The Cultural and Archaeological Significance of Culturally Modified Trees by Arnoud H

Home , Haida people, Heiltsuk

SacredA REPORT OF THE PACIFIC Cedar SALMON FORESTS PROJECT The Cultural and Archaeological Significance of Culturally Modified Trees by Arnoud H. Stryd, Ph.D Vicki Feddema, M.A.

David Suzuki Foundation

12.1998

The David Suzuki Foundation 2211 West Fourth Ave., Suite 219 Vancouver, BC Canada V6K 4S2 E-mail: [email protected] David Suzuki Foundation 3 Web: www.davidsuzuki.org Tel: (604) 732-4228 Fax: (604) 732-0752 The Authors

Vicki Feddema, M.A. Arnoud H. Stryd, Ph.D Vicki Feddema (B.A., M.A. Anthropology, Arnoud H. Stryd (B.A. Anthropology, University of British Columbia) is a Simon Fraser University; Ph.D. senior archaeologist with Arcas Archaeology, University of Calgary) is the Consulting Archeologists Ltd. Prior to president of Arcas Consulting joining Arcas, she worked for several Archeologists Ltd. He directed the years with a multi-national research team pioneering CMT studies on Meares Island on an archaeological excavation project in in 1984 and 1985, and has been involved southern Chiapas, Mexico. Her interests in CMT studies in Haida Gwaii and in paleoethnobotany and the development elsewhere on the British Columbia coast of agriculture resulted in a Master's thesis since then. Recently he prepared a hand- based on the analysis of botanical remains book on the identification and recording from several Early Formative sites in of CMTs for the Ministry of Forests. Dr. Chiapas. Since 1995, she has been Stryd continues to be an advocate for the involved in the study of CMTs and protection of CMTs and for raising public aboriginal forest utilization practices in awareness of CMTs. He lives in coastal regions of British Columbia. Coquitlam with wife Melanie, son Aaron and daughter Zoë.

David Suzuki Foundation The David Suzuki Foundation is a federally registered Canadian charity working to design a vision of Earth in which humans live within the planet’s productive capacity – and finding and communicating practical Sections of this report may be reproduced in magazines, journals steps to bring that vision to reality. and newspapers with written permission from the David Suzuki Foundation. December 1998. Table of Contents

03 Introduction

06 Culturally Modified Trees

13 The Cultural Significance of CMTs

16 The Significance of CMTs to British Columbians

19 Concluding Remarks

List of Figures 1 Culturally modified tree. 02

2 Small dugout canoe. 05

3 Bark-stripping a cedar tree. 06

4 Gathering bark. 08

5 Splitting planks from a 11 standing tree.

6 An archaeological treasure. 13

7 Cutmarks made by a metal 14 axe on a test-hole tree.

8 Bark-stripping a cedar tree. 16

9 Kwakwakawakw 19 transformation mask; carved in cedar by Simon Dick and family.

10 Planked tree. 21 Few Canadians know about the archaeological treasures that lie hidden in the old growth rainforests of coastal British Columbia. Covered by moss and other vegetation, and sometimes difficult to reach in the dense forests, these treasures are the places where aboriginal people long ago felled and worked the massive cedar trees that were so critical to their way of life. Only in the last few decades have people become aware of the existence and importance of these ancient sites and the culturally modified trees found there.

Figure 1 Culturally modified tree. Photo: National Museum of Canada.

David Suzuki Foundation 03 Few Canadians know about the archaeological treasures that lie hidden in the old growth rainforests of coastal British Columbia. Covered by moss and other vegetation, and sometimes difficult to reach in the dense forests, these treasures are the places where aboriginal people long ago felled and worked the massive cedar trees that were so critical to their way of life. Only in the last few decades have people become aware of the existence and importance of these ancient sites and the culturally modified trees found there.

Figure 1 Culturally modified tree. Photo: National Museum of Canada.

David Suzuki Foundation 03 Introduction The rainforests of the northwest coast have been an unknown land for was such that the red and yellow cedars each have their own creation myths most Europeans since the time of their first arrival. Early European visitors (Stewart 1984:27); they are also believed to have special healing and spiritual powers. found the rainforests dark and intimidating, and seldom ventured far Northwest coast peoples knew the from the coast. As expressed by anthropologist Phillip Drucker, cedar tree intimately, and all of its parts were highly valued. The wood was used to make canoes, paddles, house planks, “The woods, seen from the water, seem to form an impenetrable house posts, crest and mortuary poles, mantle over the irregular surface of the land. After one finally bentwood boxes, bows, masks, bowls and breaks through the luxurious growth along the margin, he finds dishes. The fibrous inner bark was himself in a dark gloomy moss-covered world . . . It is scarcely to fashioned into clothing, hats, mats, masks, rattles, nets, twine, blankets, be wondered at, what with the ruggedness of the rockbound diapers, towels, and rope. The coarse mountainous terrain and the dense tangle of vegetation, that the outer bark was used for roofing material, native population for the most part frequented the woods but canoe bailers and canoe covers. The withes, or flexible branchlets that hang little.“ (Drucker 1951:8-9) down from the main branches, were valued for making heavy-duty rope, fish traps, and baskets. Even the roots were Drucker's fear of the dark was not majestic western red and yellow cedars. used, to make baskets and cradles (Pojar necessarily shared by the aboriginal The cedar is known as the “tree of life” and MacKinnon 1994; Turner and Efrat residents of the area because, breaking by various northwest coast peoples. Bill 1982; Turner et al. 1983; Stewart 1984). through the “impenetrable mantle” of the Reid, the reknowned Haida artist and While western red and yellow cedar forest practically anywhere along the carver, paid special tribute to the cedar in were the most important trees to northwest coast, one inevitably stumbles (literally, his foreword to Hilary Stewart's classic coast peoples, other species like hemlock, sometimes) across ancient logging book Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest fir, pine, spruce, yew and alder were also Figure 2 Small dugout canoe located near Johnstone remains: moss-covered stumps with Coast Indians: valued for medicine, wood, dyes, fuel, food, Strait, Vancouver Island. perfectly preserved chisel cut marks, logs “Oh, the cedar tree! If mankind in his pitch, and bedding (Mobley and Eldridge Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. with gaping holes where planks were infancy had prayed for the perfect 1992:95; Pojar and MacKinnon 1994; pried off to build the longhouses of the substance for all material and aesthetic Turner and Efrat 1982; Turner et al. 1983). northwest coast winter villages, dugout needs, an indulgent god could have canoes in various stages of manufacture, provided nothing better.” (Reid 1984:8) and trees with long scars on their trunks where bark was pulled off to make clothing The cedar tree played a vital role in and other items essential to the lives of the the life and culture of aboriginal peoples. The most highly valued trees were the native northwest coast peoples. From this tree, they obtained most of the majestic western red and yellow cedars. Aboriginal peoples of the northwest raw materials for their basic needs, like coast had an intimate relationship with clothing, shelter, tools and transportation The cedar is known as the "tree of life” by the plants and trees in their environment. as well as for their artistic, ceremonial The most highly valued trees were the and spiritual activities. Their importance various northwest coast peoples.

