Traduções/Translations

Power, image and archaeology: ral processes, is constructed according tions, which only look at the purchase monetary iconography and the to certain determined rules that follow value, are not useful when we study an- social conventions. In fact, a coin cir- tiquity. In order to define a coin we need Roman army culates in three different levels, where it to understand its function back then3. Cláudio Umpierre Carlan simultaneously is an icon, an index and The present paper has this context as a conventional symbol. The peoples that PhD IFCH/Unicamp background. We tried to identify each Associate researcher at Núcleo de Estudos inhabited the vast Roman Empire had existing symbol on the obverse and on Estratégicos (NEE/Unicamp) the knowledge to recognize their ruler in the reverse of the studied coins through Holder of a Capes scholarship a bust engraved in a small bronze, silver iconographical analysis. Those repre- or gold piece. sentations served as a kind of political, Introduction Coins have been studied as a simple social, economical and religious propa- financial exchange, another merchandise This paper analyzes Roman coinage ganda. They also have a strong ideologi- within the large world of commerce. The of the 4th century and its connection cal weight, because the final objective numismatic researcher has been more with the society back then through two was to legitimize the rulers’ power before concerned with the economical and so- perspectives: its material relevance when their subjects. cial body that coins served, that is selling used for payment of the troops and of and buying transactions, salary payment, the provisions the empire needed, and etc., than with the metal with which coins I - Crisis and revolts in the 3rd century its symbolic meaning as showed in the were made and that also informed of the After Septimius Severus death (222- representations of the rulers and of their richness of a reign2. 235), Rome falls into a period of political administrative policies. Having this in- anarchy that would last circa fifty years. tention in mind we will use not only nu- Contemporary man hardly connects coins to a mode of communication be- One after the other, successive emperors mismatic sources, but also written and tween distant peoples. Nevertheless, a would be hailed by the troops at dawn archaeological ones, all belonging to strange monetary piece would speak to a and assassinated at nightfall. As a way this period. Because of lack of space, we Roman owner through (1) the metal with to surpass financial difficulties, coinage will deal only with some coins from the which it was coined, noble or not, (2) its was struck in such an altered way that the tetrarchy period (285-305), when more iconographic type and (3) its legend. The people refused to accept them. than 300 types were coined1. metal would inform of the richness of a During most of the 3rd century, es- The coins used in this research belong reign and the other two elements would sentially during Aurelian’s government to the National Historical Museum, in tell him something about its art - that is, (270-275), there is an attempt to rees- Rio de Janeiro, an institution that has the how high was the technological ability tablish the finances and to regain eco- largest coin collection in Latin America, used in the manufacture of that specific nomical balance. At first, in order to comprising more than 130 thousand coinage -, about the power of the issuing make coin circulation easier, different pieces coming from several regions. Dat- authority and, mainly, about the political mints were opened, but soon after the ing from the 4th century alone, there are and religious ideology that embodied it. Emperor himself had them shut down. 1.888 coins bearing the representations of This last aspect of a numismatic source is A new wave of revolts broke all over the all emperors, usurpers and empresses that the one we intend to explore here. Empire. To make the situation go back gravitated towards the power back then. We just made a huge anachronism to normal, only coinage minted by the The coins, besides offering economic when we compared a capitalistic society, state is accepted, and the Senate had no well being have also intrinsic iconic as- like ours, that has its own economical pat- longer the right to inspect its production. pects. When we analyze the monetary terns, to a society that existed a thousand Increase in prices reach 1.000%. In 273 obverses and reverses conceiving them or two years ago. In a world of extremely an uprising breaks in Rome. The mint as fabricated images, we see that coins low levels of alphabetization and precari- workers (Monetari), backed up by the low imitate the things to which they refer ous modes of communication, iconogra- Roman classes, kill more than 7 thou- to. Any sign, even the iconographical phy played a fundamental role. According sand soldiers of the repression forces. one, engraved through physical or natu- to Corvisier, modern and simple defini- The Empire had last territories and was

RHAA 6 181 Traduções/Translations impoverished. Changes were due: politi- curia or village); peasants, colons and ten- in the Empire. The coins minted in the cal and economical reforms that would ants had to stay permanently at the lands Orient bear also a star in their field. The make the moribund body live again. they worked on, they were prohibited of National Historical Museum has 145 such leaving; urban workers were obliged to coins, from Diocletian, and 107 from Max- keep the same profession and to pass it imianus. Fifteen of those still carry this II - The tetrarchy and the on to their descendants. A novel system characteristic, including the silver cover, restoration of order of classes is, thus, established, one that which is a very important artistic device. The process of transformation begins was unknown in Rome until then. The In 301, the tetrarchs tried, through during Gallienus government (253-268). intent was to maintain the Empire’s eco- the Editum Diocletiani et Collegarum de pretiis He starts a reorganization of the army nomical structure immobilized. rerum venalium, or Diocletian’s Edict on and chooses to form his personal guard The diarchy turns into a tetrarchy, and Maximum Prices, to reestablish the Em- the elite of the officials, together with a Galerius and Constantius Chlorus par- pire economy by rating the maximum large cavalry group. Administration wise, ticipate as Caesars. They were both con- prices of the goods - practice known, in senators lose the command over the le- nected, by marriage, to the two Augus- our “post-modern” society, as “freezing” gions. His successors proceed with the tus. Galerius marries Valeria, Diocletian’s of prices and salaries, something still in restoration work, at least the ones that daughter, and Constantius Chlorus mar- are able to maintain themselves in power: use among our traditional political class. ries Theodora, Maximianus daughter. Aurelian (270-275) and Probus (276-282). As it happens nowadays, it did not bring These initial reforms pave the way for the The new Caesars do not have a mere good results, corruption and smuggling ones established by Diocletian (284-305). administrative function. They need to were stimulated. strengthen their “Augustus”. One “Cae- After the murder of Numerianus In this period also new mints were sar”, as a kind of “vice-emperor”, would (283-284), Caius Aurelius Valerius Dio- opened in order to fulfill the tetrarchy’s aid each “Augustus”. Thus, the pairs cletianus, born in Salona (nowadays Split obligations and the commercial needs: were obliged to help one another, im- or Spalato, a city and a port in Croatia), public enterprises and increase of the mediately, in case of danger: the oriental was proclaimed emperor by his soldiers. military and civil strength. Because of this Augustus and his Caesar would came in Although he possessed an illustrious new issues begin to circulate bearing let- aid of the occidental colleagues. Their name, Valerius, he did not descend from ters at the inferior part of the coin reverse, vow of friendship is depicted at the por- the aristocratic Roman family of the also known as exergue. When visible we phyry sculpture called “The Tetrarchs”, same name. So, he was not a patrician. can identify the name (a kind of abbre- in Venice, where the four of them are His father had been a freedman (ex-slave) viation) of the place of minting, like, for represented embraced. from Dalmatia (Croatia’s cost). In order instance: PÈT (Ticinum); ARLQ, PCON, to avoid having a similar end as his an- Besides those facts, we have an in- PAR, SCON (Arles); AQ, AQP* (Aqui- tecessors, Diocletian relied on known version of the political axis. Rome was leia); MRH, SMHA (Heraklea); VRB, trustful people that came from his so- placed in second plan after the new ROM, VRB.ROM.Q, R*T, RWT, RT cial background. Some of the members capitals became official: Aquilea and (Rome); ASI, ASSIS, BSISZ, SMAKA, of the future tetrarchy belonged to that Treveris, in the Occident, Sirmio and SMKG (Cizicus) (Carlan 2000: 30). group: Galerius (305-311), his adjunct, Nicomedia, in the Orient. Those values are shown explicitly at had guarded livestock at the Carpathian In an attempt to reestablish the power the coinage of the period. In the dupon- Mountains; Maximianus Herculius of the Roman economy, Diocletian tries dius, a bronze coin with a diameter larger (285/286-305) served army with Diocle- to accomplish an economical and admin- than 2,5 mm, weighing more than 8 g, tian; Constantius Chlorus, Maximianus istrative reform. Besides issuing gold and we can identify at the reverse of Diocle- adjunct, also came from the legions. Both silver coins, he also puts in circulation tian’s coins the representation of a half them and their successors chose assist- bronze divisional coins with an extremely nude Jupiter, with covered shoulders, or, ants with identical past. tenuous silver cover, usually called “silver at Maximianus’ coins, Hercules with the In 286 we have the beginning of bath”. Those coins were used for daily lion scalp, handing over to the emperor several reforms that, for some time, re- transactions, and were known as follis. a globe surmounted by Victory. She is store the order. At first, a diarchy with The follis, which size and weight was about to place upon the emperor’s head Maximianus is established. Neverthe- inferior to the dupondius’, was issued be- a laurel wreath, as if the protective deities less, some questions arise that hint at tween 295 and 298, according to Ewald of Rome were blessing the new rulers. Diocletian’s excesses and arbitrariness. Junge4. Its reverse bears the image of a The mappa (consular mantle) and the sella For instance, reformulation of the annona nude Jupiter with a paragonium (a kind of curulis (curule chair), that represent the (annual tax over agricultural production) labarum or standard that accompanied consul, and the cuirass, helmet, spear and and strengthening of the curiales (Roman the deity) and a cornucopia symbolizing horse, that represent the general, are part popular classes that came from a same that richness and abundance were back of the group of images that appear both

182 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations at the obverse and the reverse of the tried to restore the sacrifices to the gods Obverse: IMP DIOCLETIANVS coins5, thus strengthening the imperial and to compel the subjects to worship the AVG 7 power legitimacy. emperor as a deity. According to Funari , Reverse: GENIO POPVLI ROMANI In theory, the Empire was still united. Roman religious flexibility, its respect S F / PTR towards other religions and the easiness We are dealing here with an association Description: and a collegial system, and not with a with which it incorporated them was an In the obverse, bust with diadem and territorial division, although each august, important factor for the Roman ability in cuirass, to the right of the emperor, por- aided or not by a Caesar, or by another dominating such a variety of peoples and trayed with a beard. Alterations in the less prestigious august, was in charge of such a vast geographical area. legend. In the reverse, we have noticed the administration and defense of a part the presence of the genius9, Roman tute- of the Empire. Diocletian himself was Coin description8 lary deity, having the modius (a kind of considered to be an Ivono, a son of Jupi- crown) upon his head, a patira (lace or ter, while the other tetrarch, Maximianus, 1- Denomination: Dupondius whip that comes with the cornucopia) was a Hercvleo, a son of Hercules6. Date/Place: struck between 304-305, in Alexandria. in his hands, along with the cornucopia, The coinages of the period exemplify symbol of abundance. To the deity’s side these differences. At Diocletian’s coins Obverse: IMP C DIOCLETIANVS the letters S F help both the identification we can observe the legend IOVI AVGG, PF AVG of Diocletian and the mint responsible or, IOVI CONSERVAT AVGG, and at Reverse: IOVICO - N S CAES / ALE for this coinage. Exergue, PTR, referring Maximianus’ coins we have HERCULI Description: to Trèves. PACIFER. Although the tetrarchy sys- tem was created in order to establish Obverse: bust, or nude, of bearded Observations: equality, those coinages prove that there Diocletian with diadem, to the right, Bronze piece, very well preserved; di- was an internal hierarchy. One ruler was badly cut at the 1st and 4th quadrants; the ameter: 2,02 mm; weight: 9,78 g; axis: 6. more important than his “brother”, since legend bears the name and the imperial title (IMP AVG). At the reverse the de- a new august was only admitted officially 3- Denomination: Aes10 at the college after his colleague’s (or col- ity Jupiter, standing nude, labarum to the leagues’) approval. left, with the globe, symbol of power and Date/place: struck between 297-298, perfection, in his right hand. Surmount- in Alexandria In the Hercvleo’s government, Maximi- ing the globe, a Victory with a laurel anus’, a coin with a new sign was struck. It Obverse: IMP C C VAL DIOCLE- wreath about to crown the deity. During is known as votive or laudatory, because TIANVS PF AVG most part of the tetrarchy, Diocletian was at the reverse’s field we have the follow- Reverse: CONCORDIA MILITVM considered an iuno, a son of Jupiter, and ing inscription: VOT XX, along with the A / ALE his friend and colleague Maximianus, a letter H (Heraklea) or KK (Carthage). Its Description: herculeo, a son of Hercules. It was as if the meaning would be “We have voted for Bust with cuirass and a radiate crown, twenty years”, exactly the duration of the protective deities of the Roman pantheon protected and gave legitimacy to the new to the right. In this variation, the initials tetrarchy. After the Augustus resignation, of Diocletian’s full name appear. In the Maximianus uses another , VOT XX government. We have also identified the sign reverse, emperor standing up turned to MVLT XXX, which means “We have letter S, something common in the tetrar- the right, wearing a military uniform. He voted for twenty years, and then for chy’s coinage, and an exergue referring holds in his left hand a paragonium, and another thirty”. In the legend, a laurel to the city of Alexandria (ALE). In the receives a globe - surmounted by Victory wreath surrounds the vote. Those votes deity’s image there is a layer of verdigris, - from the hands of a nude Jupiter. A expressed a kind of trust, the people’s due to corrosion. scepter is placed to the left of the deity. fidelity to his ruler. Later, other emper- Observations: Between Diocletian and Jupiter, the letter ors, Constantine, Constans, Constantious Bronze piece, very well preserved; di- A. Exergue of Alexandria. II, Julian, Jovian, Valentinian I, struck ameter: 2,76 mm; weight: 9,56 g; axis: 12. coins with the same legend (or with varia- Concordia that is shown in the in- There are three variations of this piece tions), like VOT XXX MVLTIS XXXX scription Concordia militum, in the re- in the collection, all coined in distinct or VOT XX SIC XXX. verse was a feminine deity, protectress of mints. Rome’s social and moral life. What Diocletian really wanted was to reconstruct, at any cost, Roman great- Observations: ness, which was about to become extinct, 2 - Denomination: Follis Bronze piece, very well preserved; even if to do so he provoked the ruin of Date/Place: struck between 303-305, diameter: 1,98 mm; weight: 9,80 g; axis: the majority of the citizens. He earnestly in Trèves. 10.

RHAA 6 183 Traduções/Translations

Conclusion cordia (that shows the union is possible Acknowledgements Any symbol system is an invention of with everyone’s efforts). Other covering We would like to thank the profes- men. The symbolic systems that we call objects, like the veil, that may indicate sors of Art History at Unicamp for the language are inventions or refining of what modesty or widowhood, barrets and hel- exchange of ideas, to Pedro Paulo Abreu mets, that point to military campaigns, had been, in other times, perceptions of Funari, Ciro Flamarion Santana Cardoso, the adornment with the laurel wreath, the object within a mentality divested of Maria Beatriz Borba Florenzano, Vera that leads to the idea that those who wear images. This turned visual language into Lúcia Tosttes, Rejane Maria Vieira, Eli- them are deities - are also common im- an universal trait. Dondis adds up that ane Rose Nery, Edinéa da Silva Carlan, visual communication is full of informa- ages in monetary representations. Ilma Dias Corrêa da Silva, and Francisca tion with universal meaning; the symbol Iconographical monetary impres- Santiago da Silva. We also mention the does not exist only in language. Its use is sions, leaving aside inscriptions, reveal institutional support of the Núcleo de much more extensive. The symbol must several figures: animals, vegetation, Estudos Estratégicos (NEE/Unicamp) be a simple one and should make refer- coats of arms, objects, buildings and and of Capes. The author is the sole re- ence to a group, idea, commercial activity, more or less stylized emblems. Usually, 11 sponsible for the ideas expressed in this institution or political party . this figures make reference to the mint paper. This symbology, found in numismat- and to the issuing authority, who is very ics, was an exposition of ideas, a com- clearly pointed out to the contemporar- position of emblems, like the Phrygian ies through a figure, an attitude, or any English version: barret (that means freedom), the cornu- other attribute, the meaning of which M. Cristina N. Kormikiari Passos copia (that depicts abundance) and Con- many times eludes us. [email protected]

1 All dates cited here belong to the Christian tetrarchs? Available evidence shows that such Coinage. Edited by Harold Mattingly, C.H.V. Era (A.D.). an amount of work would be unlikely devised Sutherland, R.A.G. Carson. V, VI, VII, VIII. 2 CARLAN, C. U. “Las monedas de Cons- aiming only at a simple economical exchange London : Spink and Sons, 1983, in order to between consumer and producer. tancio II en el acervo Del Museo Histórico date the coins. Nacional de Río de Janeiro: características”. 4 JUNGE, Ewald. The Seaby Coin Encyclopaedia. 9 The genius is a generator deity, who presides In: ALFARO, Carmen, MARCOS, Carmen Second Impression with revisions. London: British everyone’s birth (or the birth of a new order). & PALOMA, Otero. Actas del XIII Congreso Library, 1994, p. 107. It can also be associated with the tutelage of Internacional de Numismática. Madrid: Ministério 5 DEPEYROT, G. Economie et Numismatique a person, a place, of something, of someone’s de Cultura, 2005. (284-491). Paris: Errance, 1987, p. 84. glory, beauty, merit or worth. 3 Professor Maria Beatriz B. Florenzano, during 6 RÉMONDON, R. La Crisis del Imperio Romano. 10 The bronze Aes is believed to have been the international seminar “The other side of De Marco Aurelio a Anastasio. 2nd. ed. Barce- Rome’s first coin, used for exchange, purcha- a coin”, presented this idea. What would be a lona: Labor, 1973, p. 110. ses and sells (Aes grave, or bronze measured sovereign’s purpose to struck coins with less 7 FUNARI, P. P. de A. Grécia e Roma. Vida pú- by weight). It was mostly used for payment than 2 mm of diameter (smaller than our 1 blica e vida privada. Cultura, pensamento e mitologia. of the troops. cent coins) bearing an iconographical and Amor e sexualidade. São Paulo: Contexto, 2002, 11 DONDIS, D. A. Sintaxe da linguagem visual. symbolical richness of great expression, like p. 114. Translation Jefferson Luiz Camargo. 2nd. ed. the follis and the dupondius minted by the 8 We have the catalogue The Roman Imperial São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1997, p. 115.

