th Date Martin) of Saint relicon ofa transportati d the accompanie which miracles on the wroterather but lepers, withinteract not did Odo (Saint of Cluny Odo Saint Poor the Julien Saint Hospitaller/ the Julien Saint Saint - - - - Ward, 1958). Ward, Odo St. by Aurillac Gerald of St. of Life andthe Salerno of John by Cluny of Odo St. of Live the Being trans., and ed. Sitwell Gerard 133.43-86. Odonis sancti John ofSalerno, 2004). Publications, Institute Medieval (Kalamazoo: Robert and Thompson, Anne B. Whatley, Gordon Collections, English Middle in Lives Hospitaller, the Julian St. of The Life 2977). Niemeyer, Hospitaller the Julian Saint of Legend Prose Old French Swan, Taylor Carolyn conprehendens: (London: Sheed and and Sheed (London: St. Odo of Cluny: OdoCluny: St. of Source Source (Tubingen: (Tubingen: in in eds., E. eds., E.

PL Saints’ Saints’ she seizes the lepers, but the implication is also that she understands sheunderstands that isalso implication the but lepers, the sheseizes Vita Vita

The 123 #* Terminology - - 1982). Press. Pennsylvania of University (Philadelphia: Century Tenth the in Cluny Bound: Rhinoceros Rosenwein, H. Barbara 316-31. (1978): History Medieval Model,” Uses The ofa Odo's St.Martin: “St. Rosenwein, H. Barbara Secondary Journal of of Journal 4 CEU eTD Collection 3. 2. 1. them into practice.” into them put and hearts, Godtheir to in pertaining things those keep they that them to recommending kiss,departed, a and with ofthem ofeach God,hisleave to took thanks He gave skin. freshness oftheir the shonewith all saw Rmanus that morning Inthe cured. been already had they other each given had they touches Bythe all. them cure to saint the begged they awakened, thusbeen all had whenthey and hisneighbor, touched each and health, to restored themsleves felt men These cleansed. was too immediately one that and touch, healing with another touched he was he cleansed; immediately and me, sick ofthe of one side the touched and hishand out stretched , chanting and awake Romanus, slept, lepers the while done, That spots ofleprosy. livid forthe fear any without couch, onone together rest all could they so that prepared bed large a had he Then ofthem. ofall feet washedthe hisownhe with hand and heated be to water ofGod,ordered he love ofthe full immediately, bythem, welcomed been Having there. men nine were There houseoflepers. a into aside turned and nightfall, by was he overtaken that hisbrothers, visit wayto onthe while day, one happened “It a. b. a. 19. Hanc quoque rem intremescendam qua peragebat dulcedine? Cum leprosi venientes, venientes, leprosi Cum dulcedine? peragebat qua intremescendam rem quoque 19. Hanc maladies. leurs souvant bien chassèrent aux attachées 5.Car, surmalades. les curatives desvertus fréquemment exercèrent son à et son à manteau arrachées desfranges nonplusque pasomettre Ondoit ne recouvrée. poursasanté grâces rendait lépreux le éclatant, unteint avec l’église à venant lendemain, 4.le son de mal, entièrement purifié aussitôt été Ayant mond. le tout à horreur faisait qui pitoyable visage au unlépreux bénit et baisa il considérables, desfoules par sa marche dans accompagné cité, cette de porte la franchissait oùil moment au Parisiens, les 3. Chez morbosfugauerunt. aegrotantibus ab persaepe inditae, collo aut inligatae digitis 5.Nam uirtutes. egere superinfirmantibus crebras detractae cilicioque eius uestumento quodfimbriae est praetereundum Nec agebat. receperat, quam pro sanitate, gratias cute nitenti ueniens ecclesiam ad die 4.postero emundatus, malo omni Statimque benedixit. atque est osculatus osculatus cunctis horrentibus facie miserabili leprosum introiret, euntibus turbis secum magnis illius ciuitatis portam Apud dum Parisiosuero, 3. auri vel vestimenti, vix una teste, munuscula. Ministra tamen praesumebat et blandimentis blandimentis et praesumebat tamen Ministra munuscula. teste, una vix vestimenti, vel auri praebebat Recedentibus singula. per pascens ipsa rursus et administrabat, ulcera ungues et manus, lavabat, facies calidam, aquam ferens mensa, posita Deinde, animo. diligens toto vultum, et osculabatur // amplexu, in conprehendens maculis