04 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 05 Introduction The rainforests of the northwest coast have been an unknown land for was such that the red and yellow cedars each have their own creation myths most Europeans since the time of their first arrival. Early European visitors (Stewart 1984:27); they are also believed to have special healing and spiritual powers. found the rainforests dark and intimidating, and seldom ventured far Northwest coast peoples knew the from the coast. As expressed by anthropologist Phillip Drucker, cedar tree intimately, and all of its parts were highly valued. The wood was used to make canoes, paddles, house planks, “The woods, seen from the water, seem to form an impenetrable house posts, crest and mortuary poles, mantle over the irregular surface of the land. After one finally bentwood boxes, bows, masks, bowls and breaks through the luxurious growth along the margin, he finds dishes. The fibrous inner bark was himself in a dark gloomy moss-covered world . . . It is scarcely to fashioned into clothing, hats, mats, masks, rattles, nets, twine, blankets, be wondered at, what with the ruggedness of the rockbound diapers, towels, and rope. The coarse mountainous terrain and the dense tangle of vegetation, that the outer bark was used for roofing material, native population for the most part frequented the woods but canoe bailers and canoe covers. The withes, or flexible branchlets that hang little.“ (Drucker 1951:8-9) down from the main branches, were valued for making heavy-duty rope, fish traps, and baskets. Even the roots were Drucker's fear of the dark was not majestic western red and yellow cedars. used, to make baskets and cradles (Pojar necessarily shared by the aboriginal The cedar is known as the “tree of life” and MacKinnon 1994; Turner and Efrat residents of the area because, breaking by various northwest coast peoples. Bill 1982; Turner et al. 1983; Stewart 1984). through the “impenetrable mantle” of the Reid, the reknowned Haida artist and While western red and yellow cedar forest practically anywhere along the carver, paid special tribute to the cedar in were the most important trees to northwest coast, one inevitably stumbles (literally, his foreword to Hilary Stewart's classic coast peoples, other species like hemlock, sometimes) across ancient logging book Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest fir, pine, spruce, yew and alder were also Figure 2 Small dugout canoe located near Johnstone remains: moss-covered stumps with Coast Indians: valued for medicine, wood, dyes, fuel, food, Strait, Vancouver Island. perfectly preserved chisel cut marks, logs “Oh, the cedar tree! If mankind in his pitch, and bedding (Mobley and Eldridge Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. with gaping holes where planks were infancy had prayed for the perfect 1992:95; Pojar and MacKinnon 1994; pried off to build the longhouses of the substance for all material and aesthetic Turner and Efrat 1982; Turner et al. 1983). northwest coast winter villages, dugout needs, an indulgent god could have canoes in various stages of manufacture, provided nothing better.” (Reid 1984:8) and trees with long scars on their trunks where bark was pulled off to make clothing The cedar tree played a vital role in and other items essential to the lives of the the life and culture of aboriginal peoples. The most highly valued trees were the native northwest coast peoples. From this tree, they obtained most of the majestic western red and yellow cedars. Aboriginal peoples of the northwest raw materials for their basic needs, like coast had an intimate relationship with clothing, shelter, tools and transportation The cedar is known as the "tree of life” by the plants and trees in their environment. as well as for their artistic, ceremonial The most highly valued trees were the and spiritual activities. Their importance various northwest coast peoples.

04 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 05 Because of the incredible preservation Tapered bark scars are usually found on properties of the cedar tree, remnants of western red or yellow cedar. They result Culturally trees that were modified hundreds of from the procurement of the soft, pliant years ago, in the process of removing bark inner bark that was valued for its fibrous and wood, are still present on the forest properties and use in making clothing, Modified floor where these activities were carried ropes, blankets, and so on. A horizontal out. These trees are commonly referred to cut was made through the bark near the The use by aboriginal peoples on as “culturally modified trees,” or CMTs. A base of a tree, and the loosened bark was Trees CMT is usually defined as a tree which pulled away from the tree until the upper the northwest coast of products has been intentionally modified by abo- end tapered to a point and broke away from cedar and other species of riginal peoples as part of their traditional (Stryd 1997:18-20). Tapered bark-stripped use of the forest (Stryd and Eldridge trees are extremely common all along the trees dates back at least 3,000 1993; Stryd 1997). This definition does northwest coast, and are often located not include CMTs that are the result of long distances inland and at high eleva- years (and probably for much non-Native forest use, such as the tions (particularly yellow cedar, which “springboard notched stumps” left by was highly valued for the exceptional longer), as indicated by wood early European loggers which often date strength and flexibility of its inner bark). and bark-working tools recovered back to the late 19th century. Although Rectangular bark scars result from these are not considered to be CMTs in the removal of large slabs of outer bark from dated archaeological sites. the usual sense of the term, they may be (sometimes called “bark boards” or “bark of historical and anthropological signifi- planks”) from western red cedar trees for “Analysis of plant pollen suggests cance (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:91). such uses as roofing material for houses CMTs are found primarily in old and for covering canoes under construc- that red cedar became a common growth cedar stands. Stands marked on tion in the forest. Horizontal cuts were forest species in southwestern British forest cover maps as not containing cedar made through the bark at the bottom and Columbia about 6,000 years ago, and trees can, however, include the occasional top of the desired length, and the slab on the north-central coast between cedar, and these are sometimes modified. was then pried from the tree (Stryd CMT stumps (and more rarely, CMT logs) 1997:24-25). Rectangular bark-stripped 4,000 and 5,000 years ago.” can be found in clear-cuts and second- trees are found primarily in coastal (Mathewes 1991:384). growth forests if they were not removed areas, including Haida Gwaii (Queen during commercial logging. Non-cedar Charlotte Islands). In some of these CMTs are of course found in settings areas, traditional dwelling structures other than cedar stands. were roofed with bark boards, whereas in Bark-stripped trees are characterized more southerly coastal areas where large by distinctive scars where the bark was hewn-plank houses were used, rectangu- removed from the tree, exposing the lar bark-strip scars are absent and underlying wood. Depending on what the plank-stripped trees and logs are more bark was to be used for, and the method common (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:96) by which it was removed, the resulting (see below). scars are either long and tapered in Bark was also collected from species Figure 3 Bark stripping a cedar tree. shape, or shorter and rectangular. such as western hemlock, spruce, Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