184 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

Daniel Arasse em perspectiva: lou? Antes de poder responder a essas mesmo tempo reverenciadora e polê- um adendo a L’ Annonciation questões, convém retraçar brevemente mica.5 Ele aplaude o historiador alemão italienne o itinerário intelectual que resultou na por ter sido o primeiro a compreender obra de 1999. Não se trata de recolocar a perspectiva matemática como uma Neville Rowley em questão a visão “perspectivista” de “forma simbólica”, cujo primeiro exem- Monitor na Universidade de Paris IV/ Sorbonne Daniel Arasse, mas sim de apoiá-la e plo seria precisamente uma Anunciação, Doutorando em História da Arte, período desenvolvê-la para redefinir o que cha- de Ambrogio Lorenzetti, conservada moderno, na Sorbonne. mamos de “a nova imagética”, espacial na Pinacoteca Nazionale de Siena.6 En- e luminosa, do Quattrocento. tretanto, mais ainda do que essa aná- A capacidade excepcional que Da- lise histórica, que se revelou inexata, é niel Arasse tinha de tratar com alegria Genealogia de uma intuição a própria interpretação que Panofsky faz da perspectiva que Arasse contesta. problemáticas extremamente diversas “Este livro nasceu de uma intuição: Esta não preside uma concepção “des- tendeu a fazer esquecer que ele era tam- do Trecento ao Cinquecento, existira na pin- teologizada” do mundo, mas é empre- bém um “especialista”. Seu interesse ja- tura italiana uma afinidade particular gada, ao contrário, para figurar a encar- mais desmentido pela pintura italiana e, entre Anunciação e perspectiva”.1 As nação da divindade no mundo humano. mais particularmente, pela florentina, primeiras palavras de L’Annonciation Pois, se é verdade que a perspectiva dá do início do Quattrocento, remonta a seu italienne não poderiam ter enunciado uma medida ao espaço representado, diploma de estudos superiores, que ele mais explicitamente seu propósito. Se alguns elementos do dispositivo pictó- defendeu em 1967 diante de André Ambrogio Lorenzetti e Paolo Veronese rico resistem a qualquer representação Chastel. Desde essa época, pesam as constituem pontos maiores da reflexão problemáticas que estarão no cerne de arassiana, podemos circunscrever a al- em profundidade: isto é válido para a sua obra maior, publicada em 1999, gumas décadas do Quattrocento a verda- porta fechada, no fundo da perspec- L’Annonciation italienne: une histoire de pers- deira tese desenvolvida pelo historiador. tiva de Domenico Veneziano [Fig. 1], pective. Nesse livro, Arasse se propõe a É, de fato, a um artigo de John Spencer, vista de muito perto quando deveria ser demonstrar como a perspectiva mate- publicado em 1955, que ele se refere em vista de longe, ou da placa de mármore mática, por suas próprias ambigüidades, primeiro lugar, no momento de retra- da Anunciação de Piero della Francesca permite representar melhor o mistério çar a gênese de sua reflexão.2 Spencer em Perugia, da qual pode-se discernir da Anunciação, a chegada da “imen- colocava em evidência a aparição, em as veias de maneira incongruente para sidão na medida”, como a descreve meados do Quattrocento, de uma maneira uma tal distância. O espaço assim cons- na época São Bernardino de Siena. O nova de representar a cena da Anuncia- truído não é contínuo e infinito, não é historiador se interessa, em particular, ção, com seus protagonistas, o arcanjo “moderno” no sentido cartesiano, mas por um tipo de composição, talvez con- Gabriel e a Virgem Maria, colocados constituído, de acordo com o pensa- cebida por Masaccio, depois desenvol- de um lado e de outro de um lugar ar- mento aristotélico da época, de lugares vida, em meados do Quattrocento, por quitetônico cruzado ao centro por um justapostos: o mundo humano, men- pintores como Domenico Veneziano, impressionante ponto de fuga em pers- surável pela perspectiva, faz reaparecer Fra Angelico e Piero della Francesca. pectiva. Para Spencer, o exemplo mais aquele divino, que escapa a qualquer O parentesco entre esses artistas vai, antigo de tal composição encontra-se medida. “Como a porta de Domenico entretanto, muito além de sua maestria no fragmento da predela do Retábulo de Veneziano, o mármore de Piero della na perspectiva: a tradição historiográ- Santa Lúcia, pintado por Domenico Ve- Francesca constitui uma figura inco- fica italiana também os agrupou em um neziano, por volta de 1445, atualmente mensurável que vem na medida”,7 es- movimento, batizado “pittura di luce”, no Fitzwilliam Museum de Cambridge creve Arasse. visando à representação – com o auxí- [Fig. 1]. Esse dispositivo, qualificado Como o mais antigo exemplo con- lio de cores claras e limitadas – de um como “nova imagética espacial”,3 co- servado de tal composição, a Anunciação espaço pictórico ensolarado. É digno de nhecerá um vasto destino, primeiro em de Domenico Veneziano é, portanto, nota constatar que várias dessas “pin- Florença, depois em toda a Itália. capital. Entretanto, observa Arasse turas de luz” representam efetivamente No início de sua reflexão sobre a (seguindo, assim, Spencer): “se Do- a Anunciação, momento luminoso Anunciação, Daniel Arasse reivindica menico ... é certamente um dos mais por excelência, sugerindo uma leitura igualmente a herança de outro “emi- brilhantes especialistas da perspectiva menos formalista dessa tendência pic- nente historiador”,4 Erwin Panofsky. em Florença nos anos 1440, fica difícil tórica. Tal ligação é pertinente? Se é, Ao seu artigo fundador sobre a pers- atribuir-lhe a invenção de um esquema por que Daniel Arasse não a formu- pectiva, Arasse responde de maneira ao neste momento ainda novo”.8 Segundo

RHAA 6 185 Traduções/Translations os dois autores, tal inovação seria mais um artigo de 1970, onde aparece a pri- ponto de fuga, opõe-se perpendicu- provavelmente obra do fundador do meira interpretação da construção de larmente o “eixo do enunciado”, que Renascimento na pintura, ninguém uma Anunciação como “o divino ... su- conta a história em vias de acontecer.19 menos que Masaccio em pessoa. Na gerido na profundidade”.14 Foi no ano Não se trata, então, de fazer uma his- base de uma tal teoria encontra-se, além seguinte, em um escrito jamais publi- tória desse tipo de representação, mas do gênio do pintor, uma passagem da cado, intitulado “O lugar arquitetônico somente revelar o esquema discursivo edição Giunti em que Giorgio Vasari da Anunciação”, que sobreveio “a in- tal como ele se exprime nessas obras descreve uma Anunciação de Masaccio, tuição”. Como Arasse contaria muito – quer os pintores tivessem consciência situada sobre o coro da igreja florentina mais tarde, André Chastel se opôs à delas quer não.20 Essa obra de 1984 é, San Niccolò Oltrarno.9 Entretanto, em aparição deste artigo, pois ele “tinha portanto, um estudo, às vezes verti- 1940, Roberto Longhi havia proposto percebido nele o excesso de entusiasmo ginoso, sobre os níveis de linguagem identificar esta obra como a Anunciação e de precipitação juvenis”.15 O jovem da representação da Anunciação no de Masolino, outrora na coleção Mellon historiador devia certamente expor ali Quattrocento: “em pintura, a anunciação e hoje na National Gallery of Art de a “ponta” de sua demonstração, ou seja, não é senão uma enunciação enunciada no Washington. Para Longhi, a atribuição a “resistência” de determinadas formas enunciado (pictural) que ali é feito”.21 Em vasariana se deveria a uma confusão à figuração perspectiva para fazer emer- L’Annonciation italienne, restará muito entre os estilos desses dois pintores gir um sentido divino. pouco deste discurso. 10 na segunda edição das Vidas. Algum Nos textos contemporâneos e poste- A publicação da obra de 1999 não tempo depois, tal proposição recebeu riores, buscaria-se, entretanto, em vão pode ser considerada, então, um resul- um apoio de peso com a descoberta de traços dessa “intuição”. Arasse dis- tado linear das diversas pesquisas de documentos do século XVII na sacris- serta com prazer sobre a Anunciação Daniel Arasse. Ademais, neste livro tia da igreja, falando de uma Anunciação no Quattrocento, mas sem jamais expor a também, há uma verdadeira polêmica: 11 que parece ser aquela de Masolino. É idéia central da obra de 1999. No início recorrendo largamente a temas desen- verdade que a descrição de Vasari, com dos anos 1970, opera-se no historiador volvidos por Louis Marin e Hubert seu “edifício de várias colunas desenha- uma evolução estigmatizada por suas Damisch, Arasse não se atém menos das em perspectiva de grande beleza”, escolhas universitárias: ele não termina a fazer valer sua originalidade. A idéia deixava uma dúvida quanto a essa iden- sua tese junto à Sorbonne sob orienta- mesma do livro, que deveria primei- 12 tificação. Pouco importa, finalmente, ção de André Chastel, mas começa uma ramente se intitular La perspective de para Arasse, a questão de San Niccolò: outra com Louis Marin, na École des l’Annociation [A perspectiva da Anun- o que conta é que existe sim um protó- Hautes Études em Sciences Sociales.16 ciação],22 nasceu em reação a uma idéia tipo perdido de Masaccio. Essa questão É o início de um diálogo fecundo sobre de Damisch. Este afirmava ver uma da origem não é insignificante: permite a perspectiva e a Anunciação italiana, cumplicidade entre Anunciação e pers- conferir toda uma outra legitimidade que implicará, além de Arasse e Marin, pectiva, enquanto Arasse prefere falar deste esquema pictórico. É talvez por figuras da EHESS como Hubert Da- de afinidade. Para o autor, a diferença é essa razão que Daniel Arasse fará dela misch ou Georges Didi-Huberman.17 A de tamanho: “a proposição de Damisch a única convicção intangível dos três “troca de pele” é evidente quando se é mais antropológica, a minha, mais decênios de pesquisa que determinaram considera uma comunicação dedicada histórica”,23 ele afirma de imediato. É sua longa meditação sobre a questão. em 1977 ao “ponto de vista de Maso- somente então numa perspectiva histó- Em seu diploma de estudos supe- lino sobre a perspectiva”: um decênio rica que a “intuição” de 1971 pode se riores dedicado às Figuras e estruturas do depois da dissertação de DES, o dis- colocar. L’Annonciation italienne é, por- espaço em Masolino da Panicale, encontra- curso está impregnado de referências tanto, ao mesmo tempo uma síntese e se, de fato, uma alusão à Anunciação semióticas.18 Além disso, é numa revista uma superação das diferentes escolas perdida de Masaccio, mas a “intuição” italiana de semiótica que Arasse publica de pensamento que formaram Daniel fundamental da obra de 1999 ainda não seu primeiro escrito sobre o tema da Arasse. Toda a complexidade do mé- tinha sido enunciada.13 Anunciação, no qual não se encontra todo arassiano – feito de hipóteses de Algumas determinantes importan- nenhum vestígio da “intuição” que pesquisa que se completam com fre- tes da reflexão arassiana, entretanto, abrirá a obra de 1999. A “nova imageria qüência, às vezes se desmentem, mas já estão ali presentes, como a idéia de espacial” de Spencer é aqui compreen- são incessantemente remetidas ao metier uma justaposição, uma tensão, entre dida sobretudo como um “enunciado – é ali colocada em ação.24 É porque se o mundo humano e o mundo divino. pictural”: ao “eixo da enunciação”, este trata de uma obra “aberta” que pode- Essa mesma idéia será desenvolvida em do ponto de vista do observador e do mos nos propor a completá-la.

186 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

Perspectiva e luz: uma antinomia? é tomada como uma figura divina, por a de demonstrar os campos perspectivos 32 Se a perspectiva serve de fio condu- conta da luz que dela emana. “Vindo delimitados anteriormente. tor a L’Annonciation italienne, outras pro- esquartejar a unidade fechada da arqui- Mais ainda que em pintura, percebe- blemáticas estão igualmente ligadas ao tetura virginal ... a edícula central pode se a importância de tal procedimento tema de modo recorrente, assim como quase ser considerada como causa do na marchetaria, dita, corretamente, a simbologia da luz, associada, desde terror de Maria: a edícula é a figura da “perspectiva”. Sem os diferentes valores a Antigüidade, à presença do divino. irrepresentável erupção do divino no das essências de madeira, a impressão 28 Em um artigo célebre, Millard Meiss humano”. Mesmo se os meios divir- espacial e luminosa que emana desses demonstrara como esta luz tinha um jam, o objetivo perseguido é, assim, o painéis seria inexistente ou quase. Por papel importante “como forma e como mesmo que aquele da “nova imaginária volta do primeiro quarto do Quattrocento, símbolo” na pintura do século XV.25 espacial” do Quattrocento. essa técnica não é depreciada como Ele havia principalmente relembrado o Mais de um século depois, ou seja, de- viria a ser no fim do século: é talvez quanto a representação do vidro atra- pois do sucesso de “O ponto de vista de o próprio Filippo Brunelleschi que a vessado pelos raios divinos eram um Masaccio”,29 volta-se, segundo Arasse, inventa, no nicho do São Pedro de Or- atributo perfeito – e recorrente – da a uma maneira de representar o divino sanmichele e na Sacristia de Missas da Virgem, que, no momento da Anun- análoga àquela inventada por Ambro- catedral florentina.33 Além disso, tudo ciação, é igualmente penetrada de Luz gio Lorenzetti. Algumas Anunciações da faz pensar que a experiência fundadora sem ser quebrada, isto é, sem perder sua pintura florentina do início do século da perspectiva, esta vista do batistério virgindade. Assim a metáfora luminosa XVI se distinguem de fato pela repre- florentino e de seus “mármores brancos convém particularmente à representação sentação de uma luz divina irrompendo e negros”, era na verdade apenas um da Virgem da Anunciação. Fazendo uma na cena sagrada, uma luz cuja função painel de marchetaria.34 A marchetaria homenagem póstuma a Daniel Arasse, é comparável àquela da Anunciação de faz aparecer um componente inegável Charles Dempsey, ademais, tirou partido Poussin evidenciada por Dempsey. A da construção perspectiva: desde sua deste argumento para alargar os limites origem simbólica dessa aparição lumi- origem, ela é constituída de uma rede cronológicos que a obra de 1999 havia fi- nosa seria de se buscar junto a Marsilio geométrica precisa, cheia de valores lu- xado: aplicando a lógica arassiana a uma Ficino, que, no fim do Quattrocento, con- minosos também bem aplicados. Anunciação de Poussin, hoje na National sagra um verdadeiro culto à luz, mais Na Itália do Quattrocento, seria in- Gallery de Londres, o historiador inter- platônico do que cristão. Como no correto opor a prática da marchetaria pretava a luz emanada do Santo Espírito afresco de Ambrogio Lorenzetti, essa perspectiva à da pintura: inúmeros 26 como uma figura divina. luz aparece abertamente miraculosa, são os pintores a fornecer cartões aos O livro de Arasse leva em conside- pois contradiz explicitamente a cons- intarsiatori, de Alesso Baldovinetti, no ração essa componente luminosa tão trução perspectiva da cena represen- momento em que finaliza por uma importante, principalmente interpre- tada. A partir do início do Cinquecento, Annunciação a decoração da Sacristia das tada como um elemento perturbador o esquema “masaccesco” parece então Missas, a Piero della Francesca, que di- 30 da organização perspectiva. Pois o que completamente esquecido. fundiu a linguagem perspectiva em toda é que surge luminoso, que seja patente, Deve-se, assim, deduzir que a questão uma parte da Itália do Norte graças aos refletido sobre um fundo de ouro, ou luminosa é totalmente ausente das obras vários trabalhos dos irmãos Canozi da mesmo pintado, se não uma negação do “perspectivas” do Quattrocento? Parece Lendinara.35 Assim, esses artistas for- espaço perspectivo matematicamente que não: nesse espaço pictural calculado, necem mestres de marchetaria sem construído?27 Para Daniel Arasse, essas a luz tem igualmente um papel primor- que seu estilo se livre do testemunho aparições luminosas nas representações dial, ainda que freqüentemente subesti- do parentesco entre as duas técnicas: da Anunciação visam mostrar explici- mado, pois o objetivo que a perspectiva como os marcheteiros inserem peda- tamente a encarnação do divino no atribui a si mesma, o de representar o ços de madeira mais ou menos claros, mundo humano de uma maneira muito rilievo e, assim, fazer emergir as formas esses pintores constroem o espaço pic- diferente do dispositivo inventado por do plano da representação, seria imper- tural justapondo zonas coloridas mais Masaccio e aperfeiçoado por Domenico feitamente alcançado só por via das li- ou menos luminosas. É “o antípoda do Veneziano e Piero della Francesca, como nhas de fuga convergindo em direção a modelado”:36 do mesmo modo da mon- a Anunciação de Ambrogio Lorenzetti a um ponto único.31 Essa fase inicial, fun- tanha rosa dos Estigmas de São Francisco Montesiepi, que servirá de modelo para damental de um ponto de vista teórico, de Domenico Veneziano (Washington, algumas obras sienenses. A presença de junta-se a uma outra, não menos indis- National Gallery of Art). Como os ou- uma janela no centro da representação pensável para o sucesso da experiência: tros fragmentos dessa mesma predela,

RHAA 6 187 Traduções/Translations da qual fazia parte a Anunciação [Fig. 1], pintura florentina de meados do século 1440, como demonstra este pintor anô- a obra era montada originalmente em XIV.40 Arasse então deu atenção ao ca- nimo que é o “Mestre da Anunciação uma moldura de perspectiva calculada tálogo da exposição Pittura di luce. Que a Lanćkorońsky”, cuja obra homônima, em função do ponto de vista do espec- noção não tenha suscitado reviravoltas conservada no De Young Museum de tador (moldura visível hoje sobretudo mais amplas em sua análise, isto é o que Los Angeles, retoma com mais sucesso no Milagre de São Zenóbio do Fitzwilliam convém estudar agora. a combinação de tons diáfanos do que Museum de Cambridge): é o jogo de Giovanni di Francesco não é um o rigor da construção perspectiva.44 Em luz, o raso mais ou menos claro, que pintor de primeiro plano do Quattro- Florença, essa composição deveria re- coloca em profundidade essa janela do cento florentino, longe disso. Se ele tinha vestir uma importância tanto religiosa modo mais albertiano possível, segundo sido escolhido como porta-bandeira da quanto plástica, para que o pintor mais os mesmos princípios que aqueles da exposição de 1990, era justamente por- teológico de seu tempo, Fra Angelico, marchetaria. Trata-se, de fato, como já que esta queria afirmar, mais do que não hesitasse, em sua última Anunciação, 37 disse, de uma “perspectiva de luz”. o brilho de um só artista, a existência em adotá-la, abandonando seu próprio Tal designação fazia referência explí- de uma tendência pictural em seu con- esquema habitual, ele mesmo madura- cita à expressão “pintura de luz”, for- junto. Longe de sobrevir de maneira mente refletido: em uma cena do Arma- jada em 1990 por ocasião de uma ex- fortuita no panorama dos estudos ita- dio degli Argenti, o dominicano decalca posição homônima curada por Luciano lianos, uma tal vertente da pintura flo- quase que traço por traço a composi- Bellosi.38 Tratava-se, então, de aproxi- rentina tinha sido largamente estudada ção perspectiva de Domenico, e retoma mar algumas pinturas do Quattrocento ao longo de todo o século XX, graças suas cores cristalinas [Fig. 2]. Depois florentino – de Domenico Veneziano notadamente aos trabalhos seminais de da morte de Fra Angelico, em 1455, e e Fra Angelico ao jovem Piero della Roberto Longhi.41 A expressão pittura di da de Domenico Veneziano, em 1461, Francesca, passando pelos menos ilus- luce, que faz parte hoje em dia da lingua- a pittura di luce declina em Florença, tres Giovanni di Francesco ou Alesso gem crítica italiana, pode até se aplicar não sem alguns últimos brilhos, visí- Baldovinetti – em torno de uma idéia, em vários níveis: no sentido da exposi- veis particularmente nas Anunciações: é não iconográfica, mas puramente for- ção de 1990, trata-se da pintura colorida o caso do retábulo de Cosimo Rosselli, mal: esses artistas representavam, com e luminosa da Florença dos anos 1440 e pintado em 1473, no qual o anjo e a a ajuda de uma paleta cristalina, um 1450, tal como ela se exprime no ponto Virgem são banhados de uma luz bem mundo iluminado de uma doce luz mais alto nas obras de Domenico Vene- mais clara que os santos situados no solar. É impressionante constatar que ziano e de Fra Angelico – em oposição primeiro plano [Fig. 3]. Mais do que esses “partidários da perspectiva e da à “pintura delicada e crepuscular” de em pintura, a lembrança da pittura di 39 luz” são os mesmos que abrem para um Filippo Lippi.42 De maneira mais luce permanece palpável em outras téc- a “nova imageria espacial” da Anun- ampla, a corrente pode remontar, na nicas, tais como a marchetaria – ela foi ciação do Quattrocento. A aproximação fonte, às obras de maturidade de Ma- vista com o acabamento da decoração da tese arassiana com esse movimento saccio e ir, no fim, até aquelas de Piero da Sacristia das Missas da catedral – ou pictural não promete ser fecunda? della Francesca, tais como Antonello da as miniaturas de um Attavante degli At- Messina e alguns venezianos.43 tavanti, no fim do século [Fig. 4].45 A Anunciação italiana: uma histó- Que esses artistas tenham todos pin- Para além da cidade do lírio,46 é Piero ria de perspectiva e de luz tado Anunciações não tem nada de muito della Francesca que divulga, a seu modo, A obra de Daniel Arasse sobre a original em si para a época. Mas que a essa pintura clara e luminosa em uma Anunciação italiana data de quase um de- “nova imageria espacial” proposta por vasta área da Itália. A Anunciação que ele cênio depois da exposição Pittura di luce: John Spencer nasça e se desenvolva pinta no topo do Políptico de Santo An- como o autor não fala jamais de “pin- precisamente neste círculo, faz pensar. tônio, hoje na Galleria Nazionale delle tura de luz” deste modo, poderíamos Mesmo que deixemos em suspense Marche de Perugia, carrega, como visto, pensar que o tema lhe parecia pouco a questão, por demais hipotética, do a lembrança da construção perspectiva pertinente, se não nele mesmo, pelo me- protótipo de Masaccio, podemos quase de Domenico Veneziano, ao mesmo nos no contexto de sua longa reflexão. retraçar a história da pittura di luce nos tempo em que a cena é banhada de Ao olhá-lo mais de perto, entretanto, apoiando apenas em Anunciações, ado- uma luz ainda mais branca, típica de nos damos conta de que Arasse retoma tando a tipologia descrita por Arasse. A Piero. Seguindo os mesmos passos do palavra por palavra as frases de Bellosi predela de Domenico Veneziano [Fig. pintor vão se converter teorias de ar- escritas em 1990 para descrever, sobre 1] teve, de fato, um papel muito im- tistas, tanto na Toscana, como no caso Giovanni di Francesco, o contexto da portante em Florença a partir dos anos de Bartolomeo della Gatta (Avignon,