leprae variis mulieres tamen Ipsa perciperet. quosenemo furtim, intromittebatur subsequente, scola calices et potum cannas, cultellos, cocleares, missorium, mensa, parata renuntiante, Quasibi requireret. cura pia essent, quanti vel unde ut, adminiculae, iubebat seproderent, signo facto, 124 CEU eTD Collection 4. opitulatio ulrisque populorum praeconiis deputatur. deputatur. praeconiis populorum ulrisque opitulatio redditae sanitatis et peraguntur, gratiae voce consona Amatori atque martyri Symphorano et Deogratias, omnes Proclamant languore. deteriorata inquinationis lepaticae fuisset numquam si tamquam redderetur, superficies cutis colori pristino sic ut ita obsessos dereliquit, penitus morbus omnis statim et illinivit, signaculo facto crucis corpuseorum omne benedictionis oleo isuper irrorans, leprosorum ora hisin Ex fuerant. allati civitatem AEduam ad jubente, episcopo quondam Reticio qui sumit, Jordanislactices fluento ex vero Antistes impenderent. eis salubritatem precum sloitam ut // poscentes praesentaverunt; eorum seseconspectui cupientes, integritatem suicorporis mundationis leprosi, tres itineris, brevitate ipsa in subito, ecce sunt.Et regressi urbem in collaudantium, Deum populorum turba subsequente ac praeeunte protinus, promiserat; Symphoriano athletae fidelissimo quae suumfamulum, per Domino ergo Perficiente habitaculum. Deoconsecraretur martyris Symphoriani puritatem precum ejus per ut incumbit, postulatione Amatori beatissimo Simplicius sacerdos Dei dictus ante Tunc dedicata. invocationibus pontificis more canonico fuerat nontamen constructa, martyris honore fussetin cella praefata diu jam enim Licet persolvunt. dignitati martyris obsequia volorum praeveniunt: seorationibus alternatim ingrediuntur: pariter perlucentia, Domini praeceptorum lychnis luminosis duocandelabra, et olivae duae Illie saptium. erat obseratum angustiis cellulae sedparvissimae ambiebatur, aedificiis latis nondum tempore namque Eo properant. diversorium martyris Symphoriani ad surgentes, Dei famuli tempore, noctis caliginosae autem Peracto perduxerunt. civitatem Aeduam ad puriushonoratum, assentatione venerationis debitae atque salutatum rite Quem obviusnonneglexit. ire stipato, turmis sui officii oraefecto, tunc Julio cum non et nec clericali, erdine omni cum ei praeventus, ejus adventus rumore caritatis, atque simplicatis summae vir episcopus, Simplicius Tunc (XXVIII) b. “Really if you won’t kiss me, it’s no concern ofmine.” noconcern it’s kiss me, youwon’t if “Really sheanswered: Pleasantly, kiss whoyou?” will lepers, embraced whenyouhave lady, “Mostholy softly: her chide to presumed attendant the witness,but single a was scarcely there this To clothing. and ofgold gifts small sheoffered leaving were they When one. each fed and soresfreshunguents with their treated and water warm handswith and faces shewashedtheir table, the at seated were they while Then, faces. shekissedtheir of love, full heart her embrace, her in women leprous ofthe some Seizing her. see might none that secretly herself in shewent and wine and goblets, cupsand knives, dishes, spoons, little with laid table a shehad that, learned Having were. there orhow many came they whence piousconcern with inquire to assistant her forward,shedirected came warning, sounding a and, arrived lepers When so shedid sweetly? thing this shudder, one make this Doesn’t est.’ ulla nec cura mihi hinc nonosculeris, sime ‘Vere, benivole: respondit Illa leprososamplecteris?’ sic quae osculetur, quiste domina, ‘Sancissima appellare: sic 125 CEU eTD Collection 5. d. c. b. a. p. 246-7 p. 170-1 p. 168-9 p. 264-5 ii. i. ii. i. ii. i. i. qu’il fut délivré deux mois plus tard des entraves de la vie terrestre. terrestre. vie la de desentraves plustard mois deux délivré fut qu’il remèdes tels de muni c’est Et besion. avait il dont grâces les duSeigneur d’obtenir afin répétés, desjeûnes observant en tout continuelle oraison en homme cet avec demeurer de ses de moines quelques-uns à paternellement demanda et piété de sentiments ses fort admira Dieu de 2.L’homme louange. de digne fin une pourytrouver lieu sesce joursen terminer ducorpset celle de guéri été avait il comme dupéché lèpre la de sedébarrasser souhaitait il car lui, chez rentrer à forcer plusle ne de demandant lui dusaint, pieds aux sejeta Maisil santé. la recouvré avait qu’il maintenant dansson pays, rentrer de alors conseilla On Dieu. lui de grâce la par aussitôt guéri fut il unjeûne: prescrit avoir après ses à moines confia le Séverin ses à maux, un remède implorant en suppliait le il comme Séverin; saint de réputation la par attiré été avait qui et Milan de région la de venait qui unlépreux arrivé était après temps 26. 