06 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 07 Because of the incredible preservation Tapered bark scars are usually found on properties of the cedar tree, remnants of western red or yellow cedar. They result Culturally trees that were modified hundreds of from the procurement of the soft, pliant years ago, in the process of removing bark inner bark that was valued for its fibrous and wood, are still present on the forest properties and use in making clothing, Modified floor where these activities were carried ropes, blankets, and so on. A horizontal out. These trees are commonly referred to cut was made through the bark near the The use by aboriginal peoples on as “culturally modified trees,” or CMTs. A base of a tree, and the loosened bark was Trees CMT is usually defined as a tree which pulled away from the tree until the upper the northwest coast of products has been intentionally modified by abo- end tapered to a point and broke away from cedar and other species of riginal peoples as part of their traditional (Stryd 1997:18-20). Tapered bark-stripped use of the forest (Stryd and Eldridge trees are extremely common all along the trees dates back at least 3,000 1993; Stryd 1997). This definition does northwest coast, and are often located not include CMTs that are the result of long distances inland and at high eleva- years (and probably for much non-Native forest use, such as the tions (particularly yellow cedar, which “springboard notched stumps” left by was highly valued for the exceptional longer), as indicated by wood early European loggers which often date strength and flexibility of its inner bark). and bark-working tools recovered back to the late 19th century. Although Rectangular bark scars result from these are not considered to be CMTs in the removal of large slabs of outer bark from dated archaeological sites. the usual sense of the term, they may be (sometimes called “bark boards” or “bark of historical and anthropological signifi- planks”) from western red cedar trees for “Analysis of plant pollen suggests cance (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:91). such uses as roofing material for houses CMTs are found primarily in old and for covering canoes under construc- that red cedar became a common growth cedar stands. Stands marked on tion in the forest. Horizontal cuts were forest species in southwestern British forest cover maps as not containing cedar made through the bark at the bottom and Columbia about 6,000 years ago, and trees can, however, include the occasional top of the desired length, and the slab on the north-central coast between cedar, and these are sometimes modified. was then pried from the tree (Stryd CMT stumps (and more rarely, CMT logs) 1997:24-25). Rectangular bark-stripped 4,000 and 5,000 years ago.” can be found in clear-cuts and second- trees are found primarily in coastal (Mathewes 1991:384). growth forests if they were not removed areas, including Haida Gwaii (Queen during commercial logging. Non-cedar Charlotte Islands). In some of these CMTs are of course found in settings areas, traditional dwelling structures other than cedar stands. were roofed with bark boards, whereas in Bark-stripped trees are characterized more southerly coastal areas where large by distinctive scars where the bark was hewn-plank houses were used, rectangu- removed from the tree, exposing the lar bark-strip scars are absent and underlying wood. Depending on what the plank-stripped trees and logs are more bark was to be used for, and the method common (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:96) by which it was removed, the resulting (see below). scars are either long and tapered in Bark was also collected from species Figure 3 Bark stripping a cedar tree. shape, or shorter and rectangular. such as western hemlock, spruce, Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

06 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 07 called “aboriginally-logged trees,” and the tree was left partially chopped, although not all “logged” trees were but still alive and standing. Another type actually cut down. For example, a “test- is a “planked” tree, where notches were hole” tree is a standing tree with one or chopped in the trunk at the bottom and more rectangular holes chopped into the top of the desired length of a plank, and trunk. It is thought that these holes were the plank was then pried or levered off made to determine the soundness of the with wedges and/or crossbars. It was also heartwood and the suitability of the tree a common practice to take planks from for use as a canoe, house post, totem windfall trees, which is not surprising, pole, house planks, and so on. In the days considering the work that would have

In the days before crosscut saws and chainsaws, an enormous amount of energy was required to fell these massive, ancient trees, and the process probably involved work parties of several people, lasting several days.

before crosscut saws and chainsaws, an been involved in felling an entire tree. enormous amount of energy was required This practice conserved, on the one hand, to fell these massive, ancient trees, and a great deal of time and energy and, on the the process probably involved work par- other, the life of a tree. Good-quality ties of several people, lasting several days. windfall trees would not always have been Before beginning work on a tree, there- available, or may not have been suitable fore, loggers would want to be certain for canoes, mortuary poles, house con- that the selected tree was suitable for the struction and so on. At such times, it intended purpose. Canoemakers ritually would have been necessary to fell trees. fasted and prayed that they would select The best trees for these purposes were the right tree. Before they began to fell large-diameter, straight, western red cedar Figure 4 Gathering bark. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart. the tree, they prayed to the spirit of the with clear-grained wood and few branches tree and asked that it fall in the right (for relatively knot-free wood). Because of Douglas fir, yew, and some deciduous mainly small rectangular scars that heal direction (Stewart 1984:39). the work involved in skidding log sections species, and used for a diversity of to oval or lenticular shapes (Stryd There are other types of standing or partially-finished canoes to the water, purposes including: food, medicine, 1997:27). “logged” trees. One is an “undercut” tree, suitable trees were generally located dye, and fuel. CMTs of these species are The second main group of CMTs con- which has a wedge-shaped area of relatively close to the shore of a navigable relatively rare because, compared to sists of trees which have been modified by missing wood and bark that was removed waterway, although logged CMTs are cedar, they have lower resistance to native people as part of the traditional as part of the initial stage of felling the sometimes found long distances inland. infection and shorter life spans. The procurement of logs, posts, planks, canoes tree. For some reason, the work was Evidence of felled trees is plentiful in scars on CMTs from these varieties are and other pieces of wood. They are often abandoned after the undercut was made coastal forests. A felled tree consists of a

08 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 09 called “aboriginally-logged trees,” and the tree was left partially chopped, although not all “logged” trees were but still alive and standing. Another type actually cut down. For example, a “test- is a “planked” tree, where notches were hole” tree is a standing tree with one or chopped in the trunk at the bottom and more rectangular holes chopped into the top of the desired length of a plank, and trunk. It is thought that these holes were the plank was then pried or levered off made to determine the soundness of the with wedges and/or crossbars. It was also heartwood and the suitability of the tree a common practice to take planks from for use as a canoe, house post, totem windfall trees, which is not surprising, pole, house planks, and so on. In the days considering the work that would have

08 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 09 stump and/or a log. Sometimes the log large numbers of slave labourers (Stewart displays no sign of modification, other 1984:40). A second technique involved a than at its butt end where it was massive unidirectional undercut in the chopped. In other cases, the log was cut tree at a relatively steep angle to produce into two or more sections: sometimes a flat-bottomed hole with a sloping top. notches were chopped into the log or log The tree was then left to fall of its own sections (usually representing either the volition, leaving a spire of sheared wood first stage of plank removal or further along the part of the trunk that was not sectioning of the log, or sometimes cut; the resulting stump is often called a planks were removed from them. “barberchair” stump (Stryd 1997). A Frequently, a section of log was hauled third felling technique involved an ini- away from the logging site, presumably tial undercut and then a backcut (similar for use as a canoe, a housepost, or a pole. to modern logging techniques), resulting In rare cases, a “canoe blank” (a log or in a “stepped” stump, with two relatively log section in the initial or intermediate level planes separated by a vertical step. stage of shaping into a canoe) is present. Fire was sometimes used to help fell a It has been suggested that large numbers tree, either by setting hot rocks in a of abandoned logs and canoes may be chiseled-out cavity, or by setting fire to related to epidemics of smallpox and the base of the tree and putting wet clay other European-introduced diseases that on the trunk above the fire to prevent it decimated aboriginal populations in the from spreading (Stewart 1984:39).