188 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

Musée du Petit Palais), quanto em Úm- que se vê”.48 Quando mesmo a “lumi- tornável para a época. Seus sermões, bria, a exemplo de Piermatteo d’Amelia nosidade cristalina” da obra seria uma compilados em sua Summa theologica, re- (Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Mu- figura de divindade, ela contradiria em levam sua “fascinação pela metáfora da seum), ou nos Marche, caso de Gio- aparência um dos princípios cardinais luz como veículo metafísico, bem como vanni Angelo d’Antonio (Camerino, da intuição arassiana, essa “tensão entre por cada aspecto da vida da Virgem”.54 Pinacoteca Cívica).47 o tema representado e o instrumento de No caso da Anunciação, Santo Anto- 49 Mesmo sumariamente, a história da sua representação”. nino mostra-se particularmente firme pittura di luce se confunde então com É uma outra dificuldade que per- quando prescreve que o acontecimento aquela da “nova imageria espacial” do mite, de maneira irônica, ultrapassar o deve ser figurado sob a luz da manhã, Quattrocento: as duas idéias aparecem obstáculo: na leitura do texto canônico e não sob a luz da lua ou do sol de desde cedo menos estranhas uma à que relata o momento da Anunciação, meio-dia.55 Quanto à estação, ela tem outra. Elas são ligadas, complementa- nos damos conta não somente de que também sua importância: a Anunciação res? Podemos avançar, neste ponto da São Lucas não fala de luz cristalina, mas de fato aconteceu em 25 de março, dia reflexão, uma hipótese: se a luz pictu- que, além disso, ele faz uma referência de primavera. Tendo isso em vista, seria ral tem um papel tão importante nas explícita à sombra. No interrogatio de Ma- por acaso que Luciano Bellosi definiu a Anunciações deste movimento que pude- ria, que se pergunta como ser mãe per- luz da pittura di luce como de uma manhã mos qualificar como “pintura de luz”, manecendo virgem, Gabriel responde de primavera?56 Sem negar o caráter po- não seria justamente porque ela é em com efeito: “Virtus altissimi obumbrabit ético, até impressionista,57 de tal visão, si compreendida como a manifestação tibi”, ou seja, “a virtude do Mais Alto te é absolutamente razoável pensar que, se do divino? cobrirá com sua sombra”.50 No início do tantos pintores tentaram representar a Antes mesmo de considerar a va- Quattrocento, Gentile da Fabriano ilustra Anunciação invadida de uma luz ma- lidade de tal abordagem, coloca-se de essa frase de modo, talvez, o mais literal tinal e primaveril, isso se deva talvez a imediato um problema importante. Ne- em sua Anunciação da Pinacoteca Vati- algo bem mais profundo do que buscar nhuma das obras evocadas é, de fato, cana: a pomba do Espírito Santo projeta uma “impressão, sol nascente”. 51 interpretada do mesmo modo por Da- sua sombra sobre o ventre de Maria. Se há um pintor que influenciou niel Arasse: às ambigüidades do sistema Mas como imaginar uma sombra Da- Santo Antonino, este foi certamente Fra reveladas conscientemente por Masac- quele que é Luz? É possível acreditar Angelico: em meados do Quattrocento, os cio sucede a limpidez de uma compo- que “a sombra da virtude do Mais Alto” dois dominicanos são as figuras de proa sição, na qual o ponto de fuga não tem seja, de fato, por um mistério puramente do convento de San Marco.58 Quando mais nada a esconder, pois o interesse divino, uma emanação luminosa: é as- consideramos as Anunciações pintadas das obras de Domenico Veneziano ou sim, de todo modo, que Daniel Arasse por Fra Angelico, constatamos, de fato, de Piero della Francesca residia justa- interpreta o “surgimento” luminoso uma evolução conforme os sermões de mente nessa justaposição entre mundo do afresco de Ambrogio Lorenzetti de Santo Antonino: as sugestões noturnas humano e mundo divino, entre espaço Montesiepi, o qual “cobre Maria com deixam lugar à claridade solar e mati- 52 matemático e aquele, invisível, que lhe sua sombra paradoxal”. A luz solar nal do painel do Armadio degli Argenti escapa. Os herdeiros desse esquema que invade as Anunciações florentinas de [Fig. 2].59 Em relação ao retábulo que perspectivo suprimiriam essa porta ou meados do Quattrocento poderiam então hoje se encontra no Prado, uma outra placa de mármore que se recusava a fazer referência à chegada – oh, quão característica maior desaparece: o raio ser mensurada: o sentido paradoxal do misteriosa – da virtude divina no corpo de ouro materializando a descida da luz 53 dispositivo desapareceu. É o caso da da Virgem. divina. Ninguém duvida que é necessá- Anunciação de Fra Carnevale da National Mais ainda que pelos oxímoros de rio, entretanto, ver uma herança dessa Gallery de Washington, cuja referência um São Bernardino, cuja pátria sie- tradição figurativa quando o pintor ao painel de Domenico Veneziano se- nense acolheu pouco a “nova imageria decide iluminar sua cena num sentido ria unicamente espacial e cromático, espacial” do Quattrocento, parece que narrativo, do anjo em direção à Vir- mas não mais teológico: “à imagem uma tal leitura pode ser confirmada gem.60 Os escritos de Santo Antonino de sua luminosidade cristalina, a obra pelos escritos de um testemunho pri- podem nos explicar essa evolução: a luz é transparente ... Aquilo que deve ser vilegiado da pittura di luce florentina, An- não deixa de ser considerada a metáfora visto espiritualmente – a Encarnação tonino Pierozzi, mais conhecido como divina mais adequada, mas torna-se em vias de se realizar – não deve ser Santo Antonino. Nomeado arcebispo ainda mais admirável porque é tomada buscada para além do que este quadro de Florença em 1446, o dominicano de sua natureza própria, isto é, em con- deixa entrever: é para ser visto naquilo constitui uma autoridade moral incon- formidade com a concepção que têm

RHAA 6 189 Traduções/Translations então as pesquisas sobre óptica. Ao re- samente uma Anunciação que marca o Podemos propor explicar essa dispa- presentar a Anunciação, o pintor deve, período, por volta de 1440, em que Fili- ridade axial levando em consideração a então, aproximar-se o mais que possível ppo Lippi está mais próximo dos ideais componente narrativa da Anunciação. das condições atmosféricas existentes. claros e luminosos de Fra Angelico ou No desenrolar mesmo da cena, a su- A supressão do ouro não deve ser in- Domenico Veneziano, não parece preci- cessão dos acontecimentos é, de fato, terpretada aqui – como pode se fazer samente, neste ponto de nossa reflexão, primordial: é somente quando Gabriel em Leon Battista Alberti – como uma uma coincidência.64 explica a Maria a possibilidade de sua pesquisa de “realismo”: como no caso O retábulo talvez não tenha sido união mística com Deus que ela aceita da perspectiva matemática, a aplicação concebido para ser visto como o ve- e é então penetrada pelo Espírito Santo. de regras de óptica não manifesta ne- mos hoje. Como em sua primeira des- Nas representações da Anunciação, nhuma vontade de se abstrair da influ- tinação, sua função original ainda nos essa temporalidade se exprime também 61 ência divina. Aproximando-se ainda escapa.65 A única certeza é que a obra pelo raio dourado que atravessa a cena mais da propagação da luz diurna, tinha sido pintada sobre duas metades de parte a parte, da figura de Deus Pai ao ventre de Maria, pela doce luz isto é, suprimindo-se os raios doura- bem distintas, formando um díptico, da pittura di luce, proveniente, ela tam- dos miraculosos da tradição, exalta-se o que indica, ao mesmo tempo, uma bém, freqüentemente, da esquerda [Fig. ainda mais o Criador por sua criação estrutura material da obra e também 62 2].70 É possível que Filippo Lippi tenha ela mesma. Daniel Arasse, então, tem alguns detalhes pintados.66 Fra Filippo também querido representar o momento razão em considerar a Anunciação de Fra sublinha essa descontinuidade pela sua em que, como diz São Bernardino, “a Carnevale como transparente por sua paleta: a parte esquerda é muito mais eternidade vem no tempo”.71 Ao invés luminosidade cristalina. Todavia, na escura que seu homólogo, mesmo em da continuidade que implica o raio dou- mesma instância que a transparência zonas que deveriam ser mais claras e rado ou a iluminação geral, o pintor teria atmosférica das obras de Domenico coloridas de maneira idêntica. Tal dis- Veneziano ou de Fra Angélico, essa sobretudo desejado marcar – separando crepância sempre foi um problema para luminosidade deixa supor a presença os dois motivos de sua composição – a os historiadores da arte.67 Seria simples- divina, ela deixa ver o invisível.63 ruptura que conota esse acontecimento. mente o resultado fortuito de condições Do ponto de vista da história cristã, a de conservação distintas? Uma outra Anunciação constitui, de fato, um ponto Excursus: a Anunciação Martelli Anunciação de Filippo Lippi, da Frick capital, ou seja, a passagem da era da Enquanto caso-limite para os dois Collection de Nova York, prova o con- lei (sub lege) àquela da graça (sub gratia). conjuntos que aproximamos, a Anuncia- trário: não obstante seu formato sensi- Na Florença do Quattrocento, o dia 25 de ção de Filippo Lippi que se encontra na velmente mais reduzido, encontramos março, dia da Anunciação, corresponde capela Martelli da igreja de San Lorenzo ali igualmente um tratamento cromá- também à passagem do ano novo. A em Florença [Fig. 5] pode figurar como tico disjuntivo entre os dois painéis da tomar por outros quadros de altar da conclusão apropriada: sua composição obra. Ligeiramente anterior à Anunciação mesma época, construídos em díptico e não é de modo algum a mesma da pre- Martelli, esse pequeno díptico se carac- representando a Anunciação,72 esta idéia dela de Domenico Veneziano, ainda que teriza, com efeito, por uma cor de base fundamental poderia então ser expressa seu autor, por conta de sua sensibilidade azul-violeta em sua metade esquerda, em pintura por Filippo Lippi: da era de pictural julgada muito diversa, tenha e um tom claramente mais rosado na sub lege que ocupa a parte esquerda da sido categoricamente excluído, em 1990, parte direita. Essa disparidade já foi composição, passa-se àquela de sub gra- da exposição Pittura di luce. Entretanto, a observada e interpretada num sentido tia, muito mais clara e luminosa, isto é, obra é muito próxima daquelas que evo- decorativo: o manto escuro da Virgem investida do divino. De acordo com a camos. Se, de um lado, os protagonistas destaca-se sobre um fundo claro, ao teoria aristotélica das species, e assim com não estão dispostos simetricamente em passo que a combinação cromática do as idéias de um Santo Antonino, Filippo relação ao ponto de fuga central, há de painel de Gabriel é exatamente oposta, Lippi separa as duas metades de seu re- fato uma forte rescisão perspectiva no de modo que o conjunto forma um tábulo para marcar o curso da difusão centro do painel. É verdade, de outro quiasma bem-sucedido.68 Como John luminosa.73 Tal idéia de passagem ainda lado, que as sombras são mais separa- White magistralmente demonstrou, as está por ser confirmada pelo movimento das do que no Retábulo de Santa Lúcia cores da Anunciação Martelli orientam mesmo do anjo, que alcança alegremente de Domenico Veneziano: os tons cla- igualmente o olhar do espectador de o limite que separa as duas metades da ros e luminosos abundam, no entanto, uma maneira extremamente bem pen- Anunciação de San Lorenzo – suas asas nas partes ensolaradas, isto é, sobre a sada.69 Devemos nos contentar, por ora, passam, literalmente, da sombra à luz. metade direita da obra. Que seja preci- com tal chave de leitura? Entre ele e a Virgem, encontra-se, in-

190 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations crustado numa base no primeiro plano, particular, feito de um equilíbrio flutu- sob a forma da luz diáfana da pittura di uma garrafa verde, pintada com efeitos ante entre intuição e minúcia.75 É nessa luce confere à “nova imageria espacial de lustre dignos de um Jan van Eyck. perspectiva de uma reflexão incessante- do Quattrocento” uma das maiores conti- Atributo tradicional da virgindade de mente a recomeçar que é preciso com- nuidades na tradição figurativa italiana. Maria, ela reforça ainda um pouco mais preender nossa tentativa de confrontar Tal aproximação permite também dar a conotação luminosa do painel.74 a tese arassiana com a noção, também sentido a essa “pintura de luz” muito Longe de querer ter a última palavra recente, de pittura di luce. Finalmente, exclusivamente qualificada como “poé- sobre uma questão inesgotável, essa lei- parece que essas duas interpretações da tica”, um sentido que lembra a interpre- tura de L’Annonciation italienne mostra, pa- pintura de meados do Quattrocento têm tação “luminosa” que Daniel Arasse fez 76 rece-me, toda a riqueza do pensamento tudo a ganhar confrontando-se uma da “ambição de Vermeer”, sem, é claro, de Daniel Arasse. Um exame de seus es- com a outra. Mais do que considerar a confundir-se com ela. critos sobre o tema permitiu colocar em aparição luminosa como um oposto da evidência um método de trabalho muito representação perspectiva, sua presença Tradução: Ana Gonçalves Magalhães

1 ARASSE, Daniel. L’Annonciation italienne: une 11 Para o atual estado da questão, ver Miklós pela Villa I Tatti e pelo Institut Français, então histoir de perspective. Paris: Hazan, 1999 (citado Boskovski (In: idem e BROWN, David Alan. dirigido pelo próprio Arasse. doravante como Arasse, 1999), p. 9. Italian Paintings of the Fifteenth Century. National 16 Arasse contou na rádio France Culture como 2 SPENCER, John R. “Spatial Imagery of the Gallery of Art, Washington. New York: Oxford toda a documentação de sua primeira tese ti- Annunciation in Fifthteenth Century Flo- University Press, 2003, pp. 466-71), que toma, nha-lhe sido roubada em circunstâncias muito rence”, The Art Bulletin, XXXVII, dezembro a exemplo de uma maioria de historiadores, romanescas e como ele então havia passado de 1955, pp. 273-80. o partido de Longhi, interpretando a distân- “não tanto de um mal a outro pior, mas bem cia entre a obra e a descrição de Vasari como 3 Daniel Arasse, ele mesmo grande tradutor, ver- ao contrário, de Chastel a Marin!” (ARASSE, “a simple lapse of memory”. Evidentemente, teu alternativamente imagery por “iconografia” Daniel. Histoire de peintures. Paris: France Cul- Arasse (1999, p. 22) interpreta os fatos de e por “imageria”. ture e Denoël, 2004, p. 107). Sua segunda tese modo muito diferente. restará também inacabada (M. Brock, op. cit. 4 Arasse, 1999, p. 9. 12 Vasari, Op. cit. (nota 9). Uma outra Anunciação [nota 14], p. 3). Saberia, entretanto, opor bas- 5 PANOFSKY, Erwin. “Die Perspektive als de Masolino presta-se bem mais à descrição tante esquematicamente as duas “escolas”, pelo ‘symbolishce Form’”. In: Vorträge der Bibliothek vasariana, a que se encontra no arco de entrada menos para Arasse: a partir de sua dissertação Warburg 1924-25, Leipzig / Berlin: Teubner, da capela de Santa Catarina em San Clemente, de DES, a fascinação do espaço perspectivo 1927, pp. 258-330. Roma. São muitos os historiadores, a começar deve-se, não aos escritos de Chastel, mas ao 6 Arasse está particularmente interessado na por Roberto Longhi, que supuseram a pre- Peinture et Société de Pierre Francastel (Daniel noção de “forma simbólica”, que Panofsky sença de Masaccio nesse projeto romano. Arasse, op. cit, p. 107; Claudia Cieri Via, “Via- ggi in Italia. Daniel Arasse: una biografia in- retoma de Cassirer (ver ARASSE, 1999, pp. 13 ARASSE, Daniel. Figures et Structures de l’espace tellettuale”, Studiolo, 3, 2005, p. 21). 12-3). chez Masolino da Panicale, diploma de estudos 17 7 Arasse, 1999, p. 45. “A imensidão na medida”, superiores sob orientação de André Chastel, Será preciso escrever um dia a história deste vimos, é um dos oxímoros empregados por Université de Paris Sorbonne, maio de 1967, entusiasmo, e tentar sobretudo lhe apreender São Bernardino de Siena para explicar aos fiéis p. 131, nota 2. No mesmo ano, Arasse publi- os fundamentos. Ainda que ele exclua Hubert o mistério da Anunciação (citado por Arasse, caria um resumo de seu trabalho (“Structure Damisch, citemos como exemplo emblemático 1999, p. 11). de l’espace dans l’art de Masolino da Panicale”, desta verdadeira “conversação” a resposta da Virgem ao Anjo na Anunciação do Prado, de 8 Arasse, 1999, p. 19. Arasse retoma aqui Spencer L’information de l’histoire de l’art, XII, n. 5, no- Fra Angelico – este “Fiat mihi secundum” vembro-dezembro, 1967, pp. 223-4). quase literalmente (Op. cit. [nota 2], p. 279): escondido ou incluído pela coluna entre os 14 “Despite his appeal to the twentieth century, ARASSE, Daniel. “Monde divin et monde protagonistas: Daniel Arasse, “Annonciation/ the reputation of Domenico Veneziano in the humain au Quattrocento”, Médecine de France, Énnociation. Remarques sur um énoncé pictu- fifteenth century, taken with his extant works, n. 217, 1970, p. 28, legenda. Essa maturação se ral du Quattrocento”, Versus. Quaderni di studi does not seem to permit us to credit him with faz igualmente, à época, nos trabalhos dirigi- semiotici, 37, janeiro-abril, 1984, p. 11 nota the invention of a new Annunciation”. dos que Arasse realiza em 1969-70 na Univer- 14; Louis Marin, “Énoncer une mystériuese 9 VASARI, Giorgio. Le vite de’ più eccellenti pit- sité de Paris IV (Maurice Brock, “In Memo- figure”, La Part de l’oeil, n. 3, 1987, pp. 127- tori scultori e architettori. Florença: Giunti, 1568 rian. Daniel Arasse” (5.xi.1944 – 14.xii.2003, 9 ; em parte retomado em Idem, Opacité de la [edição consultada: CHASTEL, André (Org.) Albertiana, VIII, 2005, p. 6). peinture. Essais sur la représentation au Quattrocento, Les viés des meilleurs peintres, sculpteurs et architectes. 15 Arasse, 1999, p. 15. Espera-se que reste qualquer s.l., Usher, 1989, pp. 152-4; Georges Didi-Hu- Paris: Berger-Levrault, III, 1983, p. 177]. traço deste escrito, apenas para saber se o julga- berman, Fra Angelico. Dissemblance et figuration. 10 LONGHI, Roberto. “Fatti di Masolino e di mento severo que se dá ao autor é justificado Paris: Flammarion, 1992 [edição consultada : Masaccio”, La critica d’arte, XXV-XXVI, n. 3-4, ou não. Seria também importante conhecer o Paris, Champs-Flammarion, 1996, pp. 19-23]; julho-dezembro, 1940, pp. 145-91 [reimpressa texto da conferência dada por Daniel Arasse Arasse, 1999, pp. 137-9. em: Idem, Opere complete. VIII/1. ‘Fatti di Ma- por ocasião do colóquio “L’Anunciazione in 18 ARASSE, Daniel. “Espace pictural et image solino e di Masaccio’ e altri studi sul Quattrocento, Toscana nel Rinascimento” organizado em religieuse: le point de vue de Masolino sur 1910-1967. Florença: Sansoni, 1975, p. 32]. Florença, entre 29 e 31 de outubro de 1986, la perspective” In: EMILIANI, Marisa Dalai