1.Quelque absolutus. compedibus est mortalis uitae spatium mensium duorum opportuna essent quae ei dominus ut permanere, continua oratione in ieiuniis eo cum frequentatis praecepit iussione paterna monachis paucis admirans uehementer die uir religiosum 2.Cuiusanimum terminaret. laudabili fine loco eodem in uitamque effugeret carnis sicut peccatorum quoque lepram ut scilicet, cupiens cogeretur, suaredire ad ulterius ne petens, uiri, sancti sepedibus protrauit patriam, ad suaderetur redire sanitate recepta Cumque est. mundatus operante gratia die continuo qui commendauit: ieiunio indicto suis monachis implorantem suppliciter remedia sanitatis hunc perrexerat: inuitante eius fama Seuerinum sanctum ad terrirorii Mediolanensis leprosusquidam 26. 1.Post haec Teio. de dunom lèpre, la par gonflé unhomme guéri fut 34. Comment sit. curatus Teio, nomine quidam, elefantiosus 34. Qualiter dupéché. lèpre dansla davantage pastomber pourne lui chez rentrer à renonça qui purifié 26. À propos d’unlépreux euitauit. incurreret, magis peccati lepram de propria, ad reuerti qui mundato, 26. Deleproso suis quam plurimorum uocibus longe lateque denuntians. denuntians. lateque longe uocibus plurimorum suis quam tam magnalia aeterni regis colorem, et meruit mutare melius, in mores commutat dum mundatus, opitulatione leprosusdiuina idem uiri beati Precibus 2. Quidplura? exorare. lacrimabiliter cessatione sine largitorem, gratiae totius deum, iubetur praecepto more ex itaque Accepto mundari. oratione roganseius uenit, uirtutibus inuitatus Seuerini sancti regionibus longinquis de nomine, Teio quidam, etiam 1. Elefantiosus 126 CEU eTD Collection 6. a. quickly restored to his former state ofhealth. state hisformer to restored quickly was servant the father, Antonius’ by Benedict to sent When concealed. be nolonger could matter infected the hisskinwasand out, swollen, fell hishair that leprosy with so afflicted been had ofhisfather servant a that Hesaid position. ofhigh man Antonius, a from heard XXVI. ii. répétaient les merveilles du Roi éternel. éternel. duRoi merveilles les répétaient beaucoup que desparoles par proclamant partout allait il couleur; de changer aussi de obtint il mieux, en savie changé avait il comme et Dieu; de l’assistance avec homme dusaint pières les par purifié fut lépreux Ce plus? dire 2.Àbonen quoi grâce. doute te dispensateur le Dieu, deslarmes sansavec cesse d’implorer ordonné fut lui il consacré, l’usage Selon ses par prières. purifier le de demander pourlui loin fort de vint Séverin, saint de vertus les par attiré Teio, de dunom lèpre, la par gonflé 1. Un homme How a Servant Was Cured of Leprosy of Cured Was How aServant 127 : I must also tell about this incident, which I which incident, this about tell also Imust : CEU eTD Collection ______. “Sermo II.” II.” ______. “Sermo Guibert de Tournai. “Sermo I.” Goodich, Michael, ed. “Third Lateran Decree on Lepers.” In Géraud, H. ed. Geary, Patrick J. ed., “The Fourth Lateran Council.” In Francis of Assisi. “ Drew, Katherine Fischer. “Rothair’s Edict.” In Ac Bible. Douay-Rheims Alberto, Turrado. andLaurentio Colungam O.P., Bonaventure. “ “ SOURCES PRIMARY Assisi Assisi Compilation 1998. the Margins of Medieval Society, 1300à1368. de chronique cette de Press, 2010. Toronto of University Toronto: Press,New City 1999. by Regis J. Armstrong, J. A. Wayne Hellmann, and William J. Short, 124-7. New York: Press, 1973. ofPennsylvania University Editio. Press,New City 2000. J. Short,York: Hellmann, 525-649.William andNew Wayne A. Armstrong,J. byRegisJ. Press, 2000. Armstrong, J. A. 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