Figure 5 Splitting planks from a standing tree. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart. Groups of CMTs are known by the archaeological term

‘forest utilization sites’ since they constitute physical cut or modify the trees. Prior to The third group of CMTs includes evidence of the traditional aboriginal activities of wood European contact, the main tools were trees that were modified for purposes chisels, adzes, wedges and hammers. other than bark and wood collection, and bark procurement. Chisels and adzes had bits made of such as the collection of kindling, pitch stone, bone or shell. Cobbles and stone and small pieces of wood suitable for handmauls were used as hammers. making tools. Some trees were modified 19th century (Arcas Consulting Because the trees were cut above the root Wedges were made of wood, bone and for ceremonial and spiritual purposes, Archeologists Ltd 1991:31). flare, ladders or scaffolding platforms antler. By the 16th Century (and possi- while others were modified to mark There are several different types of were often used to elevate the workers bly earlier), metal was available in some trails, assert tree ownership, facilitate CMT stumps, depending on the technique to the required height. The resulting areas and became the preferred material passage on streams, serve as support that was used to fell the tree. For exam- stumps are generally two to three metres for chisel bits, but the basic technologies posts for shelters and food drying frames, ple, “flat-topped” and “basin-topped” above the ground surface, making them did not change until the mid to late 19th and provide alcoves for the placement of stumps are the result of a traditional easily visible on the forest floor. Century when the steel axe and knife trapsets in winter. felling technique that involved the com- Many CMTs have cuts, striations and were introduced. Later, the crosscut saw Groups of CMTs are known by the plete girdling of the tree with chisels, other marks that indicate the types of and backcut-undercut felling methods archaeological term ‘forest utilization sites’ wedges and stone mauls, sometimes by tools and technologies that were used to were used. since they constitute physical evidence of

10 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 11 stump and/or a log. Sometimes the log large numbers of slave labourers (Stewart displays no sign of modification, other 1984:40). A second technique involved a than at its butt end where it was massive unidirectional undercut in the chopped. In other cases, the log was cut tree at a relatively steep angle to produce into two or more sections: sometimes a flat-bottomed hole with a sloping top. notches were chopped into the log or log The tree was then left to fall of its own sections (usually representing either the volition, leaving a spire of sheared wood first stage of plank removal or further along the part of the trunk that was not sectioning of the log, or sometimes cut; the resulting stump is often called a planks were removed from them. “barberchair” stump (Stryd 1997). A Frequently, a section of log was hauled third felling technique involved an ini- away from the logging site, presumably tial undercut and then a backcut (similar for use as a canoe, a housepost, or a pole. to modern logging techniques), resulting In rare cases, a “canoe blank” (a log or in a “stepped” stump, with two relatively log section in the initial or intermediate level planes separated by a vertical step. stage of shaping into a canoe) is present. Fire was sometimes used to help fell a It has been suggested that large numbers tree, either by setting hot rocks in a of abandoned logs and canoes may be chiseled-out cavity, or by setting fire to related to epidemics of smallpox and the base of the tree and putting wet clay other European-introduced diseases that on the trunk above the fire to prevent it decimated aboriginal populations in the from spreading (Stewart 1984:39).

Figure 5 Splitting planks from a standing tree. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart. Groups of CMTs are known by the archaeological term

10 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 11 Aboriginal people to modify trees as part of their traditional use of the forest. continue to use the trees CMTs have certain limitations that The Cultural other types of archaeological remains do of coastal British not have, or at least not to the same degree. In particular, they lack the age of other Significance Columbia for traditional types of archaeological materials, which purposes, and continue can be many thousands of years old. On the one hand, they generally occur in old- of CMTs to create new CMTs. growth forests which are increasingly encroached upon by the logging industry; The coastal rainforest is a living testimony to the strength, skill and knowledge on the other, they cannot be preserved the traditional aboriginal activities of indefinitely because of their natural life of aboriginal woodworkers and barkworkers of the northwest coast. In a sense, wood and bark procurement. Like other spans and subsequent decay. types of archaeological sites in British Aboriginal people continue to use the it is a living museum that displays evidence of the tools, technology, and raw Columbia, forest utilization sites are trees of coastal British Columbia for materials that shaped the lives of the people who used them. These remains, protected by the Heritage Conservation traditional purposes, and continue to create Act (1996) if one or more of the CMTs new CMTs. Most noticeable are bark- and the forests within which they are situated, have special significance for the were modified prior to 1846 or, if the ages stripped cedars where modern bark of the CMTs are not known, there is a collectors obtain their weaving material. descendants of the people who created them. reasonable possibility that some of the Traditional canoe making also is practiced, CMTs date to 1846 or earlier. British but chainsaws and modern felling methods sovereignty over British Columbia was are now largely used, leaving stumps and established by the Oregon Boundary Treaty log remnants difficult or impossible to of 1846; the date of this event was arbitrar- distinguish from the remains of other ily chosen as the “cut off” point between kinds of forest activities by either protected and unprotected archaeological aboriginal or non-aboriginal people. sites when the Heritage Conservation Act was revised in the 1980s. In many cases, the date of modification can be established through tree-ring dating. The exact year of modification can be determined on some living CMTs (such as bark-stripped, planked or test- hole trees) but, even after death, mini- mum ages can be obtained by counting annual rings on trees that take root and grow on CMT stumps or logs. CMTs in British Columbia have been dated as far back as 1137 AD (Eldridge 1997a), and contemporary aboriginal peoples continue Figure 6 An example of the third type of CMT. An archaeological treasure from the Mamalilaculla Village, off the north coast of Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of G.W. McIntyre.