RHAA 6 191 Traduções/Translations

(Org.) La prospettiva rinacimentale. Codificazioni e Battista Alberti não recomenda, em seu De Pic- em um ateliê de marchetaria em madeira (ver transgressioni, atos do colóquio (Milão, Castello tura, o uso do branco “último” para representar Eliot W. Rowlands, Masaccio: Saint Andrew and Sforzesco, 11-15 de outubro de 1977). Flo- “o brilho extremo das superfícies mais polidas” the Pisa Altarpiece. Los Angeles: Getty, 2003, rença: Centro Di, 1980, pp.137-50. Malgrado (Leon Battista Alberti, De la peinture. De Pictura pp. 10-1): teria ele contribuído, com Filippo a presença de inúmeras Anunciações, Arasse não (1435), Paris: Macula, Dédale, 1992, p. 197)? Brunelleschi, para o nascimento da marche- desenvolve sua tese na obra que ele realiza so- 28 Arasse, 1999, p. 83. Sobre esta obra em par- taria perspectiva? Essa prática poderia ser in- bre os primitivos italianos em 1978 (ARASSE, ticular, ver também idem, “L’enceite surprise vocada para explicar o caráter revolucionário Daniel. L’Homme en perspective. Les primitifs d’Ita- de Marie: remarques sur um Annonciation sien- de seu estilo, feita justamente de justaposições lie. Genebra: Famot, 1978). noise” In: Bertrand Rougé (Org.), La surprise, de zonas claras e escuras? 19 ARASSE, Daniel. “Annonciation/Énon- atos do colóquio (Pau, CICADA, 9-11 de maio 35 André Chastel tinha escrito um artigo pio- ciation...” cit. (nota 17), pp. 12-6. Foi Louis de 1996), Pau, Publications de l’Université de neiro sobre a relação entre marchetaria e Marin (Opacité de la peinture...cit. [nota 17], p. Pau, 1998, pp. 63-72. Acomodando-o a um es- perspectiva (“Marqueterie et perspective au 144), seguido do artigo de Arasse, que batizou quema pré-perspectivo, Lippo Vanni e sobre- XVe siècle”, Revue des arts, III, 1953, pp. 141- assim esses dois “eixos”. Estes nomes serão tudo Biagio di Goro Ghezzi teriam interpretado 54 [retomado em Idem, Fables, formes, figures. retomados em L’Annonciation italienne (Arasse, contrariamente esta “intrusão luminosa”. Paris: Flammarion, 1978, I, pp. 316-332]). A 1999, p. 29). 29 Título do primeiro capítulo de Arasse, 1999. idéia será largamente desenvolvida por Mas- 20 simo Ferretti, “I maestri della prospettiva” In: Arasse, “Annonciation/Énonciation...” cit. 30 Arasse, 1999, pp. 290-93. Esses raios luminosos Federico Zeri (org.), Storia dell’arte italiana. 11. (nota 17), p. 17. são colocados no mesmo plano que as nuvens Forme e modelli, Turim, Giulio Einaudi Editore, 21 Ibidem, p. 15. celestiais que irrompem nesse tipo de cena. 1982, pp. 459-585, que tomará o cuidado de 31 22 Citado notadamente por Louis Marin, Opacité O que mais impressionou os contemporâneos se afastar dos pressupostos panofskyanos (p. de la peinture... cit. (nota 17), p. 161, nota 32. de Brunelleschi na “experiência” do Batistério 494). Hubert Damisch criticará essa atitude foi precisamente o caráter mimético de tal re- 23 Arasse, 1999, p. 9. No recente colóquio dedi- de maneira ferrenha e excessiva (L’origine de presentação: “Pareva Che si vedessi ‘l próprio cado a Daniel Arasse e organizado pelo INHA, la perspective. Paris: Flammarion, 1987 [edição vero”, nos diz Antonio Manetti, Vita di Filippo de 8 a 10 de junho de 2006, Hubert Damisch consultada: Paris: Champs-Flammarion, 1993, Brunelleschi [ca. 1482-1494], Carachaira Petrone comentou sobre os desacordos que teceram a p. 255, nota 57]). (Org.), Roma: Salerno Editrice, 1992, p. 57. relação intelectual entre os dois historiadores. 36 Para retomar a fórmula de Cézanne para Pis- 32 Omar Calabrese, que havia aceito em 1984 o DAMISCH, Hubert. Théorie du nuage. Pour sarro em uma carta de 2 de julho e 1876 (In: artigo de Daniel Arasse na revista Versus, ex- une histoire de la peinture. Paris: Seuil, 1972, Paul Cézanne, Correspondance, John Rewald plicou essa evolução entre os textos de 1984 pp. 164-71. Neste momento, há apenas duas (Org.). Paris: Grasset, 1978, p. 152). e de 1999 pelo fato de que Arasse “queria ser etapas no processo pictural, no lugar de três 37 MARCHI, Andréa de. “Domenico Veneziano historiador, historiador, historiador”. As co- colocados por Alberti e Piero della Francesca. alla mostra degli Uffizi: appunti e verifiche”, municações desses dois pesquisadores demons- Essa “demonstração” [em francês, “mise en Kermes, VII, n. 20, maio-agosto de 1994, p. 37. traram o quanto eles eram mais próximos da lumière”; esclarecimento] encontra-se nos dois 38 dimensão semiótica do pensamento de Daniel teóricos, sob o nome de “recepção das luzes” BELLOSI, Luciano (org.). Pittura di luce: Gio- Arasse que de suas proposições históricas. no primeiro, e de “aplicação de cores” no se- vanni di Fransceo e l’arte fiorentina di metà Quat- gundo. Isso faz pensar que existe uma certa trocento, cat. exp. (Florença: Casa Buonarroti, 24 Além disso, é sempre com algumas variantes redundância entre as duas primeiras etapas, 16 de maio a 20 de agosto de 1990). Milão: que Daniel Arasse desenvolve em outras ins- que não são, além disso, estritamente idênticas, Olivetti e Electa, 1990. tâncias o tema da Anunciação: ARASSE, Da- “circunscrição” e “composição” em Alberti, 39 niel. “La fin du Moyen-Âge et la première Re- BELLOSI, Luciano. “Giovanni Francesco “desenho” e “comensuração” em Piero. naissance. Peinture et Sculpture” In: MOREL, e l’arte fiorentina di metà Quattrocento” In: 33 Philippe / ARASSE, Daniel / D’ONOFRIO, São Pedro e seu nicho em Orsanmichele fo- ibidem, p. 11. Mario. L’art italien du IVe siècle à la Renaissance. ram quase que certamente concebidos por 40 Arasse, 1999, p. 351 nota 102. Arasse se en- Paris: Citadelles & Mazenod, 1997, pp. 268- Filippo Brunelleschi (ver Luciano Bellosi, gana na origem da citação e menciona, no 71; Idem, “Leonardo da Vinci e la prospet- “Da Brunelleschi a Masaccio: le origini del lugar do catálogo de 1990, uma exposição tiva dell’Annunciazione”, In Antonio Natali Rinascimento” In: idem, Laura Cavazzini e de tema semelhante, mas centrada em Piero (Org.) L’Annunciazione di Leonardo. La montagna Aldo Galli (Org.), Masaccio e le origini del Rinas- della Francesca, organizada nos Uffizi dois sul maré. Cinisello Balsamo: Silvana, 2000, pp. cimento, cat. exp. [San Giovanni Valdarno, Casa anos mais tarde (Luciano Bellosi [org.], Una 15-35; Idem, Histoires de peintures cit. (nota 16), Masaccio, 20 de setembro a 21 de dezembro scuola per Piero. Luce, colore e prospettiva nella pp. 49-81. de 2002], Genebra e Milão, Skira, 2002, pp. formazione fiorentina di Piero della Francesca, cat. 21-24); sobre as marchetarias da Sacristia de 25 MEISS, Millard. “Light as Form and Symbol exp. [Florença, Galleria degli Uffizi, 27 de Missas, ver Margaret Haines, The “Sacrestia delle setembro de 1992 a 10 de janeiro de 1993] in Some Fifteenth-Century Paintings”, The Art Messe” of the Florentine Cathedral. Florença: Cassa Bulletin, XXVII, 1945, pp.43-68 [retomado em Veneza, Marsílio, 1992): qualquer menção do di Risparmio di Firenze, 1983. catálogo Pittura di luce desaparecia então de idem, The Painter’s Choice. Problems in the Inter- 34 pretation of Renaissance Art, New York, Hagers- Manetti, Op. cit. (nota 31), p. 55. É signifi- L’Annonciation italienne... town, San Francisco, London: Harper & Row, cativo ver Manetti falar de mármore “negro” 41 Para uma análise desta questão historiográfica, para o . Também daltônico, Vasari, 1976, pp. 3-18]. verde di prato ver meu artigo “Pittura di luce: gênese de uma Op. cit. (nota 9), p. 195 indica-nos ademais que 26 noção”, a ser publicado em Studiolo, 5, 2007. Charles Dempsey, “Entre histoire et théorie”, Brunelleschi transmite seu saber “ao jovem 42 Revue de l’art, n. 148/2005-2, pp. 66-9. Masaccio” e àqueles que “trabalham a marche- Luciano Bellosi, “Giovanni di Francesco...” 27 A pintura do reflexo pode evidentemente dar taria, arte de justapor as madeiras coloridas”. cit. [nota 39], p. 24. uma informação espacial, mas é verdade tam- Parece aqui razoável relembrar que o jovem 43 Luciano Bellosi recentemente propôs ver em bém que ela escapa ao espaço figurativo: Leon Masaccio trabalhou, talvez, primeiramente, Masaccio um dos instigadores da pittura di luce

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florentina (Luciano Bellosi, “Da Brunelleschi Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1o de fevereiro a longe de ser um predicado naturalista, a luz a Masaccio...” cit. [nota 33], p. 38). Se Piero 1o de maio de 2005], Milão, Olivares, 2004, pp. diurna que invade as obras do pintor a par- della Francesca é unanimemente considerado 147-148) também interpretou, na Anunciação tir dos anos 1430 constitui uma espécie de como um herdeiro dos princípios de seu mes- de Filippo Lippi da Frick Collection de Nova equivalente espiritual do fundo de ouro da tre Domenico Veneziano, sua relação artística York, uma sombra projetada sobre a Virgem tradição gótica. com Antonello da Messina e Giovanni Bellini, em função do texto de São Lucas. Essa inter- 63 Edgerton, “Mensurare temporalia...” cit. (nota proposta por Roberto Longhi (“Piero dei Fran- pretação tem ainda mais o ar de ser pertinente, 54), pp. 125-6. ceschi e lo sviluppo della pittura veneziana”, uma vez que não é isolada. 64 Timothy Verdon (“L’incarnazione e la città L’Arte, XVII, 1914, pp. 198-221 e 241-256 [re- 52 Arasse, 1999, p. 83. del fiore: l’Annunciazione nell’arte fiorentina”, publicada em: Idem, Opere complete. I. Scritti gio- 5354 Passaríamos, assim, da sombra de Gentile Arte cristiana, LXXXVIII, n. 798, maio-junho vanili, 1912-1922, Florença, Sansoni, 1961, I, pp. à luz de Piero, para parafrasear o título de de 200, p. 230) intepreta uma outra Anunciação 61-106]), resta, ainda hoje, muito discutível. um importante artigo de Andrea de Marchi de Fra Angelico, a do claustro 3 de San Marco, 44 A obra foi recentemente exposta em Nova dedicado à pintura dos Marche (Andrea de de um modo que parece vir de encontro ao York, com uma atribuição a Pesellino que eu Marchi, “Pittori a Camerino nel Quattrocento: que foi dito aqui: “Oltre [all’] Angelo e [alla] contestei (Laurence Kanter e Pia Palladino, le ombre di Gentile e la luce di Piero” In: Vergine ... c’è qui um terzo attore in scena, Fra Angelico, cat. exp. [Nova York, The Metro- Idem (Org.), Pittori a Camerino nel Quattrocento, uma terza componente dell’azione centrale politan Museum of Art, 26 de outubro de 2005 Milão, Federico Motta, 2002, pp. 24-99). Por dell’evento. La luce Che avanza delicamente da a 29 de janeiro de 2006], Nova York, New outro lado, Louis Marin já havia interpretado sinistra a destra: Che entre cioè com l’Angelo Haven e Londres, The Metropolitan Museum o dispositivo de luz da Anunciação de Piero e dolcemente illumina, riempiendolo, lo spazio of Art e Yale University Press, 2005, cat. 52; della Francesca de Arezzo como sendo de interno in cui si svolge l’evento, qui diventa Neville Rowley, “Le ambiguità dell’Angelico”, ordem divina (Louis Marin, “Ruptures, in- quase soggetto visivo principale. Al momento Prospettiva, a ser publicado). terruptions, syncopes dans la représentation stesso in cui Maria concepisce Cristo nel suo 45 Sobre a Anunciação da Sacristia das Missas, de peinture” In: Ellipses, blancs, silences, atos do grembo, noi vediamo ‘la luce vera che illumina veja-se Haines, op.cit. (nota 33), pp. 165-173. colóquio [Pau, Université de Pau et des pays ogni uomo’ [João I, 9] riempire lo spazio di De modo sugestivo, Vasari associa Attavante de l’Adour], 1992, pp. 77-86 [republicado em: questo chiostro como Cristo ‘riempie’ e colma degli Attavanti com três protagonistas da Idem, De la représentation, Paris, Gallimard, Le la vita di Maria.” Seuil, 1994, pp. 374-75). pittura di luce: ele o torna aos poucos aluno 65 Se não há lugar para discutir aqui a cronologia de Fra Angelico, depois de Bartolomeo della 55 Samuel Y. Edgerton Jr., “‘How Shall That Be’ das obras de Filippo Lippi, nos contentaremos Gatta, assim como atribui miniaturas que ali Part II”, Artibus et Historiae, n. 16, 1987, p. 46. em assinalar que esta está longe de ser escla- são feitas a Pesellino. 56 Idem, “Munsurare temporalia facit Geometria spiri- recida para esse período. 46 Trata-se de Florença, cujo símbolo é um lírio tualis: Some Fifteenth-Century Italian Notions 66 Além da interpretação que tende a considerar vermelho. (Nota da tradutora) about When and Where the Annunciation Ha- o quadro como um retábulo desde sua origem 47 Três obras que, por razões diferentes, altera- ppened” In: Irving Lavin & John Plummer (Christa Gardner von Teuffel, “Lorenzo Mo- ram um pouco a paternidade depois que Da- (Org.), Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance naco, Filippo Lippi und Filippo Brunelleschi: niel Arasse falou a respeito disto: a Anunciação Painting in Honor of Millard Meiss. New York, die Erfindung der Renaissancepala”, Zeitschrift de Avignon não é mais “que atribuída a” Bar- New York University Press, 1977, I, pp. 118-9. für Kunstgeschichte, 45, n. 1, 1982, pp. 18-19), pro- tolomeo della Gatta, o “Mestre da Anuncia- 57 Luciano Bellosi, “Giovanni di Francesco...” pôs-se alternativamente que as duas metades ção Gardner” foi identificado com Piermatteo cit. (nota 39), pp. 11-2. da obra eram painéis laterais de um órgão d’Amelia, enquanto as obras atribuídas outrora 58 A Anunciação de Domenico Veneziano [Fig. 1] (Jeffrey Ruda, “A 1434 Building Programme a Girolamo di Giovanni da Camerino reve- foi qualificada inúmeras vezes de “impressio- for San Lorenzo in Florence”, The Burlington laram-se como tendo sido pintadas por Gio- nista”. Entretanto, não se trata de modo algum Magazine, CXX, n. 903, junho de 1978, p. 361; vanni Angelo d’Antonio da Bolognola. de uma pintura “sur le motif”. Eliot W. Rowlands, “Filippo Lippi and His Experience of Painting in the Veneto Region”, 48 Arasse, 1999, p. 224. 59 Antonino ali foi padre de 1439 a 1444, e Fra Artibus et Historiae, X, n. 19, 1989, p. 80 nota 49 Angelico, de 1450 a 1452. Ibidem, p. 9. 32) ou as portas de um armário de relíquias 50 Lucas, I-35. O interrogatio é uma das cinco 60 As estrelas do teto das loggie das Anunciações (Francis Ames-Lewis, “Fra Filippo Lippi’s S. fases da Anunciação tal como a decompôs de Madri, Cortona e San Giovani Valdarno Lorenzo Anunciation”, Storia dell’arte, 69, maio- Michael Baxandall, baseando-se no sermão podem, com efeito, sugerir uma atmosfera agosto, 1990, p. 156). É essa última hipótese de Fra Roberto Caracciolo da Lecce (Michael noturna. que retoma Arasse, 1999, p. 142. Mais recente- Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth 61 Incisões no painel do Armadio fazem supor mente, Cristoph Mezenich (“Filippo Lippi: ein Century Italy, Oxford, Oxford University Press, que a composição inicialmente prevista era Altarwerk für Ser Michele di Fruosino und die 1972 [ edição consultada: L’oeil du Quattrocento, mais próxima das outras Anunciações de Fra Verkündigung in San Lorenzo zu Florenz”, Mit- Paris, Gallimard, 1985, pp. 82-88]). Angelico (Spencer, Op. cit. [nota 2], p. 276). teilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 51 Essa observação foi feita em primeiro lugar O Ashmolean Museum de Oxford conserva XLI, n. 1/2, 1997, pp. 69-92) supôs até que a por Leo Steinberg: “‘How Shall This Be’ Part uma cópia desta obra; a única diferença, à ex- obra não seria proveniente de San Lorenzo, I”, Artibus et Historiae, n. 16, 1987, p. 34. Existe ceção de sua qualidade bem diminuta, é que mas de Sant’Egidio. uma outra versão da obra de Gentile numa co- se acrescentaram incisões de ouro emanando 67 Deste modo, o capitel da pilastra central que leção privada nova-iorquina. Keith Christian- da pomba do Espírito Santo. passa, inexplicavelmente, da sombra à luz, sen (In Fra Carnevale. Un’artista rinascimentale 62 Em 1435, data do De Pictura, Fra Angelico alcançando a linha mediana do quadro. Um da Filippo Lippi a Piero della Francesca, cat. exp. aplica a perspectiva centrada depois de muito estudo do painel com luz rasante evidenciou [Milão: Pinacoteca di Brera, 13 de outubro de tempo, ao passo que continua a usar ouro três linhas horizontais, pontuadas de pontas 2004 a 9 de janeiro de 2005 e Nova York, The sobre seus painéis. O que leva a pensar que, de pregos à direita e pequenas lacunas à es-

RHAA 6 193 Traduções/Translations

querda. Merzenich (Op. cit. [nota 64], p. 75) 71 O exemplo primordial, a Anunciação de Do- ciação de Poussin já citada. Nossa interpretação deduz que os dois painéis foram elaborados e menico Veneziano [Fig. 1], contradiz esse de duas outras Anunciações do mesmo Lippi te- pintados em ateliês diferentes. A simetria entre esquema. O conjunto do retábulo responde, ria também tendência a reforçar essa hipótese, os dois conjuntos de pregos nos parece, entre- todavia, a uma lógica luminosa que é incontes- que não seria necessariamente muito teológica tanto, por demais estrita para ser fortuita. tável (cf. Helmut Wohl, The Paintings of Domenico para um monge carmelita. Veneziano, ca. 1410-1461: A Study in Florentine 68 Andrea de Marchi (“Norma e varità nella 75 Millard Meiss (Op. cit. [nota 25], p. 17, nota Art of the Early Renaissance, Oxford, Phaidon, transizione dal polittico all pala quadra” In: 27) já havia interpretado o sentido simbólico 1980, pp. 45-7). No fragmento de Cambridge, Gigetta Dalli Regoli (Org.), Storia dell arti in To- dessa garrafa. Altamente significativa também o modo como o sol corta, em torno de Ga- scana. 3. Il Quattrocento. Florença: Edifir, 2002, é a sombra, minuciosamente pintada, que dali briel, um retângulo luminoso sobre o muro p. 203) assim podia se perguntar recentemente: emana. colocado atrás dele deveria, a meu ver, ser “Chi potrà mai spiegare le discontinuità ma- interpretado de modo simbólico. 76 Entre os inúmeros temas abordados por Da- teriche fra le due metà dell’Annunciazione di 72 Citado por Arasse, 1999, p. 11. niel Arasse, os da Anunciação e da perspectiva Filippo Lippi poi finita in San Lorenzo e che ocupam um lugar muito singular para que pos- 73 Mezernich, Op.cit. (nota 64), p. 77. É sobre- pure nacque como una pala unitária?”. samos aqui tentar deduzir um método geral. tudo em seu artigo de 1984 que Daniel Arasse 69 RUDA, Jeffrey. Fra Filippo Lippi. Life and Work Sobre esse tema, esperando a publicação dos insiste sobre a ruptura temporal da Anuncia- with a Complete Catalogue. London: Phaidon, atos do colóquio “Daniel Arasse”, nos permi- ção (“Annonciation/Énonciation...” cit. [nota 1992, cat. 14; CHRISTIANSEN, Keith. In: Fra tiremos citar a análise penetrante de Maurice 17], pp. 15-6). Carnevale...cit. (nota 50), cat. 3. Não podemos Brock, op. cit. (nota 14), p. 6: “a maior parte 74 concordar com a intepretação deste último Edgerton, “‘How Shall This Be?’ Part II”... cit. dos trabalhos de Daniel Arasse se revestem autor quando ele afirma (p. 147): “il mondo (nota 53), p. 47. O artigo de Edgerton, e seu par de um ar metodológico. Eles talvez não sejam iluminato dal sole di Domenico Veneziano è escrito por Leo Steinberg (op. cit. [nota 50]), isentos de imprudências e de erros, mas são tinham por objeto uma outra Anunciação de Fi- antitetico” à visão de Lippi (sobre esta questão, sempre estimulantes, não tanto porque eles lippo Lippi, da National Gallery de Londres. cf. meu artigo “La Renaissance de Fra Car- exporiam ou aplicariam com rigor o método Ainda que reconhecendo o valor literário do nevale”, Annali dell’Università di Ferrara. Sezione perfeitamente conceitualizado inicialmente, ensaio de Edgerton, Daniel Arasse veio a duvi- storia, n. 2, outubro de 2005, pp. 89-90). mas, ao contrário, porque são feitos freqüente- dar da pertinência de sua interpretação, por de- 70 mente, e para retomar uma de suas expressões, WHITE, John. The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial mais única segundo ele, a ponto de privilegiar Space. London: Faber and Faber, 1957 [edição uma leitura mais pessoal da obra (compare-se de uma “bricolagem conceitual”. Ver também, consultada: Naissance et Renaissance de l’espace Arasse, 1999, pp.151-6 com Idem, Histoires de por último, o número de junho de 2006 da pictural. Paris: Adam Biro, 2003, pp. 187-91]. peintures, cit. [nota 16], pp.75-77). Desde então, revista Esprit, dedicada a Daniel Arasse. Essa análise será retomada por Arasse, 1999, Charles Dempsey (op. cit. [nota 26]) colocou a 77 ARASSE, Daniel. L’ambition de Vermeer. Paris: pp. 142-3. obra de Filippo Lippi em paralelo com a Anun- Adam Biro, 1993, ed. 2001, pp. 168-78.

The man in black behind the responded to the end of the works of years later, he received the Campitel- court decoration of the Camera picta, in the lo’s feud. In December 1287, Guido dedicatory to the marquis Ludovico Gonzaga received a great extension Nancy Ridel Kaplan (1414-1478), Vittorino has already been of lands from the Benedictines of the Post-Doctoral Researcher, Department of History death for twenty-eight years. San Benedetto di Polirone monastery. Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences He was a member of the Concil that (IFCH/Unicamp) Ludovico III Gonzaga, second Man- tuan marquis, was one of the greatest elected Rinaldo Bonacolsi as the Lord of Mantua. In August 16, 1328, the Bo- patrons of the Quattrocento. The exten- Among the members of the court nacolsi were banished from the city by sive correspondence kept in the Man- of the Gonzaga in the north wall of a revolt commanded by the Gonzaga. tuan archives reveals his personal effort the Camera picta [Figs.1 e 2],1 we can One of Guido’s sons, Ludovico (1268- in each project. find a man with grayish hair soberly 1360), owner of a great fortune, become dressed in black among the vivaciously The Gonzaga were feudatory of the general Capitain of Mantua, lord of colored garbs and the damascene tis- the province. The most ancient an- the city, which the family governed up sues [Fig.3]. His identity is unknown. A cestral that we can keep track of is a until 1708. Ludovico had as his suces- possible explanation is that he could be bourgeois, Filippo Corradi, whose sors in the role of general Capitain the the humanist and educator Vittorino da descendants were called dei Corradi di son, Guido, the grandson Ludovico II, Feltre (c.1378-1446),2 a founding figure Gonzaga, probably by living next to the and the grandgrandson Francesco. In of the Mantuan humanism. Gunziaga, an affluent of the Po river. 1433, Gianfrancesco (1407-44), the son When Mantegna (1430/31-1506) In 1189, Corbello Gonzaga was coun- of Francesco and Margherita Malatesta, scribbled the date of 1474, which cor- selor of the Mantuan Podestà and, ten obtained the title of marquis of Man-

194 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations tua in exchange for 120.000 gold florins who commanded the city from 1444 up until Revere. Despite the excessive paid to Sigismundo, emperor of the Ro- to 78, who transformed it in one of the expenses with the event, Ludovico at- mano-Germanic Sacred Empire. In the main centers of the Renaissance. tained great personal prestige. He was same year, his heir Ludovico married Ludovico, known as the Turk, had a able to make the pope declare as truth- with Barbara of Brandenburg, nephew reputation for being a competent sol- ful the relic with the Holy Blood of of the emperor. The marriage was ar- dier and politician and he enriched the Christ, kept in Sant’Andrea’s crypt and, ranged during the childhood of both city. In the year of 1459, he was able in the following year, he obtained the and Barbara was living in the court to persuade Pius II to chose Mantua cardinalate for his second son, Franc- since then. She was a cult and intel- as the seat of the congress that should esco, who was only 17 years old. ligent woman, educated as she was by promote the crusade against the Turks,3 Notwithstanding, the papal court Vittorino da Feltre, and she kept corre- the Mantuan Diet, suggesting the pres- did not get well impressed with the spondance with erudits and artists. She ence of Frederico III, which did not city. Pius II criticized the muddy streets was considered by her contemporaries as happen to occur, as neither happen the and its unpleasant look. Ludovico’s an- an example of wife and mother, and her crusade, despite the papal court had re- swer was to initiate an urban renewal main preocupation was the education of mained there for nine months. Perhaps program that modified the look of the her ten children. The entailments with behind the choice of Mantua a poetic center of the city, with many works in the imperial court through the kinship issue was also present, since it was the the ducal palace and in the other cas- of Barbara Hohenzollern of Branden- native land of Virgil.4 In the Commen- tles.7 He started by transferring him- burg showed useful to the family. tarii, 5 the pope wrote that “to the Pius self from the Corte Vecchia to the San The Gonzaga were condottieri. They Aeneas, it seemed a necessary courtesy Giorgio castle, restructured by Luca Fan- fought for money for the courts of Mi- to return to the homeland of the Ae- celli (1430-95).8 He paved the streets, lan, Venice, Florence, and Naples, and, neas Singer the glory that the tender restored the Old Market and the Palazzo in some occasions, for two rival cities Virgil had legated to that name.” Del Podestà, and he started the construc- at the same time. Gianfrancesco disin- For the first time, Mantua was the tion of a new tower for the clock.9 herited Ludovico in 1437 for fighting center of a historical event and it at- The great project of Ludovico’s fa- for the duke of Milan while his father tracted the attention of the western ther, Gianfrancesco, was the decoration served the Venetians. Latter on, he was world. Ludovico made urban changes of the reception hall of the ducal palace. pardoned and reintegrated as an heir. with the aim of welcoming condignly He hired Pisanello (c.1395-1455),10 who He becomes marquis of Mantua in the the pope, his court, the emperor, and painted a fresco with the theme of King year of 1444. the princes, all of them being guests at Arthur and the Knights of the Round In the middle of the fifteenth-cen- his own expenses. Table in search for the Holy Grail, the tury, Mantua had a population of near The Diet did not have political reach. cup with which Joseph of Arimathaea 25.000 inhabitants. It was a city of the It lasted eight months. The pope and took the blood of the crucified Jesus. same size than the neighbor Ferrara and his court needed to wait for the other In Mantua, the representation of this smaller than Venice or Milan. The po- participants, while the Turks were tak- legend has a special meaning because litical situation was stable, thanks to the ing over Athens and were invading the the city, the first to be Christianized in diplomacy, to the efficient elimination Peloponnesus. In the words of Eugenio the peninsula, is the keeper of the Grail of the rivals, even among the family Garin, 6 “it was an empty congress, sur- with the Holy Blood, brought from the members themselves, and to a series of rounded by suspiciousness and hostili- Holy Land by Saint Longuinus11 short matrimonial alliances with the reigning ties”. The heat was intense and humid after the crucifixion12. The source for families of the northern courts. and some cardinals complained of be- Pisanello’s painting was a French ro- The ducal palace, the former Palazzo ing conduced to Mantua to die there, mance of the Arthurian cycle in the Del Capitano, seat of the commune in as in reality happened to the Sienese library of the Gonzaga family and it in- the main piazza, was the center, and orator, Giovanni di Mignanelli. cluded portraits of the gonzaghesca court. the symbol of power. The addition of For Mantua, nevertheless, this was The portraits were a reference to the the San Giorgio castle, a square fortified an admirable period. To headquarter mystical descending of the Christian tower that received improvements dur- the congress was an important dip- kings brought to Mantua by the mar- ing the fourteenth-century, augmented lomatic victory for Mantua, for it es- riage of Guido Gonzaga with Beatriz it in size. tablished the city as the new Rome. In of Lorena, his third wife. The little Gianfrancesco realized many works the farewell, the marquis Gonzaga and that remained from this fresco, which in Mantua, but it was his son Ludovico, his wife followed the pope by the river was unconcluded and recovered some

RHAA 6 195 Traduções/Translations years ago, shows knights with swords the castle chapel. Following, came the Camera picta was June 16, 1465. In the and spears and horses equipped with great decoration project of the Camera arches, Mantegna painted medallions the colors of the Gonzaga, reputed picta, or Camera degli sposi,14 as it was later with the first eight Roman emperors, breeders of thoroughbred horses that known, the representation room of the and in the lunettes, he painted relieves fulfilled the European courts. Both the San Giorgio castle. His father had chosen with stories from Greek mythology, style and the theme, the tournament, the Arthurian theme, of the ideal of the which claims that the Gonzaga family were typical of the current taste for the courtesan cavalry typically mediaeval. had an ancient and ideal ascendancy. visual expression of the aristocratic ide- In the place of it, Ludovico commis- The choice for the myth of Orpheus17 als of certain nobility that owed loyalty sioned to Mantegna the painting of should also be a reference to Ludovico’s to the feudal lord. The fresco fulfilled a cycle of frescoes that could express esteem for music. the need of dynastic affirmation and visually the prestige of the Mantuan In the center of the roof, Mantegna glorification of the Gonzaga family. court, and could accentuate its associa- painted an eyeglass open to the sky, sur- To give expression to the new image tion with the imperial traditions of the rounded by a balustrade, with women that he wanted for Mantua, Ludovico ancient Rome and not with the North from the court and putti that look to the received the help of Alberti (1404-1472), European courts. The chosen themes marquis and his privileged world. This the great theorist of the Renaissance. In for the iconographical program were is the first example, since Antiquity, of the place of the late-gothic style and the dynastic and imperial. an illusionist decorative painting, of cavalry themes, Ludovico opted for the The Camera picta 15 is a cubic room, trompe l’oeil. language of the ancient Rome. It is prob- with walls that measure 8.05 meters, In two walls, there are painted cur- able that Ludovico was influenced by and it occupy the first floor of the tains and in the other two, there are Sigismondo Malatesta, lord of Rimini, northern tower of the San Giorgio cas- frescoes of Ludovico and his relatives who initiated the reframing works of the tle, built by Bertolino Novara between in a court environment and in front Malatestian Temple in 1450, in accord- 1393 and 1406. The room has two of a landscape. In the west wall, in the ance with the drawings made by Alberti windows, the north and the east ones. Meeting, Ludovico is at open air in the that were based in the architecture of The roof is an arch that ends in a plain middle of his heirs, dressed with official the Antiquity. As Malatesta, Ludovico surface. After the death of Ludovico, it garbs, the marquis as condottiero and the was the lord of a small and relatively less became the place where they kept to- son Francesco with the garb of cardinal. influent state and he needed to match it gether the goods of value of the family. There is no consensus in relation to the to cities like Francesco Sforza’s Milan, In the life dedicated to Mantegna, Vasari meaning of the scene or who are the which adopted the gothic as a style. The cites briefly the fresco: “In the same place other characters. Whatever be the inter- choice of Ludovico made his court to be [the castle], there are many foreshortened figures pretation, it is doubtless that the nomi- different and imposing. The language from bottom to top greatly praised because, de- nation of Francesco as a cardinal was of Antiquity suggested the association spite the garments being hard and rigid and the a fundamental event to the Gonzaga with a great imperial power. The move manner somewhat dry, we can see that all there family, who reached in this way the to the San Giorgio castle proposed the are made with great art and exactitude”. 16 legitimization of their own power by idea of Rome’s continuity by the shape Perhaps Vasari could have not entered the pope and could dream for higher of fortress-tower, which resembles the into the room and for that reason, he ambitions. The Meeting, which happens Castel Sant’Angelo in Rome. do not describe it so well. It is possible before a city, an idealized Rome, is the The use of the classical style became also that his enthusiasm with the Room expression of a political program that an instrument of self-celebration for the of the Giants (1530-35) in the Tè palace, projects for the family the desire to reach marquis and his family, and the renewal which Vasari describes in detail, a work the papacy itself. of the city was like the renewal of the of his friend and for whom the biogra- In the north wall, Mantegna repre- Empire. To put in practice this pro- pher was also a guest, Giulio Romano sented Ludovico close to his family in gram it was fundamental to have the (1492/99-1546), could turn difficult a a porch, the Roman atrium. The group presence of the young Paduan painter correct appreciation of the frescoes of is in front of a balustrade decorated 13 Andrea Mantegna who, around 1457, Mantegna. After all, in the roof of the with marble circles, beyond which one Ludovico Gonzaga was able to persuade Room of the Giants, Giulio placed the seat can see a space with vegetation, as a to work for him and to establish himself of Jupiter in a balustrade very similar to closed garden, a hortus conclusus, which in Mantua as the court painter. the eyeglass at the Camera picta. reminds Masaccio’s (1401-28) Raising of The first commission that Ludovico According to an inscription, the be- the Son of Theophilus,18 in the Brancacci did to Mantegna was a sacred theme for ginning of the works of painting in the chapel.