12 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 13 Aboriginal people to modify trees as part of their traditional use of the forest. continue to use the trees CMTs have certain limitations that The Cultural other types of archaeological remains do of coastal British not have, or at least not to the same degree. In particular, they lack the age of other Significance Columbia for traditional types of archaeological materials, which purposes, and continue can be many thousands of years old. On the one hand, they generally occur in old- of CMTs to create new CMTs. growth forests which are increasingly encroached upon by the logging industry; The coastal rainforest is a living testimony to the strength, skill and knowledge on the other, they cannot be preserved the traditional aboriginal activities of indefinitely because of their natural life of aboriginal woodworkers and barkworkers of the northwest coast. In a sense, wood and bark procurement. Like other spans and subsequent decay. types of archaeological sites in British Aboriginal people continue to use the it is a living museum that displays evidence of the tools, technology, and raw Columbia, forest utilization sites are trees of coastal British Columbia for materials that shaped the lives of the people who used them. These remains, protected by the Heritage Conservation traditional purposes, and continue to create Act (1996) if one or more of the CMTs new CMTs. Most noticeable are bark- and the forests within which they are situated, have special significance for the were modified prior to 1846 or, if the ages stripped cedars where modern bark of the CMTs are not known, there is a collectors obtain their weaving material. descendants of the people who created them. reasonable possibility that some of the Traditional canoe making also is practiced, CMTs date to 1846 or earlier. British but chainsaws and modern felling methods sovereignty over British Columbia was are now largely used, leaving stumps and established by the Oregon Boundary Treaty log remnants difficult or impossible to of 1846; the date of this event was arbitrar- distinguish from the remains of other ily chosen as the “cut off” point between kinds of forest activities by either protected and unprotected archaeological aboriginal or non-aboriginal people. sites when the Heritage Conservation Act was revised in the 1980s. In many cases, the date of modification can be established through tree-ring dating. The exact year of modification can be determined on some living CMTs (such as bark-stripped, planked or test- hole trees) but, even after death, mini- mum ages can be obtained by counting annual rings on trees that take root and grow on CMT stumps or logs. CMTs in British Columbia have been dated as far back as 1137 AD (Eldridge 1997a), and contemporary aboriginal peoples continue Figure 6 An example of the third type of CMT. An archaeological treasure from the Mamalilaculla Village, off the north coast of Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of G.W. McIntyre.

12 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 13 Statements made by aboriginal people regarding the significance of these For many aboriginal people, CMT in an attempt to learn the ancient craft of archaeological treasures often stress the link between CMTs, their ancestors, and sites have spiritual significance. In Nuu- carving canoes from cedar trees. As he chah-nulth culture on Vancouver Island, describes, “I was instrumental in estab- living aboriginal culture. For Guujaaw, a Haida carver from Massett, CMT sites are for example, the connection to the land is lishing the design, choosing the cedar sacred memorials to “. . . our ancestors who worked in the forests and created the the foundation of their spiritual identity; log, and laying out the initial carving canoes and totem poles for which the Haidas are known worldwide”, and they activities that are carried out on the land- plan of the canoe “Luutaas”. Luutaas is a provide “. . . a sense of communion with the old canoe makers.” (Guujaaw 1990:2, scape (such as the harvesting of cedar seaworthy craft, that has been taken on 6). The CMTs at the S’yaal (Collison Point) site on Haida Gwaii are considered to bark and wood) are part of that connection many voyages, including a well-published (Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel trip on the River Seine, in Paris, as part be “. . . ‘living archaeology’ [that] presents a unique opportunity to get close 1995:67-68). For the Heiltsuk First of the 1989 Bi-Centennial celebration of to the activities of our ancestors in a live and dynamic setting” and “to our people Nation near Bella Bella, resource gathering the French Revolution. I would not have the spiritual effects of being in the footsteps of our ancestors is the primary sites (including CMT sites) are of spiritual been able to accomplish any of that if I significance because the resources were had not had the opportunity to study the significance of the site.” (Guujaaw and Wanagun 1991:2). believed to be a gift from the Creator remains of partially built canoes found in (Heiltsuk Tribal Council 1994; Millennia the culturally modified cedar tree groves Research Ltd 1997:112). Some CMTs are on Haida Gwaii.” (Guujaaw 1990:8). associated with sacred and spiritual prac- In addition to their value as teaching tices. The Ahousaht of Clayoquot Sound tools for carvers, CMT sites are also consider some planked and burned trees considered to be important places for to have been used for sacred purposes demonstrating the cultural achievements (Atleo 1997), and the Huu-ay-aht of of their ancestors to school children and Barkley Sound have indicated that spiri- adults, and instrumental for passing on tual bundles used in certain rituals were knowledge of their culture to future stored in cedar trees, and cedar bark was generations. As Wanagun stated, “while used in cleansing bathing rituals. Cedar cedar archaeology is still alive we have a bark was also considered to have chance to record the knowledge . . . after supernatural qualities (Neary 1997). all it is our history.” (Wanagun 1983). In CMTs are considered to be an particular, sites that have high densities important source of knowledge for wood- of CMTs and are easily accessible for working procedures and techniques. CMT students, adults and elders are consid- sites can provide information on the ered to be good for teaching purposes types of cedars that were chosen for (Guujaaw 1990:10). Because so many canoes, the methods of felling a tree to sites have been destroyed, and so much cause the least damage to the log, and information has already been lost, the specific techniques used in canoe build- remaining sites are considered to be ing (Guujaaw 1990; Guujaaw and highly significant. Most First Nations Wanagun 1991). Except for oral tradi- believe that they have an obligation to tions, CMTs are often the only source of their ancestors to protect their land and knowledge of certain techniques. On heritage, as expressed in their traditional Figure 7 Example of cutmarks made by a metal axe on a test-hole tree. Located near Rugged Point, Kyuquot Haida Gwaii, Guujaaw studied canoes use sites. Sound on the west side of Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. abandoned in various stages of completion

14 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 15 Statements made by aboriginal people regarding the significance of these For many aboriginal people, CMT in an attempt to learn the ancient craft of archaeological treasures often stress the link between CMTs, their ancestors, and sites have spiritual significance. In Nuu- carving canoes from cedar trees. As he chah-nulth culture on Vancouver Island, describes, “I was instrumental in estab- living aboriginal culture. For Guujaaw, a Haida carver from Massett, CMT sites are for example, the connection to the land is lishing the design, choosing the cedar sacred memorials to “. . . our ancestors who worked in the forests and created the the foundation of their spiritual identity; log, and laying out the initial carving canoes and totem poles for which the Haidas are known worldwide”, and they activities that are carried out on the land- plan of the canoe “Luutaas”. Luutaas is a provide “. . . a sense of communion with the old canoe makers.” (Guujaaw 1990:2, scape (such as the harvesting of cedar seaworthy craft, that has been taken on 6). The CMTs at the S’yaal (Collison Point) site on Haida Gwaii are considered to bark and wood) are part of that connection many voyages, including a well-published (Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel trip on the River Seine, in Paris, as part be “. . . ‘living archaeology’ [that] presents a unique opportunity to get close 1995:67-68). For the Heiltsuk First of the 1989 Bi-Centennial celebration of to the activities of our ancestors in a live and dynamic setting” and “to our people Nation near Bella Bella, resource gathering the French Revolution. I would not have the spiritual effects of being in the footsteps of our ancestors is the primary sites (including CMT sites) are of spiritual been able to accomplish any of that if I significance because the resources were had not had the opportunity to study the significance of the site.” (Guujaaw and Wanagun 1991:2). believed to be a gift from the Creator remains of partially built canoes found in (Heiltsuk Tribal Council 1994; Millennia the culturally modified cedar tree groves Research Ltd 1997:112). Some CMTs are on Haida Gwaii.” (Guujaaw 1990:8). associated with sacred and spiritual prac- In addition to their value as teaching tices. The Ahousaht of Clayoquot Sound tools for carvers, CMT sites are also consider some planked and burned trees considered to be important places for to have been used for sacred purposes demonstrating the cultural achievements (Atleo 1997), and the Huu-ay-aht of of their ancestors to school children and Barkley Sound have indicated that spiri- adults, and instrumental for passing on tual bundles used in certain rituals were knowledge of their culture to future stored in cedar trees, and cedar bark was generations. As Wanagun stated, “while used in cleansing bathing rituals. Cedar cedar archaeology is still alive we have a bark was also considered to have chance to record the knowledge . . . after supernatural qualities (Neary 1997). all it is our history.” (Wanagun 1983). In CMTs are considered to be an particular, sites that have high densities important source of knowledge for wood- of CMTs and are easily accessible for working procedures and techniques. CMT students, adults and elders are consid- sites can provide information on the ered to be good for teaching purposes types of cedars that were chosen for (Guujaaw 1990:10). Because so many canoes, the methods of felling a tree to sites have been destroyed, and so much cause the least damage to the log, and information has already been lost, the specific techniques used in canoe build- remaining sites are considered to be ing (Guujaaw 1990; Guujaaw and highly significant. Most First Nations Wanagun 1991). Except for oral tradi- believe that they have an obligation to tions, CMTs are often the only source of their ancestors to protect their land and knowledge of certain techniques. On heritage, as expressed in their traditional Figure 7 Example of cutmarks made by a metal axe on a test-hole tree. Located near Rugged Point, Kyuquot Haida Gwaii, Guujaaw studied canoes use sites. Sound on the west side of Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. abandoned in various stages of completion