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It is the same typology of the clas- family had a good social position in Ravenna, Gasparino Barzizza and Paolo sical Roman buildings, the Domus and Feltre. Vespasiano da Bistici 21 describes Nicoletti were his main influences. the Pantheon. It has the symbolic value them as onesti parenti. The father, Bruto The issue of Christianism was fun- of being the residence of the emperor, de’ Rabaldoni, was a notary of little re- damental to Vittorino. He followed the who was identified with the sun, one of sources. Vittorino, who always needed philosophy course of Vergerio, the first the emblems of the Gonzaga. to work in order to survive and to study, humanist pedagogue, who has published The Court scene is a domestic and considered labor as a motive for human in 1403 the De ingenuis moribus, in which private portrait. With assurance, we can ennoblement. His attitude in front of he conciliated the Christian faith with recognize only the marquis Ludovico richness was contemptuous and he the enthusiasm for the classical studies. [Fig.4] and his wife, Barbara [Fig.5]. possessed only the essential. Francesco Vittorino studied Latin with Gaspa- 22 Their children, relatives, and courtesans Prendilacqua, pupil and biographer rino Barzizza, considered as the greatest surround them. Nonetheless, behind of Vittorino da Feltre, wrote about the Latinist of that time. It was habitual for the couple, in the shadow, we can see house that the marquis Gonzaga gave to the teachers to accept students as a way the men in black [Fig.2]. Of him, we him: “Vittorino bought in the Mantuan to complement the domestic budget; can only see the head and a part of the suburb a little kitchen garden, with few besides being his pupil, Vittorino was chest, as an ancient bust. He is a serious vines, the ancient dwelling of our Poet a pensioner in the house of Barzizza. figure, of great dignity, who keeps the who, according to the proud tradition of Vittorino followed the private les- eyes downward in a face marked by his our co-citizens, was born there. Moreo- sons of mathematics of Biagio Pelacani, age. There is a medal [Fig.6] made by ver, this place, very close to the city, he one of the few mathematics teachers. Pisanello short after the death of Vit- frequented with the disciples in a sign of To attend the course of Pelacani during torino da Feltre, occurred in February veneration. We here call it the Mount of one semester, Vittorino accepted a job 2, 1446,19 which shows likeness with the Virgil: it is a little bit higher than are the as famulus in the teacher’s house. How- Court painting. The man in black is in others and is prominent above the hills. ever, he could not stand the mistreat- a position at the same time as discrete This is the richness of Vittorino.” Ac- ments and he abandoned the classes as central, for we see him between the cording to Signorini,23 Vittorino had the and started to study with Jacopo Della reigning couple, and that fact surely right of its fruition but not of its prop- Torre da Forlì, with whom he learned, indicates his importance. Moreover, erty, which was located in Pietole,24 the besides mathematics, physics and as- in reality, Vittorino conferred a special ancient Andes where Virgil was born. trology. In Vittorino’s medal,25 made by style to the Gonzaga court and turned We do not know anything about Pisanello, we can find the inscription: the city into a center of culture. his studies in Feltre. In Padua, he fre- Victorinus Feltrensis summus mathematicus In 1422, the marquis Gianfrancesco, quented the public courses on dialec- et omnis humanitatis pater. Up until 1415, Ludovico’s father, invited Vittorino da tics, philosophy, and rhetoric of the Vittorino lectured on mathematics and Feltre to settle in Mantua in order that University. He faced many financial grammar in Padua. he could be the preceptor of his chil- difficulties, for the courses were free The end of the fourteenth-century dren and could take care of the library. of charge, but the books were very was an important period to the Ital- The aim, despite being to find an ex- expensive. Despite his rich relatives ian culture. Emanuel Chrysolora, the cellent preceptor to his children, was from Padua, the Enselmini, had helped famous teacher from Constantinople, to legitimate the power of the family him, he maintained himself as a private arrived at Florence in 1397. The Greek by having at his service a men so cult. teacher of grammar. He acquired the language, which was unknown in Italy, Vittorino’s presence and actions gave to title of Magister artium around 1410 and started to the taught in the Studio fioren- Mantua the prestige that Gianfrancesco he kept studying after that. A charac- tino. In 1415, Vittorino went to Venice. so much desired. teristic of the humanist masters is that He attended at Greek lessons with Gua- Born in Feltre, in the Venetian Alps, there was not a definitive separation rino and taught grammar and math- around 1378, Vittorino di ser Bruto dei between the learning and the teaching ematics, especially to the children of Rambaldoni da Feltre went to Padua activities, known as the cupiditas discendi, the Venetian aristocrats. He started his with eighteen years old. There, he lived the intense desire to learn. Therefore, own school and received recognition the next nineteen years, with the excep- the masters returned periodically to as an educator. In the fourteenth-cen- tion of two brief periods in Venice, un- take classes as pupils. tury, there already were some private til he moved definitively to Mantua. During the period of almost twenty boarding schools in some Italian cit- According to Baldassare Castiglione, years that Vittorino lived in Padua, Pier ies, similar to monasteries. Vittorino’s 20 his pupil for eight years, Vittorino’s Paolo Vergerio, Giovanni Conversino da model was the monastic school.

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Vittorino stayed in Venice until families. Each student was able to pay dren playing. Vittorino took off from March 1419. Back to Padua, he started according to his possessions. In 1443, of the house everything that was excessive a boarding school that he directed for the seventy that frequented the Giocosa, in the decoration. He sought to turn the two years. In 1421, Barzizza moved to forty did not pay. Some more necessi- place into the most simple and agree- Milan and Vittorino succeeded him in tated families received a help from the able as possible and kept what could the prestigious chair of rhetoric in the government through the intervention foster the intellectual activity. This was University. However, he could not stand of Vittorino in order that their children unusual, for the mediaeval schools had the students immoderations. He leaved do not needed to abandon the studies dark and less ventilated rooms. In the the public teaching and the city, return- to work. There were also age differ- Giocosa, there was no artificial heat. Vit- ing to Venice in the next year. There, he ences, for there were adults and kids. torino considered that the weaknesses opened a boarding school that students The school accepted girls too, and it was of the body and the mind caused the of all over Italy frequented. one of them, Cecilia Gonzaga, sister of cold and that a vigorous body and a In 1422, the marquis Gianfrancesco Ludovico, who got the greatest distinc- joyous spirit should not feel cold. The Gonzaga invited him to settle in Man- tion by the brilliance of her intelligence rigid discipline, nevertheless, did not tua. It was probably a suggestion made amongst all that studied there. Some implicated in physical punishments. by Guarino da Verona, who became students were pupils in some disciplines The issue of Christianism was fun- Vittorino’s friend, and who was unable and teachers in others. Vittorino desired damental to Vittorino. The religious to accept the invitation that he received that in his school the desire to learn pre- teaching had the greatest importance. from the marquis to be the master of his vailed. He did not admit that those who The school’s inspiration was religious, children. Vittorino hesitated, but finally did not fitted in his demanded pattern but without the clergy’s presence. could stay there. he moved to Mantua in 1423. The deten- Vittorino, likewise Alberti, suffered tion in Padua of his cousin, Enselmino Francesco Gonzaga, the Captain from the influence of the work of Quin- degli Enselmini, for political reasons of Mantua, built the edifice where tilian (c.42-118), Institutio Oratoria (The should have determined the decision. the school worked besides the official Orator’s Education). In the twelve vol- 27 The letter that he sent to the mar- court residence , to shelter clothes, umes in which he deals with the educa- quis, accepting the task of educating jewel, books and art objects that he tion since childhood up to the orator’s his children, reminds the rule of Saint had brought from a trip to France. The formation, Quintilian highlights the Francis, in which the Saint places the term Domus nostrae Zoiosae, the joyous power of expression and of personal- moral virtue above the human hierar- house, a place of pleasures and enter- ity, considering an educated men those chy. It preserves the right of accepting tainments, is shown for the first time in who are able to express themselves with only the orders that do not offend his a 1389 document. According to Paglia, sincerity, familiarity, and persuasion, 28 conscience. its construction should have started on every kind of knowledge. For that in the previous year. The relationship between Vittorino reason, in the Giocosa, the readings that and the Gonzaga was always excellent. The name of the school should be were done out loud and the declama- In Mantua, he had all the liberty and Ca'Gioiosa, in Venetian Ca’ Zoiosa. Vit- tion had especial importance. independence to work that he desired. torino suggested changing it to Giocosa, Vittorino’s biographer, Woodward, He created the Giocosa, the first school gioco from the Latin jocus, a synonym 29 comments on how much difficult it that placed together the humanist ideals of ludus. The names Zoiosa and Giocosa is to imagine the disorientation caused and the Christian principles and that alternate in the documents. by the discovery of the works of An- become the most renowned humanist The Giocosa was the house of Vit- tiquity in that period. The ancient ideal school of the Renaissance and a center torino, of the marquis’ children, and of knowledge elaborated through cen- of erudition. The children of the mar- was a boarding school. The families turies was substituted in the space of quis Gonzaga, the heirs of the noble soon started to appreciate it much one generation for a new ideal, not yet families of the Italian courts, the chil- and it was necessary to build a second completely realized, and the education dren of the humanists, 26 and for the neighboring house, where part of the advanced through partial attempts. The first time, children that could not pay students lived. relationship between the new aspira- for the education studied there. The school was an imposing build- tions and the ancient faith and the con- There was a great diversity of social ing next to the river, surrounded by flict between the Greek cult of the body origin among the students: there were turfs and high trees, with an ample and the asceticism of the Church were the children of the marquis and of the and well-illuminated interior and with hard issues. When Vittorino started to aristocracy, of humanists and of poor frescoes in the walls with scenes of chil- teach in Padua, in the beginning of

198 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations the fifteenth-century, these issues were of gymnastics and the excursions to the fluence of his school in the education coming to the fore. In the period of lakes and to the Alps. and in the moral character encompassed his death, in 1446, many solutions had The teaching had as its base the art the whole Renaissance through the ac- been obtained through the imitation of the trivium and the quatrivium. There tions of his pupils. The study of Greek, of Antiquity and, mainly, by the daily were classes of Latin and Greek, alge- giving access to the original sources, activities of masters, among whom he bra, arithmetic, geometry, logic, astrol- was fundamental to foster the antiquar- distinguished himself. ogy, ethics, dialectics, natural sciences, ian interest. Among the students of the Guarino da Verona had translated astronomy, history, music and elo- Giocosa, there were many of the future and published Plutarch treatise De quence. People saw music with restric- patrons of the Renaissance, as Ludovico liberorum educatione around 1411. Ten tions for they feared that it could affect III Gonzaga himself and Federico da years later, the Renaissance found the too much the sense. They fostered the Montefeltro, duke of Urbino. complete text of Cicero De oratore. The study of Greek. The students learned Vittorino da Feltre, who could well conclusions of Vittorino in relation to the Greek and the Latin, the Greek and be the man in black [Fig.3] painted by the education lead him to adopt in the the Latin literature and the ancient his- Mantegna in the wall of the Camera picta, Mantuan school educational methods tory through the classical texts. aggregated in himself the humanist ide- used in Greece and in Rome. The desire als described by Baldassare Castiglione, for harmony sought the integral for- Vittorino died at February 2, 1446, pupil of the Giocosa for eight years, in mation of the individual, highlighting twenty-three years after having created the Libro del Cortigiano,30 in which he es- the physical exercises as a part of the the Mantuan school. He did not leave formation of the personality. Vittorino any text. The correspondence that he tablishes the ideal of behavior for the considered the intellectual development kept with his friend Ambrogio Traver- man of the Renaissance. of equal importance as the physical de- sari, with the exception of six letters, velopment, being fostered the practice was lost. Despite that, the humanist in- English version: Marcelo Hilsdorf Marotta

1 Andrea Mantegna (1430/1-1506), The Court, c. city outside the territory of the Church. The dieta convocata da Pio II”, in Civiltà Mantovana, 1474, dry fresco, northern wall of the Camera pope decided for Mantua. The fact that it was n.3, Mantua, 1984, p. 9. picta, San Giorgio castle, Mantua. a little marquisate repelled the suspicions and 6 Garin, Eugenio, Ritratto di Enea Silvio Piccolo- 2 The character in black was identified as being: did not provoke envy or jealousy. The marquis mini, in Ritratto di Umanisti. Florence: Sansoni, Ludovico III Gonzaga had diplomatic ability a. Vittorino da Feltre (Luzio and Renier, Man- 1967, p. 29. and excellent relations with the European tova e Urbino. Turin, 1892, p.173, apud Kristeller, 7 The Palazzo Ducale of the Gonzaga is a set of Paul, Andrea Mantegna., London: Longmans, powers, including kinship. The choice of the interlinked buildings, from different periods Green and Co., 1901, p.240); place should have pleased the German and and of different styles, which suffered many especially the emperor, whose presence the b. Bartolomeo Manfredi, the court astronomer interventions. The most ancient nucleus is the pope much desired.GerGer At October 22, and builder of the tower clock (hypothesis of Corte Vecchia, which includes the Palazzo del Ca- 1458, Pius II communicated to the marquis Stefano Davari transmitted orally to Kristeller pitano and the Magna Domus, from the thirte- his decision through a brief papal document in Kristeller, Paul, op. cit., n.2, p.244); enth-century, and the Domus Nuova, from the delivered, meaningfully, by the Mantuan fourteenth-century. The Castel San Giorgio was c. Francesco Prendilacqua, pupil of Vittorino bishop Galeazzo Craviani, who was nomina- erected in the fifteenth-century (1395-1406) da Feltre and also author of the most complete ted governor of Rome during the period of and the Corte Nuova, in the sixteenth-century, biography, Vita Victorini, which he started to the pope’s absence. Accompanied only by six already through the project of Giulio Romano write in 1466. Prendilacqua was son of Niccolò cardinals, the pope leaved Rome at January 22, (1492/9-1546). and of a sister of Ludovico Accordi, both from 1459. The majority of the Cardinalate College 8 Lucca Fancelli was born in Settignano in 1430. Verona (Bellonci, Maria and Garavaglia, Niny. was too old and they waited for a propitious Mantegna. Milan: Rizzoli, 1966, p.106). He was an architect, military engineer, and season to travel. The company followed slowly sculptor. He worked in Mantua, contributing to 3 At May 29, 1453, two years after getting onto through Perugia and Siena, arrived at Florence the affirmation of the Renaissance shape of the the Ottoman Empire throne, the sultan Mo- in April, passed through Bologna and, in the city. Many times, he was the mediator between hamed II conquered Constantinople. His next end of May, entered into Ferrara, where the Ludovico Gonzaga and Mantegna, of whom objective was Rome. The pope convoked a duke Borso D’Este furnished a boat in order he was very close. He died in Mantua in 1495. congress that could demonstrate the strength that they could finish the path by the river. 9 and the unity of the Western catholic world Built by the astrologer and mathematician 4 When, finally, at May 27, Pius II arrived in Man- and that launched the crusade against the Bartolomeo Manfredi, the clock indicated the Turks. The natural choice to headquarter it, tua, his first act was to visit the place where it hours, the seasons, phases of the moon, and Rome, was not adequate. The German princes was supposed to be the house of Virgil. the position of the sun in relation to the signs would claim a distance issue for not showing 5 Pius II, Commentarii rerum memorabilium quae of the Zodiac. up, for they preferred that the pope came to temporibus suis contigerunt, Book I, Rome, 1584, 10 Antonio Pisano, known as Pisanello, was meet them. Another possibility was an Italian apud Bini, Italo, “Mantova sede papale durante la born probably in Pisa between the 90 and 95

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years of the fourteenth-century. The first ma- 14 The Camera degli sposi received its name by the uomini ilustri del secolo., vol. secondo, Bologna: jor work was a fresco (presently lost) painted presence of a peacock, an attribute of Juno, the Romagnoli-Dall’Acqua, 1893, p. 222. in the Palazzo Ducale in Venice, together with goddess that ruled over marriage. 22 Prendilaqua, E. “De Vita Victorini Feltrensis his master Gentile da Fabriano (c.1370-1427) 15 The room was continuously victim of misfor- dialogus”, in Garin, Eugenio. Il pensiero pedago- around 1415. It is probable that it was in this tunes, which caused serious material damages. gico dell’ Umanesimo, 1958, pp.642-643. occasion that Pisanello knew Gianfrancesco Already in the year of Mantegna’s death, in 23 Signorini, Rodolfo, “Una donazione rifiutata Gonzaga, who was there participating in a 1506, the rainwater infiltration obliged the da Vittorino da Feltre”, in Civiltà Mantovana, n. tournament. sons of the painter to restore it. There were 11, Mantua, 1986, p.1. 11 many damages caused by the imperial troops Longuinus, the Roman soldier that wounded 24 Pietole would be the Andes of Antiquity. Christ with the spear, was converted in the mo- that occupied the palace in 1630 and practiced 25 ment that the blood drops felt from the wound gunshot in one of the figures. The room was Pisanello (1395-1455), Medal of Vittorino da that he had provoked. This same chalice, lost abandoned up until around 1875. The restora- Feltre, short after February 2, 1446, Museo and found miraculously in Mantua over two tions were all inadequate. During the Second Nazionale del Bargello, Florence. times in the Middle Ages, can be found in the World War, the Camera picta was protected with 26 Guarino da Verona, Poggio Bracciolini and crypt of Sant’Andrea, under the central point mattresses and layers of straw, what can have Francesco Filelfo sent their children to study of the Church, in front of the main altar. worsened the frescoes situation. The room in Mantua. 12 The reference to Saint Longuinus reveals the received a last restoration in 1987. 27 In 1884, the site that the school would occupy probable origin of the Mantuan Christianiza- 16 Vasari, Giorgio; Barocchi, Paola, Le vite dei più was established: the extreme of the present Pia- tion through the Roman army. eccellenti pittori, scultori e architetti, vita di Andrea zza Sordello next to the Piazza della Fiera, where there was the building of the old Mercato dei 13 Andrea Mantegna was born probably between Mantegna, Florence. Bozzoli, between Via San Giorgio and Piazza 1430 and 31 in the Isola di Carturo, near to 17 In the beginning of 1480, before returning to del Castello. Vicenza and Padua. From a very poor family Florence, Poliziano created the Favola de Orfeo 28 (the father was carpenter), he entered to the to a carnival party organized by the cardinal Paglia, E. “La casa Giocosa di Vittorino da Feltrre atelier of Francesco Squarcione (1397-1468) Francesco Gonzaga. The play was delivered in in Mantova”, in Archivio Storico Lombardo, XI, around his ten years old as a stepson. Man- the Camera picta, with Mantegna’s scenarios. fasc. I, 1884, p. 7, apud Signorini, Rodolfo. “Un’altra “Ca’ Zoiosa” (o Giocosa) a Rodigo”, in tegna married with Nicolosia, daughter of Ja- 18 Masaccio (1401-28), Raising of the Son of Theophi- Civiltà Mantovana, n.9, Mantua, 1994, p. 87. copo Bellini, in 1453. In 1457, he accepted the lus, 1426-27, fresco, 230 x 598 cm, Brancacci 29 invitation from Ludovico Gonzaga to settle as Chapel, Santa Maria del Carmine, Florence. Woodward, W.H. Vittorino da Feltre and Other the Mantuan court painter, to where he moved Humanist Educators. Cambridge: Cambridge 19 Pisanello (c.1395-1455), Portrait of Vittorino da definitively in 1460. With the exception of two University Press, 1964 (1897), apud Valitutti, Feltre, bronze medal, diameter 6.7 cm, short trips to Tuscany in 1466 and 67 and of a period Salvatore, op. cit., p. 176. after February 2, 1446, Museo Nazionale del between 1488 e 90, in which he went to Rome 30 Bargello, Florence. The text of the Libro del Cortigiano started to be through the request of the pope Inocentius written around 1513, being revised and altered 20 VIII to decorate a chapel in the Vatican (later Valitutti, Salvatore, “Inattualità ed attualità di continuously. Aldus Manutius published it for demolished), he dwelled in Mantua up until his Vittorino da Feltre”, in Accademia Virgiliana di the first time in the spring of 1528, in Venice, death in September 13, 1506. He was buried Mantova, vol. XLVII, Mantua, 1979, p. 163. and in Florence it was published by The Giunti. there, in Sant’Andrea’s funerary chapel. 21 Vespasiano da Bistici; Frati, Ludovico, Vite di Castiglione carefully curated the editions.

The economical discourses and sis Chateaubriand (MASP), can serve as context of Antwerp’s history, as much the Flemish art in the fifteenth a point of reference and analysis for us as in the development of painting and and sixteenth centuries: re- to sketch, based on a sociopolitical and of its market. It will also be verified the economical approach, the first signs of city’s importance, following with a de- flections on the luxury market the globalization process, which will scription of the luxury market, within based on Jan van Dornicke’s undoubtedly help us to better under- which the painting was also inserted. MASP triptych stand the style and the iconography of The article concludes with a methodo- this picture. logical reflection on the need to take Jens Baumgarten In this article, we will deal with the into account the materiality of an art- Professor at the São Paulo Federal University work much beyond the ideological di- (Unifesp) following topics: with the inauguration Post-Doctoral Researcher, Department of of the first art market around 1520; chotomies of the twentieth-century. History, Institute of Philosophy and Human with the functioning of the system of We know at least three altarpieces of Sciences (IFCH/ Unicamp) art production and distribution in the Jan van Dornicke representing scenes territory of Flanders, particularly in its from the crucifixion, that is to say, the The new Jan van Dornicke’s Ant- most important city, Antwerp. First, we Hampton Court triptych, the altarpiece werpian triptych, which can be found will do a deep analysis of the triptych, from a private collection in the south in the Museu de Arte de São Paulo As- in order to verify its importance in the of Germany, and the MASP’s triptych.

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It is not possible within this publication that such a crucifixion was ordered for sign of this fact would be the particu- to describe in detail all these monu- the lateral chapel of a church or even larly delicate nature and architecture of ments. Two of them, however – the one for a private chapel.4 Müller-Hofstede the work. In this way, all the evidences at the MASP and the one at Hampton does not believe that such a triptych cited lead us to believe that this mas- Court –, are a little greater in size and could have been ordered by a foreign terpiece might have been a part of the diverge fundamentally in relation to the person, been done previously to a mem- Antwerpian luxury market and, more quantity of figures. While the private ber of the local bourgeoisie. specifically, might have been produced for the free foreign market. collection triptych concentrates on the By the other side, the triptychs from main figures, that is to say, in Christ Hampton Court and from the MASP Unfortunately, there are no intense and in the characters of the Passion, do not show any donor. The one from and detailed documentation referring to the works at Hampton Court and at Hampton Court is concentrated in the Jan van Dornicke’s triptych that could the MASP shows a scene of relatively salvation by the intervention of Christ, allow us to speculate on some positiv- public character, composed by a huge narrating, to the left, the biblical story ist data, for there are no evidences of quantity of spectators. The German of the Calvary (Painful Way), in the the existence of a precise donor or even version shows in the left side wing a center the crucifixion, and to the right, of the realization of a possible order- male donator that, according to the the resurrection. On the other side the ing for the work. The extraordinary precepts of the epoch, is represented triptych from the MASP concentrates stylistic quality of the work might only humbly kneeled in adoration to the itself on the sacrifice of Christ, equally be evaluated on a precise ground if we crucified Christ of the central panel. showing the Calvary at the left side and could take into account the context of Besides him, standing, we can find the crucifixion at the center; at the right its production. The correct interpreta- Saint Jacob, the elder. In the right wing, side, however, instead of the resurrec- tion of the iconographical details of the 1 besides Saint Elisabeth of Thuringia, tion, it is narrated the sepulcher of triptych became evident when these are there is the female donor, showing the Christ. With this, van Dornicke high- understood within the parameters of the same humble posture of her masculine lighted the sadness and the pain inher- “industrial” production of that era in Antwerp, directed to a luxury market. pendant. Müller-Hofstede indicates that ent to the Eucharist. Uniquely at the such reduction in the number of the background, three little figures, which To understand the history of Antwerp figures included in the scene had al- could be The Three Marys, do an al- and, in this way, the context of produc- ready occurred in the context of the lusion to the resurrection. The triptych tion of van Dornicke’s work, it is neces- ancient art from the Flanders region, from Hampton Court can be seen as a sary to evaluate the general development exemplarily in Rogier van Weyden’s promise; the altarpiece from the MASP, of the European history and, most of all, well-known crucifixion to the Carthu- however, has a very threatening moral the unfolding of the history of the Low sian Monastery (Kartäuser) of Scheut sense. With this iconographical inno- Countries. Founded by the Romans in in Brussels. Nevertheless, especially vation, the triptych could be situated the harbor of the Schelde River a few the conception of the central picture between the German one and the one kilometers from the Northern Sea, the of Jan van Dornicke’s work from Ger- from Hampton Court. In the case of effective development of this city started many is more solemn, traditional, and the work from the MASP, Jan van to occur in 1300 with the prosperity of equilibrated, the construction of the Dornicke might have joined two dis- the Flanders region. Peter Burke de- image being very tectonic and conse- tinct tendencies in a single picture. In scribes Antwerp, in his comparative 5 quently more symmetrical.2 The artist relation to the luxury market, it could analysis, as a European metropolis. In has turned back to older traditions in be that the two triptychs that are more 1567, a foreign traveler in Venice indi- order to develop an iconographical con- public might have been produced for cated the “Most Serene” as the “news cept much simpler, rigid and hieratic, the foreign market, to which it would metropolis” and, in 1549, another trave- which would lead to a composition that have been possible, in a second mo- ler called it as the “world metropolis”, an is centralized in God’s sacrifice, that is ment, to add the potential donors in expression normally reserved to Rome, to say, in the central sacrament of the the exterior sides of the lateral wings. seen as the caput mundi. Church, a Eucharist that would serve It is also possible that some parts of the Differently from other cities, espe- to the calm contemplation and to the picture might have been painted in Jan cially from its main rival, Bruges, Ant- private devotion. In this interpretation, van Dornicke’s workshop or perhaps by werp did not develop a textile indus- the donors work equally as examples of his most important pupil, Pieter Cocke, try.6 Contrarily to the actual costume adoration, of proper and adequate de- who might have participated in this way of traveling to other cities to buy textile votion.3 It is possible for us to imagine in the production of the triptych. One goods, it invited foreign merchants to

RHAA 6 201 Traduções/Translations sell in its market. The city local coun- Only in Antwerp the king had the Among the most important factors cil took the decision of opening widely possibility to obtain from the German for the development of the city is not its fairs to the British and their goods, bankers, above all from Nuremberg and only the textile industry, but also the which normally suffered from boycotts Augsburg, the quantity of indispensable production of the visual arts. Contrary in other localities of the Low Countries, metals needed to accomplish his com- to many contemporary ideas about the transforming Antwerp in the main re- mercial activities: the silver from India artistic production, the creation of dec- selling center of British tissues of the and the copper from Africa. The trade, orative arts in Antwerp did not follow mainland. In that way, during the fairs, equally proficuous to the Portuguese only the inventions of genial masters, Italians, Spanish and representatives and the Germans, allowed to both the but obeyed equally to the rules of the of the Hanseatic League (for instance, purchase of British tissues. In 1508, the pre-modern industrialization. Above those of German cities like Lübeck, Portuguese established the subsidy of all, in this sector, the industrial forces Hamburg and Bremen) leaved Bruges the trade house (House of India) with were most visible and, to use here an to do business and commercial trans- the construction of the “Factorship of economic parlance, it is possible to actions in Antwerp. These operations Flanders”, and the Germans passed to claim that the productivity measured were so proficuous that, around 1500, be represented by their most powerful in qualitative terms grew substantially.13 Antwerp become more important than merchant families: the Fuggers from In the sixteenth century, the activities Bruges and, with a population of ap- Augsburg, who started their negotia- started to be concentrated not only in proximately 40 thousand inhabitants, tions in the region in 1508, and, one the areas of painting and sculpture, but it came to represent the most significa- year later, the Welsers from Nuremberg. showed also a huge production of fur- tive urban agglomeration of the Low This step was the base for the pursuit of niture, wooden altarpieces, diamonds Countries.7 transactions in a higher level.9 and other precious elements, as painted In the beginning of the sixteenth In the threshold of 1560, Antwerp leather and glass. century, Antwerp becomes also the had a population of almost 100 thou- Even before 1400 a strong tradition metropolis of the west. Vasco da Gama sand inhabitants, a not much impressive in the fabric of high quality products in discovered the maritime way to India number for today, but which turned the the manufactures of the region had al- between 1497 and 1499, guaranteeing Flemish city into one of the biggest ur- ready developed.14 In 1382, goldsmiths, to the Portuguese the rule and mo- ban agglomerations of pre-modern Eu- painters, wood engravers, among oth- nopoly of the spice trade in Europe. rope, surpassed only by Paris and a few ers, were sufficient in number to create The control over this trade during the Italian cities. The number of foreigners a first corporation. In 1415, the tapes- middle Ages was in the hands of the in the city also grew up considerably try weavers had separated themselves Italians, who had the Arabs as media- and many foreign communities started from the other groups and instituted tors. The Portuguese, however, could to settle permanently in Antwerp: 300 their own corporation, followed by the break abruptly with this monopoly, Spanish, approximately 400 British, goldsmiths in 1456.15 At the end of the with catastrophic consequences to sev- 150 Portuguese, 200 Italians and 300 fifteenth century, the bourgeoisie not 10 eral companies, with the exception of Hanseatic Germans. Reckoning its only increased its influence, but also ac- those of the Italians, who continued to families, associates and servants, this quired more buying power, conducting export the silk and the derived goods number reached circa five thousand im- this way to the growing of demand of to the Low Countries. The gravitational migrants, who started to play a decisive luxury articles in Europe, above all in center of the long distance trade that role in the prosperity of the region, act- the Low Countries and, then, turning existed during centuries in the frontiers ing as exporters and importers, initiat- Antwerp into its commercial center. As of the Mediterranean migrated, then, ing and maintaining the development of had already been observed, this city was to the coasts of the Atlantic and of the a prosperous international trade. Dur- an international center, both to the trad- 8 Northern Sea. ing a determinate period, Antwerp took ers as to the painters, goldsmiths, and In the day of August 24, 1501, several the place of Venice as the European weavers. They were able to buy there the Portuguese caravels full of spicery ar- storehouse and distribution center,11 precious materials that they needed to rived at the port of Antwerp. The Por- being again substituted, nevertheless, produce the paintings, sculptures, and tuguese king, who in this moment had by Amsterdam and London in the fol- tapestries that would come to fill the the control and monopoly of the trade, lowing centuries. In this way, it is no representational needs of the new bour- decided to turn the city into the main exaggeration to say that Antwerp was geoisie, a group that no doubt had their center of Western Europe dedicated to the most international and cosmopolite own political intentions. The art object the commercialization of oriental goods. city of the pre-modern period.12 should affirm their social ascent. De-

202 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations spite that, the artists also produced to ion, now in exhibition in the MASP. Having initiated the production with clients from other regions. The engrav- In relation to the quantity, it is possible romances, the editors started to diver- ers, for instance, found a wider market for us to observe a similar development sify their products, publishing equally for their policromed or golden altar- in relation to the wooden altarpieces. academic manuals, which could also pieces in the Rhineland, in Westphalia, A considerable part suffered heavily be exported, transforming Antwerp in Gdańsk, in Sweden, in France and with the commercialization and the in the most important center for the in Spain. It is interesting to note that industrialization, and, excluding a few production and distribution of books. the production of works to altars not exceptional works, the assembly line Thanks to immigrants from the north only had a fixed clientship, but also that paintings were the rule. To satisfy the of Holland, the city established itself the altarpieces made for the free market taste of potential clients, the artisans, equally as a center for the produc- were more numerous in Antwerp than who counted on the support of not tion of illustrated books. A greater af- in other centers of the region of Flan- only ecclesiastical and noble donors, flux of precious metals stimulated the ders. These wooden altarpieces have a but also of the middle class and even goldsmith and silversmith productions. more stereotyped iconography and, so of the lower middle class, specialized The masters of Antwerp were the pref- being, they have a bigger reception. In themselves in determinate productions, erence of all the consumers: the court, his way, they could equally serve to a as the devotional works, landscapes and the rich bourgeoisie, the tradesman, church, to a chapel, to private houses portraits. The specialization helped the churches, the monasteries, the city or even to travelers. The artists had them to improve their abilities and to dignitaries, the corporations, and fel- to develop a kind of sensibility to the improve their style, causing that way a lowships. The mint acquired, in this needs of the market and to the diversi- grow in productivity sided by the re- way, a great importance. Several areas ties of taste of potential clients. This is duction of the costs. Many times sev- of the luxury commerce took advantage reflected exemplarily in the adaptation eral artists worked on the same canvas. from the potential of the city in relation of decorative elements that came from Each one of them took care of a certain to the raw material market. An ancient Italy. These Italianisms in vigour in the aspect or of part of the work. Accord- source refers in 1483 to a diamond-cut- gothic altarpieces evidently demonstrate ing to the differing aspirations, the ter, but the commerce properly speak- the general interest and the perception paintings could be done in a more or ing of this precious stone only started to of the humanism and the Renaissance less expensive fashion. Works with the succeed at the sixteenth century, when in the Flemish art. Despite that, its use background completely painted were the Italians, and later, the Portuguese, can eventually prove the fact that, in this more expensive than figures conceived were able to put a considerable quantity historical period, such elements did not above a landscape; the grayish had a of precious stones in circulation. The carry any innovative character. There is price evidently less elevated than color silk, imported from the south first by a tendency to believe that works made paintings. The painters, as the engrav- the Italians and later by the merchants for exportation (coopwercken) were done ers and all the producers of luxury from the Low Countries, enabled for with a minimum of expenses, using pre- articles, were refined tradesman and the creation of a self-sufficient indus- fabricated components in almost all the followed the fashion. One instructive try. Many satin weavers coming from cases, all engraved according to a single example of this fact is the success of Bruges had so much success that in model.16 the Antwerpian mannerists’ painters, 1533 they were granted the possibility to create a work corporation. As they The painting became more and as for instance Jan van Dornicke. The 18 more prominent in the context of art more industrialized production shows used only half-silk tissues, they were manufactures in Antwerp. Before the a superficial formality and attempt to not affected by the importations of the artistic activities of Quinten Metsys, give the feeling of erudition with its Italians or from the Levant, being able who became master in 1491, Antwerp references to Antiquity, which corre- to produce cheaper to a wider market 19 still had not the status of an important sponded to the taste of the more or composed by the middle class. city in relation to the production of less intellectual and, some times, “snob- The immigrants, above all, had a 17 paintings. This circumstance suffered bish” bourgeoisie. considerable influence on the different a quick change in the following years. After the invention of the print, industries. Besides the tapestry weav- The sixteenth century was marked by Mathias van der Goes produced in ers, they stimulated several other areas an artistic “explosion” both in what 1481 the first book printed in Ant- already established, due to the expertise refers to the quality of the works as to werp. In the period between 1500 and and to the professionalism that they had its quantity. As an example of quality, 1540, around half of the books pro- acquired in other countries. Around the we have Jan van Dornicke’s crucifix- duced came from the prints of that city. year 1500, after the arrival of Quinten

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Metsys, many painters from different tries, it was not a problem for the Ant- establishments of artistic production schools and from different regions es- werpian regime. The development and grew, so the painters’ studios and, above tablished themselves in Antwerp. This the implementation of more industries all, the art merchants, grew in number. fact makes the distinction of an Ant- implicated in the growing of profit op- Well-succeeded masters started gradu- werpian style in the end of the fifteenth portunities to merchants and entrepre- ally to transfer the actual execution of century to be difficult. As the lists from neurs, more income to the municipality, their works to their assistants, being the middle of the sixteenth century and more jobs for the proletariat. As responsible only for the artistic inven- from the corporation of Saint Luke the social classes with less purchasing tions and for the commercial manage- demonstrate, five French goldsmiths power grew, the tensions increased. ment of the enterprise. Many times the and some musical instruments makers With its policy of work for the poor, the employers produced several copies of had activities in the city. The incentive government hoped to put and end to only one composition, attributing to for the migration of specialized workers the social problems. Nevertheless, the the production an almost “industrial” was a regular politics of the municipal economic and political crisis of 1566 character. Around 1560, approximately council. Wishing to develop the econ- worsened the present situation, making three hundred painters, engravers and omy of their community, the regents the government to adopt a mercantilist sculptors worked in the city.22 spent a lot of effort to attract qualified policy. The stimulus given to the in- Besides the stories of success there foreign workers, particularly those who dustry had two goals. The first was the are, naturally, those of failure. From had at their disposal the new technolo- desire, by part of the council, to mini- 1530 on, the wood altarpieces engrav- mize the costs through the substitution gies. For these the council granted sub- ers, who had specialized themselves of importations by local products; the sidies and helped in the sojourn and in particularly in the production of works second was to help the industries from the accommodation. Subsidies were for altars and devotional figures, were the south of the Low Countries, giving granted, for instance, to the Spanish obliged to pay tributes, losing much of way to its differentiation and improve- Martin Gaillard, who introduced the their importance. Around 1550 they ment and increasing its competitiveness fabrication of the Cordovan leather in made their last altarpieces. Due to the in the international commerce. How- the 30’s of the sixteenth century, and expansion of the protestant Reform, ever strong were the official economical to Nicolaus Davidt from Beauvais, who above all in Germany and in Scandina- investments, the merchants and the art- started the weaving of the Damascene via, the search for ecclesiastical works ists had still other reasons for choosing silk. The council tried to attract indus- diminished considerably. The markets Antwerp amongst all the others Euro- trial innovators not only from distant in this region almost disappeared. In pean metropolis as their point of settle- places, but also from other regions of other territories, there was a radical ment. Christoffel Plantin revealed in a the Low Countries. This way Antwerp change in the tastes and in the prefer- letter dated from 1574 for what reason benefited from the end of the court in ences. The new clients wanted painted he had chosen Antwerp. His motifs run Malinas after the death of Margaret of triptychs or models in the Italian style, from the presence of raw material in the Austria in 1530, an important patron of and not of wood anymore, but of ala- warehouses and the abundance of work the arts. Between 1541 and 1542, the baster or of marble, and with sculptures to the quick access to the markets. The Antwerpian council also granted sub- according to the models of Antiquity. apparent unlimited potentialities of that sidies to Pieter Coecke van Aelst, son- For these clients the style of the Ital- metropolis attracted both citizens from in-law of Jan van Dornicke’s master, a ian Renaissance meant progress and the Low Countries as well as individuals subject that will be treated right away. future, while the late gothic style of from distant regions. During the two The artist, painter, and tapestry designer the altarpieces represented the past, the first thirds of the sixteenth century, established himself some years before in overcomed. Even that some altarpieces the development of the luxury market Antwerp, in order to transmit to other makers strived to integrate the vocabu- in Antwerp prospered singularly, pro- artists and colleagues his knowledge lary of Renaissance forms, in a general gressing quickly and vertiginously. The and abilities. In the year of 1559, the way their works rested too traditional majority of the industries had success council granted to a tapestry weaver the and obsolete for the taste of the ep- full citizenship with all the rights. and even the recession of 1520 could 20 och. The sculptors with modern style, The council sought to increase the not truly hinder this process. based in models from the Antiquity, economical activities in the city through In 1540, the market was transferred were prevailing. Artists like Cornelis the promotion of the industry. Though to the stock exchange (Beurs), once Floris of Vriendt and Willem van den this fact meant a certain disadvantage to the painters building (Schilderspand) Broeck started to dominate the artistic other urban centers in the Low Coun- become small.21 The activities of the scene. Once more, this new style, en-