14 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 15 “It appears to me that Significance the dates when many of the canoes were left of CMTs to unfinished correspond to British CMTs are also of interest to the dates of the smallpox non-native British Columbians, epidemics which decimated Columbians even though there may not the population of Haida be any direct link with the people in the Nineteenth people who created them. For Century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6). anthropologists, archaeologists and other students of aboriginal

CMTs often have great time depth, culture, they provide a means and are therefore of value in providing of understanding the history and easily accessed information about the nature of aboriginal society (Yahgulanaas nature of traditional forest use, 1998). As the Heiltsuk Tribal Council points out, CMTs preserve a partial, but an aspect of aboriginal culture compelling, record of aboriginal presence that is not well documented in on the land and utilization of forest resources. In essence, they are “. . . a time existing anthropological reports. capsule – one of the few remaining windows on a rich cultural heritage and ancient historical past” (Heiltsuk Tribal An understanding of traditional forest Council 1984). They can also provide Figure 8 Bark stripping a cedar tree. information about events that may have use has a great deal of potential to Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. occurred in more recent times, as shed light on other aspects of native Guujaaw suggests: “It appears to me that culture, such as the ways in which the dates when many of the canoes were Because of their ability to provide societies were, and are, organized at left unfinished correspond to the dates of precise dates, CMTs have the potential the social, political and economic levels, the smallpox epidemics which decimated to play a very important role in helping the population of Haida people in the First Nations establish claims to both and how this organization may have nineteenth century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6). aboriginal rights and aboriginal title. changed over time.

16 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 17 “It appears to me that Significance the dates when many of the canoes were left of CMTs to unfinished correspond to British CMTs are also of interest to the dates of the smallpox non-native British Columbians, epidemics which decimated Columbians even though there may not the population of Haida be any direct link with the people in the Nineteenth people who created them. For Century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6). anthropologists, archaeologists and other students of aboriginal

16 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 17 The study of CMTs, undertaken with importance in addressing research ques- From CMT dates, we have a recorded First Nations, scientists, and others. The the cooperation and support of contem- tions concerning changing demographic 861-year history of aboriginal forest visibility of CMTs gives them high inter- porary First Nations peoples, may yield and settlement patterns. They can provide utilization on the northwest coast while pretative value and makes them ideal for such information, and may do so in a potential information about when artifacts related to wood- and bark- teaching purposes. As people become much less destructive and costly manner population shifts occurred, when villages working activities push this history aware of CMTs and what they represent, than archaeological excavation, which is may have been settled or abandoned, and back to at least 3,000 years. Aboriginal they will undoubtedly come to admire the the more traditional means of collecting possible correlation of these events with cultures have experienced profound ingenuity of their creators and the quality information on past human culture and outbreaks of smallpox and other diseases. change during this period, particularly of their workmanship. They will also be society. An increased understanding of Studies of aboriginal tree use on Meares after the arrival of the Europeans in the more inclined to respect the desire of First traditional resource use and management, Island in Clayoquot Sound (Arcas 18th century. CMTs therefore represent Nations peoples to remain close to their which was based on selective and Associates 1984, 1986) provided a total of a means of investigating traditional ancestors and their culture. sustainable logging, could also have 485 tree-ring dates spanning a 350-year aboriginal lifeways before, during, and Stanley Park, in the heart of downtown possible implications for current forestry period between AD1642 and 1984. The after this extreme cultural upheaval, Vancouver, contains numerous CMTs, practices. dates indicate that the trees of Meares reflecting a continuum of aboriginal although very few people are aware of the Because there was no written lan- Island were used almost continuously culture and forest use. fact that native loggers used that forest long guage in pre-contact times, aboriginal oral during this time, but that tree use varied The general public has also demon- before the historic settlement and logging histories are an essential tool for research- in intensity. Periods of low intensity use strated interest in achieving a better of Vancouver. Forest utilization sites such ing the past. CMTs have the potential to may be linked to decreased bark and understanding of aboriginal culture. The as this are easily accessible and contain a corroborate oral histories that may con- wood procurement as a result of accultur- high profile of native art (paintings, number and variety of well-preserved tain descriptions of trail and ation and/or local depopulation; high masks, sculpture, and jewelry, for exam- CMTs. They have high potential for devel- traditional-use locations. In addition, they intensity use may indicate greater ple) in contemporary society indicates opment as tourist sites, with possible can help clarify inaccurately mapped loca- demands for bark and wood for competi- that the more non-native people learn and economic benefits to the adjacent commu- tions of trails and sites documented in tive potlatches, larger populations, or the understand of native culture, the more nities through such things as guided tours, early historical times. Until relatively resurgence of traditional ceremonies and they appreciate it. At this time, the public boat access, trail creation and maintenance, recently, it was thought that most activi- other activities (Stryd and Eldridge at large knows little or nothing about forest and local accommodation. ties of coastal First Nations peoples took 1993:218). utilization sites and their importance to place either on the ocean, on the shore, or Specific dates can also be linked to at river mouths. CMTs demonstrate the technological innovations. They have extensive use that native peoples also shown, for example, that iron and other made of inland areas. Because CMTs are metals were being used in woodworking often highly visible and easily recogniza- tools on the northwest coast well before ble, they may help in locating other types the first Europeans actually made their of less visible inland archaeological sites, appearance, as demonstrated by cut which sometimes occur in association marks made by metal chisels on CMTs with CMTs. dating to pre-contact times. They have One of the most significant properties also shown that aboriginal people, while of CMTs, in a scientific sense, is their quick to adopt metal as a material for ability to be dated. Precise dates can be making tools, were not as keen to adopt used to establish when specific lands were European technology and continued to occupied and used. Dates of use traditional methods of felling and occupation and use are also of great modifying trees.

Figure 9 Kwakwakawakw transformation mask; carved in cedar by Simon Dick and family. Photo courtesy: D. Taylor.

18 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 19 The study of CMTs, undertaken with importance in addressing research ques- From CMT dates, we have a recorded First Nations, scientists, and others. The the cooperation and support of contem- tions concerning changing demographic 861-year history of aboriginal forest visibility of CMTs gives them high inter- porary First Nations peoples, may yield and settlement patterns. They can provide utilization on the northwest coast while pretative value and makes them ideal for such information, and may do so in a potential information about when artifacts related to wood- and bark- teaching purposes. As people become much less destructive and costly manner population shifts occurred, when villages working activities push this history aware of CMTs and what they represent, than archaeological excavation, which is may have been settled or abandoned, and back to at least 3,000 years. Aboriginal they will undoubtedly come to admire the the more traditional means of collecting possible correlation of these events with cultures have experienced profound ingenuity of their creators and the quality information on past human culture and outbreaks of smallpox and other diseases. change during this period, particularly of their workmanship. They will also be society. An increased understanding of Studies of aboriginal tree use on Meares after the arrival of the Europeans in the more inclined to respect the desire of First traditional resource use and management, Island in Clayoquot Sound (Arcas 18th century. CMTs therefore represent Nations peoples to remain close to their which was based on selective and Associates 1984, 1986) provided a total of a means of investigating traditional ancestors and their culture. sustainable logging, could also have 485 tree-ring dates spanning a 350-year aboriginal lifeways before, during, and Stanley Park, in the heart of downtown possible implications for current forestry period between AD1642 and 1984. The after this extreme cultural upheaval, Vancouver, contains numerous CMTs, practices. dates indicate that the trees of Meares reflecting a continuum of aboriginal although very few people are aware of the Because there was no written lan- Island were used almost continuously culture and forest use. fact that native loggers used that forest long guage in pre-contact times, aboriginal oral during this time, but that tree use varied The general public has also demon- before the historic settlement and logging histories are an essential tool for research- in intensity. Periods of low intensity use strated interest in achieving a better of Vancouver. Forest utilization sites such ing the past. CMTs have the potential to may be linked to decreased bark and understanding of aboriginal culture. The as this are easily accessible and contain a corroborate oral histories that may con- wood procurement as a result of accultur- high profile of native art (paintings, number and variety of well-preserved tain descriptions of trail and ation and/or local depopulation; high masks, sculpture, and jewelry, for exam- CMTs. They have high potential for devel- traditional-use locations. In addition, they intensity use may indicate greater ple) in contemporary society indicates opment as tourist sites, with possible can help clarify inaccurately mapped loca- demands for bark and wood for competi- that the more non-native people learn and economic benefits to the adjacent commu- tions of trails and sites documented in tive potlatches, larger populations, or the understand of native culture, the more nities through such things as guided tours, early historical times. Until relatively resurgence of traditional ceremonies and they appreciate it. At this time, the public boat access, trail creation and maintenance, recently, it was thought that most activi- other activities (Stryd and Eldridge at large knows little or nothing about forest and local accommodation. ties of coastal First Nations peoples took 1993:218). utilization sites and their importance to place either on the ocean, on the shore, or Specific dates can also be linked to at river mouths. CMTs demonstrate the technological innovations. They have extensive use that native peoples also shown, for example, that iron and other made of inland areas. Because CMTs are metals were being used in woodworking often highly visible and easily recogniza- tools on the northwest coast well before ble, they may help in locating other types the first Europeans actually made their of less visible inland archaeological sites, appearance, as demonstrated by cut which sometimes occur in association marks made by metal chisels on CMTs with CMTs. dating to pre-contact times. They have One of the most significant properties also shown that aboriginal people, while of CMTs, in a scientific sense, is their quick to adopt metal as a material for ability to be dated. Precise dates can be making tools, were not as keen to adopt used to establish when specific lands were European technology and continued to occupied and used. Dates of use traditional methods of felling and occupation and use are also of great modifying trees.

Figure 9 Kwakwakawakw transformation mask; carved in cedar by Simon Dick and family. Photo courtesy: D. Taylor.

18 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 19 Concluding Culturally modified trees were defined earlier as trees which The full significance of CMT sites is Remarks still not completely understood, nor can it have been intentionally modified by aboriginal peoples as part of be understood solely on the basis of the physical remains in the rainforest. There their traditional use of the forest. They are a true archaeological is another source of data that should be treasure of the northwest coast rainforest, one that is finite in consulted, one that Michael Nicoll Yahgulanaas (1998) calls “kitchen table numbers, non renewable in nature, and subject to continued impacts culture”, or the trans-generational exchange within kin groups of information from commercial logging, park development, and other activities. that is relevant to members of the group. The CMTs in the remaining old growth cedar forests need to be An understanding of the cultural values attached to CMTs helps put scientific located and managed appropriately if significant numbers of these values in perspective and provides a better understanding of First Nations archaeological trees are to be saved for future generations. people and cultures. To achieve this understanding, it is essential that we recognize the importance and relevance Strategies for managing CMTs are still Second, the act of ranking individual of the discussions taking place at the “kitchen table”. By connecting living being developed. For forest manage- CMTs or CMT sites obscures the aboriginal culture with archaeological ment purposes, CMTs are often rated unique inter-relationships of archaeo- sites, we will, as Yahgulanaas eloquently in terms of their perceived significance logical sites to each other and to the states, arrive at “… a more sophisticated to the scientific community. For several land. We believe a more holistic understanding of Indigenous sciences reasons, some First Nation peoples and approach is needed, one that views [that] will pull us away from the imaginary Indian, a contemporary others are uncomfortable with this CMTs, the lands they are on, and the mythology carried aloft by those who practice (Eldridge 1997b). First, many people who created them, as being don’t sit around the table, yet are anxious aboriginal people consider all CMTs interrelated. Third, CMTs may also to describe the texture and flavour of our to be highly significant because they constitute legal evidence in cases meals” (Yahgulanaas 1998:7-8). represent their ancestors’ presence. dealing with land claims, aboriginal rights and aboriginal title. By ranking some CMTs as less significant than others, there is a possibility that they may be cut down and potentially useful evidence will be lost.

Figure 10 Planked tree. Located near Work Channel on the north coast of British Columbia. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

20 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 21 Concluding Culturally modified trees were defined earlier as trees which The full significance of CMT sites is Remarks still not completely understood, nor can it have been intentionally modified by aboriginal peoples as part of be understood solely on the basis of the physical remains in the rainforest. There their traditional use of the forest. They are a true archaeological is another source of data that should be treasure of the northwest coast rainforest, one that is finite in consulted, one that Michael Nicoll Yahgulanaas (1998) calls “kitchen table numbers, non renewable in nature, and subject to continued impacts culture”, or the trans-generational exchange within kin groups of information from commercial logging, park development, and other activities. that is relevant to members of the group. The CMTs in the remaining old growth cedar forests need to be An understanding of the cultural values attached to CMTs helps put scientific located and managed appropriately if significant numbers of these values in perspective and provides a better understanding of First Nations archaeological trees are to be saved for future generations. people and cultures. To achieve this understanding, it is essential that we recognize the importance and relevance Strategies for managing CMTs are still Second, the act of ranking individual of the discussions taking place at the “kitchen table”. By connecting living being developed. For forest manage- CMTs or CMT sites obscures the aboriginal culture with archaeological ment purposes, CMTs are often rated unique inter-relationships of archaeo- sites, we will, as Yahgulanaas eloquently in terms of their perceived significance logical sites to each other and to the states, arrive at “… a more sophisticated to the scientific community. For several land. We believe a more holistic understanding of Indigenous sciences reasons, some First Nation peoples and approach is needed, one that views [that] will pull us away from the imaginary Indian, a contemporary others are uncomfortable with this CMTs, the lands they are on, and the mythology carried aloft by those who practice (Eldridge 1997b). First, many people who created them, as being don’t sit around the table, yet are anxious aboriginal people consider all CMTs interrelated. Third, CMTs may also to describe the texture and flavour of our to be highly significant because they constitute legal evidence in cases meals” (Yahgulanaas 1998:7-8). represent their ancestors’ presence. dealing with land claims, aboriginal rights and aboriginal title. By ranking some CMTs as less significant than others, there is a possibility that they may be cut down and potentially useful evidence will be lost.

Figure 10 Planked tree. Located near Work Channel on the north coast of British Columbia. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

20 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 21 References Arcas Associates Heiltsuk Tribal Council 1984 Meares Island Aboriginal Tree Utilization Study. Report on file, Culture 1994 Heiltsuk Heritage Policy Draft. Heiltsuk Cultural Education Centre / Heiltsuk Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria. Tribal Council.

1986 Native Tree Use of Meares Island, B.C. (Four volumes). Report on file, Mathewes, Rolf W. Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria. 1991 Connections between Palaeoenvironments and Palaeoethnobotany in Coastal British Columbia. In New Light on Early Farming, Recent Developments in Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd Palaeoethnobotany, edited by J. Renfrew, pp. 378-387. Edinburgh University 1991 Archaeological Impact Assessment, Bligh Island Development Plan. Report on Press. file, Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria. Millennia Research Ltd. 1997 Heiltsuk Traditional Territory Archaeological Overview Assessment, Volume Atleo, Shawn Quees-hai-cheetl 3: Final Report Appendices. Report on file, Culture Library, Ministry of Small 1997 Ahousaht First Nation Confederacy Culturally Modified Tree (CMT) Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria. Guidelines. Presented to the Ahousaht First Nations Hawiih, Chief and Council. Mobley, Charles M. and Morley Eldridge 1992 Culturally Modified Trees in the Pacific Northwest. Arctic Anthropology British Columbia Ministry of Forests 29(2):91-110. 1997 Culturally Modified Tree Management Procedure. British Columbia Ministry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo. Neary, Kevin 1997 The Sacred Mountain: A Report Prepared for the Huu-ay-aht First Nations. Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel Appendix 3 in Assessment of Aboriginal Use in Opening 9692, TFL 44, 1995 First Nations’ Perspectives Relating to Forest Practices Standards in Spencer Creek Area, Huu-ay-aht Traditional Territory: A Report Prepared for Clayoquot Sound. The Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in the Huu-ay-aht First Nations by James C. Haggarty and Kevin Neary, Clayoquot Sound. Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc, Victoria.

Drucker, Phillip Pojar, Jim and Andy MacKinnon (compilers and editors) 1951 The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. Bureau of American Ethnology, 1992 Plants of Coastal British Columbia including Washington, Oregon and Bulletin 144. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Alaska. British Columbia Ministry of Forests and Lone Pine Publishing, Vancouver. Eldridge, Morley 1997aJulia Passage CMTs: Dendrochronology Dating Analysis. Report on file, Reid, Bill Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria. 1984 Foreword. In Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest Coast Indians, by Hilary Stewart. Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver. 1997b The Significance and Management of Culturally Modified Trees. British Columbia Ministry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo. Stewart, Hilary 1984 Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest Coast Indians, by Hilary Stewart. Guujaaw Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver. 1990 Affidavit sworn 28 May, 1990, for Massett Band et al., v. Stejack Logging Limited et al., Supreme Court of British Columbia, Victoria Registry, No. Stryd, Arnoud H. (Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd) 901244. 1997 Culturally Modified Trees of British Columbia: A Handbook for the Identification and Recording of Culturally Modified Trees. British Columbia Guujaaw and Wanagun Ministry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo. 1991 S'yaal Aboriginal Forest Utilization, Collison Point. Report prepared for the Ministry of Forests, Queen Charlotte City, B.C. Stryd, Arnoud H. and Morley Eldridge 1993 CMT Archaeology in British Columbia: The Meares Island Studies. B.C. Studies 99:184-234.

22 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 23 References Arcas Associates Heiltsuk Tribal Council 1984 Meares Island Aboriginal Tree Utilization Study. Report on file, Culture 1994 Heiltsuk Heritage Policy Draft. Heiltsuk Cultural Education Centre / Heiltsuk Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria. Tribal Council.

22 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 23 Turner, Nancy J. 1975 Food Plants of British Columbia Indians: Coastal Peoples. Handbook, British Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria.

Turner, Nancy J. 1979 Plants in British Columbia Indian Technology. Handbook No. 38, British Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria.

Turner, Nancy J. and Barbara S. Efrat 1982 Ethnobotany of the Hesquiat Indians of Vancouver Island. Cultural Recovery Paper No. 2, British Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria.

Turner, Nancy J., John Thomas, Barry F. Carlson, and Robert T. Ogilvie 1983 Ethnobotany of the Nitinaht Indians of Vancouver Island. Occasional Papers of the British Columbia Provincial Museum, No. 24. Victoria.

Wanagun 1983 Council of the Haida Nation Aboriginal Forest Utilization Study. Report on file, Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

Yahgulanaas, Michael Nicoll 1998 Sitting at the Table. Paper presented at the 31st Annual Conference of the Canadian Archaeological Association, Victoria.

24 Sacred Cedars The Authors

David Suzuki Foundation

12.1998