204 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations titled “Floris style”, was exported with introduced, it would be necessary to re- the materiality of the image comes to success to the European Northwest.23 call two fundamental methodological the fore, above all in the opinion of The decades that preceded 1566 streams in art history. The first one is Elizabeth Edwards, frequently consid- were, in reality, a very prosperous pe- the formal analysis that came from the ered irrelevant by the majority of art two Vienna schools, represented above 34 riod for the commerce; they did not historians. Ulpiano Menezes, when all by Alois Riegl from the first school, represented, however, a golden age to highlighting such position, says clearly Otto Pächt from the second, and Hein- the manual laborers.24 The raising of that that posture “allows for the over- rich Wölfflin.27 The second stream re- prices in Antwerp, as well as in the coming of a subtle epistemological in- fers to the analysis of content associated rest of Europe, and the lack of the cor- adequacy very much in vogue in the with the iconography and the iconology suggestions for the study of images, responding rise in the salaries, signified 28 the deterioration in the standards of of Erwin Panofsky. Nonetheless, yet be them considered as documents, be living. The situation was a little better another methodological line was estab- them considered as components of for the independent artists, for these lished, which made indispensable the the social life. In rigor, the distinction inclusion of a materialist analysis in the could often ascend socially. There was, between image-sign-document and description of an artwork, as had been consequently, an intense and growing image-thing-social-life-ingredient has demonstrated by Leo Balet, Max Rap- competition between “big” and “small” little consistency – but is still repeated, 29 masters. Notwithstanding, as we had hael and Hanna Deinhard. It is inter- for it calls to the attention, rightfully, 35 previously explained, the economic boom esting to highlight that the main project the discursive character of the image”. guaranteed even so a high standard of of Hanna Deinhard on a sociology of Mieke Bal describes by a meta-narra- work, protecting the community from a art never came to be published, while tion the existing tension between the serious eruption of social conflicts. some traces of this plan can be found materiality and the discourse, and be- in the work Form und Ausdruck (Form The golden age had, however, an tween the object of the past and the and Expression).30 The analytic pos- 36 abrupt end. After the passage of the subject of the present. The issue of ture of Hanna Deinhard represented “annus mirabilis” (Wonderjaar) of 1566, the cultural trip and the importance of the role of transposing figure between which constituted the apex of political, materiality were suggested above all by the generations. The referred author religious, and social differences in the the context of the nineteenth and twen- wrote the first reviews of the New Art 25 tieth century’s museums and by the Low Countries, the economic situation History (Kritische Kunstgeschichte), papers wonder cameras (Wunderkammern).37 deteriorated disturbingly. The prices of dedicated to a socio-historical approach However, in relation to the emergence cereals rose definitively, leading to a of art history, already in the beginning of a luxury market for the artistic pro- decline in the standards of living. The of the 70’s. Both Martin Warnke as duction, this issue remained irrelevant. tensions brought about a furious icono- Horst Bredekamp highlighted the im- We cannot understand this reflection clasm – and in part conducted – caus- portance of the socio-political context ing the destruction of several artworks. in the production, divulgation and per- as a single option deriving from the lack of a detailed documentation, but Besides that, the Spanish duke Alva ception of artworks.31 In more recent as a new analytic approach that unites reinforced the political and military decades, after many changes of per- the traditional analyses of the formal pressure over the Low Countries and, spective in the area of human sciences and iconographical interpretation, of to finance these operations, he raised – the linguistic turn and the iconic turn –, the history of the social, political, and the taxes, making many artists to run the doubts related to the definition and economical contexts and the present away from the city. Still, to finish, a war validity of a canon in the visual arts against England damaged definitively grew, as also grew the dissolution of approaches of the visual studies. the international commerce.26 the definition of what is an image. It Jan van Dornicke helped relevantly The use of data for the analysis of is unnecessary to say that the work The to found and institute the golden cen- 38 an artwork, coming from the economy end of art history,32 published by Horst tury of painting in Antwerp. His art of visual arts and from the sociopoliti- Belting, was an affront without equiva- and of his sons-in-law, Jan van Amstel cal context, has been a central ques- lent to the art historians. Besides that, and, mainly, Pieter Coecke, with his tion in the methodological discussions he developed an anthropology of art trips to Istanbul,39 important for the ar- of the discipline of art history since its that is inscribed into the methodologi- tistic context of the epoch, introduced a foundation in the universities in the cal varieties of the visual studies.33 In relatively innovative painting in search nineteenth century. Without wanting to the context of these streams, here out- of unusual forms in the composition exceed the specific limit of analysis here lined only superficially, the aspect of of images, combining them with tra-

RHAA 6 205 Traduções/Translations ditional motifs. Such combination cor- What is the meaning of the post- lytical approach removes the “roman- responds exactly to the association de- modern approach to an artwork in the tic” idea of the singular production of sired by their Royal clients as well as by social and economical context? That a genius artist, inscribing the Flemish the market from where their potential the interpretative energy comes from style of van Dornicke’s work and the clients came. As Peter Burke says, the the subjectivity is a kind of common iconography of the Passion of the trip- art of the Flemish bourgeoisie, as well sense to the post-structuralist theory. tych in an economic discourse, from as the art of Jan van Dornicke, would In relation to the shown examples of where resulted at least partially even the came to establish the basis for the noto- the luxury market and the triptych of “Antwerpian” style. This discourse, in riety of Antwerp as a European cultural van Dornicke, this is not the case for a vigour at the same time in the nego- metropolis. This city was undoubtedly positivist revival or for speculations on tiations between the different social one of the greatest centers of painting the stylistic structures. These topics had groups in Antwerp, and in the needs and engraving in the sixteenth century, been already arduously criticized by the of a market already globalized, together besides being a commercial and finan- second Vienna school.40 Instead, it is with the representations of the Passion cial axis, functioning yet as a cultural about the possibility of restoring to the of Christ, can be used to assure the ex- mediator between the North and South artefacts in themselves a certain power pression of an externalized religiosity. of Europe due to the huge amount of of action through the materiality of the The later represents the development of immigrants. It is necessary to consider works, here represented, in the more a discursive, social, and religious prac- that art, already in the sixteenth cen- general sense, by the luxury market. It tice, which can be analyzed throughout tury, was an integral part of the first is important still to emphasize that this the process that culminated with the conflicts created by the globalization do not mean the use of the artwork as a coming of the protestant Reform. In in the pre-modern epoch. Moreover, as projection. When we consider that the addition, the sixteenth century’s icono- the history of the MASP itself and of artwork not only came from an author clasms are a direct consequence of the its collection reflects the history of the or donor, but also has equally followed inherent criticisms to this period in bourgeoisie of São Paulo, the triptych the rules of a market, which can be said Antwerp. of van Dornicke reflects the first suc- to be globalized, it necessarily occurs cesses and declines of the Antwerpian a change in the interpretation of the bourgeoisie. impact caused by the artist. This ana- English version: Marcelo Hilsdorf Marotta

1 See Justus Müller-Hofstede, “Jan van Dor- a reevaluation of the methodological aspects is 6 Leon Voet, “Antwerp, the Metropolis and its nickes Kreuzigungsaltar: Ein Meisterwerk Mariyan W. Ainsworth (ed.), Early Netherlandish History”, in: Antwerp. Story of a metropolis, 16th- der Antwerpener Malerei vor Pieter Bruegel Painting at the crossroads: a critical look at current 17th century, op. cit., p. 13-17. A fundamental D.Ä.”, in: Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch, v. 52, 1991, methodologies, New York: Metropolitan Museum study of Flemish culture, Johan Huizinga, The pp. 151-62, here p. 156. The place to the left of Art, 2001; on Antwerpian painting, Hans Autumn of the Middle Ages, Chicago: University is more important for being the closest side Nieuwdorp (org.), Antwerpse retabels: 15de-16de of Chicago Press, 1996 (Dutch original from from the priest who celebrates the mass. On the eeuw, Antwerp cathedral exhibition catalog, 1919). On the importance of Antwerp and its Antwerpian mannerists, it is fundamental Max 26.5.-3.10.1993, Antwerp: Museum voor Reli- market in general, see the depth research of J. Friedländer, Early Netherlandish Painting, 14 v. gieuze Kunst, 1993, 2 v. Hermann van der Wee, The Growth of the An- Leiden: Praeger, 1967-1974, here vol. XI (1974), 2 See Müller-Hofstede, p. 157. twerp Market and the European Market, fourteenth- pp. 11-33 (German original: Altniederländische 3 On the iconography and, above all, the icono- sixteenth centuries, 3 v., The Hague: Martinus Malerei, 14 vols., Berlin: Cassirer, 1924-1937). graphy of the Passion, see: Kim Woods, “Thè- Nijhoff, 1963, here v. 2. The Flemish painting from the pre-modern mes iconographiques et sources”, in: Miroirs du 7 Voet, p. 15. era served also to fundamental methodological Sacré op.cit., pp. 77-94 and Jean-Pierre Delville, 8 discussions in art history. In the iconography/ See Elizabeth Alice Honig, Painting and the “Images de la Passion et regard de compassion”, iconology side and the concept of “disguised Market in Early Modern Antwerp, New Haven in: ibid. and Bret L. Rothstein, Sight and Spiri- symbolism”, cf. Erwin Panofsky, Early Nether- and London: Yale University Press, 1999, and tuality in early Netherlandish Painting, Cambridge: landish Painting, London: Harper Collins, 1971 Hermann van der Wee and Jan Materne, “An- Cambridge University Press, 2005. (original from 1953); in relation to the stylistic twerp as a World Market in the Sixteenth and 4 analysis, Otto Pächt, Van Eyck and the Founders Müller-Hofstede attributes to Jan van Beer Seventeenth Centuries”, in: Antwerp. Story of a of Early Netherlandish Painting, New York: Havey the same period crucifixion, presently in the metropolis, 16th-17th century, Jan van der Stock Miller, 2000 and ibid., Early Netherlandish Pain- Diocesan Museum of Cologne, and believes (org.), Ghent: Snoek-Ducaju, 1993, pp. 19-31 ting from Rogier van der Weyden to Gerard David, that it was a copy from Jan van Dornicke’s and more recently Hans J. Van Miegroet and New York: Havey Miller, 1997 (a first collec- crucifixion. Müller-Hofstede, pp. 159-60. Neil de Marchi (eds.), Mapping for Paintings in tion of several articles was published in 1989). 5 Peter Burke, “Antwerp, a Metropolis in Eu- Early Modern Europe 1450-1750, Turnhout: Bre- The most recent introduction to the theme is rope”, in: Jan van der Stock (org.), Antwerp. pols, 2006. A general vision of the research Jeffrey Chips Smith, The Northern Renaissance Story of a metropolis, 16th-17th century. Ghent: is offered by J.M. Montias, “Socio-Economic (Art and Ideas), London: Phaidon Press, 2004; Snoek-Ducaju, 1993, pp. 49-57. Aspects of Netherlandish Art from Fifteenth

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to the Seventeenth Century: A Survey”, in: Art 21 About the market in the Church of Our Lady marxistischer Grundlage, Frankfurt: Fischer, 1974. Bulletin, vol. LXXII, 1990, pp. 358-373. see also Dan Ewing, “Marketing Art in An- Hanna Deinhard is a very interesting case. She 9 Van der Wee, p. 22 and Honig, p. 10. twerp, 1460-1560: Our Lady’s ‘Pand’”, in: Art is known in Brazil with the name of Hanna Bulletin, v. LXXII, 1990, pp. 558-638. Levy, who published several articles about the 10 Van der Wee, p. 23. 22 Thijs, p. 109. so-called Brazilian baroque in the 40’s: Hanna 11 Idem, p. 21. Levy, Henri Wölfflin. Sa théorie. Sés prédécesseurs, 23 Idem, ibidem. 12 Voet, p. 16. Rottweil: Rothschild,1936. Arnold Hauser sou- 24 Catheline Périer-d’Ieteren, “Le marché ght with his publications a “third way”: Arnold 13 Van der Wee, p. 28. d’exportation de l’organisation du travail Hauser, Sozialgeschichte der Kunst, Munich: Beck, 14 On the relationship between the market and dans les aterliers brabançons aux XVe et XVIe 1967; several publications that refers to his the arts in general, see Michael North and siècles”, in: Actes du Colloque Artistes, artisans name are compared with the three previously David Ormond (org.), Art Markets in Europe, et production artistique au Moyen Age (Rennes, mentioned, dubbed as a “vulgar Marxism”. 1400-1800, Alderhot, Brookfield et. al.: Ash- Université de Haute-Bretagne 1983) vol. III, 30 Using the name of Hanna Deinhard, Bedeutung gate, 1998, above all the introduction “Intro- Fabrication et consommation de l'oeuvre. Pa- und Ausdruck: zur Soziologie der Malerei, Neu- duction: Art and its Markets”, pp. 1-6 and also ris: Picard, 1990, pp. 629-45. wied: Luchterhand, 1967. Marzan W Ainsworth, “The Business of Art: 25 Above all Guido Marneff, Antwerp in the Age 31 Patrons, Clients, and Art Markets”, in: From Martin Warnke, Bau und Überbau: Soziologie der of Reformation. Underground Protestantism in a Van Eyck to Bruegel: early Netherlandish painting mittelalterlichen Architektur nach den Schriftquellen, Commercial Metropolis, 1550-1577, Baltimore in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Marzan W. Frankfurt: Syndikat, 1976; idem, Der Hofküns- and London: The Johns Hopkins University Ainsworth and Keith Christiansen (org.), Me- tler, Köln: Dumont, 1985; Horst Bredekamp, Press, 1996. tropolitan Museum of Art Catalog, New York, Kunst als Medium sozialer Konflikte: Bilderkäm- 26 1998, pp. 23-38; for the most part, the catalog Thijs, p. 110. pfe von der Spätantike bis zur Hussitenrevolution, offers many textual and visual sources. See 27 Alois Riegl, Grundlagen zu einer Geschichte der Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1975. also John Michael Montias, “Le marché de Ornamentik, Berlin: Schmidt, 1923 and the 32 Horst Belting, Das Ende der Kunstgeschichte: eine l’art aux Pays-Bas, XVe et XVIe siècles”, in: anthology of articles idem, Gesammelte Au- Revision nach zehn Jahren, Munich: Beck, 1995, re- Annales 1993, pp. 1541-63. fsätze, ed. by Karl M. Swoboda, Augsburg: cently translated to Portuguese (O fim da História 15 Alfons K. L. Thijs, “Antwerp’s Luxury Indus- Filser, 1929. On Riegl, see Margaret Rose da Arte. São Paulo: Cosac & Naify, 2006). tries: the Pursuit of Profit and Artistic Sensiti- Olin, Alois Riegl and the crisis of representation in 33 Horst Belting, Bild-Anthropologie: Entwürfe fur vity”, in: Antwerp. Story of a metropolis, 16th-17th art theory, 1860-1905; on the Vienna school, eine Bildwissenschaft, Munich: Fink, 2001 and, century, Jan van der Stock (org.), Ghent: Snoek- see recently Edwin Lachnit, Die Wiener Schule recently, Klaus Sachs-Hombach (ed), Bildwis- Ducaju, 1993, pp. 105-13; here p. 105 and Her- der Kunstgeschichte und die Kunst ihrer Zeit: zum senschaft: Disziplinen, Themen, Methoden, Frankfurt: man van der Wee and Jan Materné, “Antwerp Verhältnis von Methode und Forschungsgegenstand am Suhrkamp, 2005; in the USA, for instance, as a World Market in the Sixteenth and Seven- Beginn der Moderne, Vienna: Böhlau, 2005 and Norman Bryson, Michael Ann Holly (eds.), teenth Centuries”, in: ibid., pp. 19-32. Maria Theisen (org.), Wiener Schule: Erinnerung Visual Theory, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991; und Perspektiven, Vienna: Böhlau, 2004. Also James Elkins, Visual studies: a skeptical introduc- 16 Thijs, p. 105, and also Lynn F. Jacobs, “The Wiener Jahrbuch fur Kunstgeschichte, no. 53, 2004. tion, New York: Routledge, 2003; Nicholas Marketing and Standardization of South Ne- Heinrich Wölfflin, Renaissance und Barock: eine Mirzozeff (ed.), Visual culture reader, London: therlandish Carved Altarpieces: Limits on the Untersuchung über Wesen und Entstehung des Ba- Routledge, 1998; idem, An introduction to visual Role of the Patron”, in: Art Bulletin, vol. LXXI, rockstils in Italien, Munich: Ackermann, 1888; culture, London: Routledge, 1999. From the cre- 1989, pp. 208-29; and also Lorne Campell, idem, Kunstgeschichtliche Grundbegriffe: das ator of the term pictorial turn, W.J.T. Mitchell, “The Art Market in the Southern Nether- Problem der Stilentwicklung in der neueren What do pictures want? The lives and loves of images, lands in the Fifteenth Century”, in: Burlington Kunst, Munich: Bruckmann, 1920. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005; Magazine CXVIII, 1976, pp. 188-98. On the 28 David Morgan, Visual Piety: A history and theory of cooperation between the engravers and the Erwin Panofsky, Studies in iconology: humanistic popular religious images, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and painters, see also Lynn F. Jacobs, “The inver- themes in the art of the Renaissance, New York: London: University of California Press, 1999; ted ‘T’-Shape in Early Netherlandish Altarpie- Oxford University Press, 1939. It is not pos- idem, The sacred gaze: Religious visual culture in theory ces: Studies in the Relation between Painting sible here to discuss the development of the and practice, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: and Sculpture”, in: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte thought following the fundamental ideas of University of California Press, 2005. 57, 1991, pp. 33-65 and her main work, idem: Aby Warburg and of the so-called Warburg 34 Early Netherlandish Carved Altars, Cambridge school, including the inner differentiations, Discussed in the most basic sense in the book and London: Cambridge University Press, as well as the connections between the repre- of the historian Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing. The 1998 and more recently idem, “Fabrication et sentatives of the Vienna school, above all Max uses of images as historical evidence, London: Re- modes de production”, in: Brigitte d’Hainaut- Dvořák and the Hamburg school intellectu- aktion Books, 2001, and analyzed deeply in Zveny (org.), Miroirs du Sacré, Brussels: CFC- als. More recently, see the general overview relation to photography in the book edited Editions, 2005, pp. 35-54. in Michael Hatt, Charlotte Klonk, Art history, by Elizabeth Edwards, Chris Gosden, Ruth a critical introduction to its methods, Manchester: Phillips (eds.), Sensible objects: colonialism, museums 17 Thijs, p. 106. Manchester University Press, 2006. and material culture, Oxford: Berg, 2006. 18 “Half-silk” refers to a tissue composed with 35 29 Leo Balet, Die Verbürgerlichung der deutschen Kunst, Ulpiano T. Bezerra Menezes, “Fontes visu- 50% of silk and 50% of cotton or other ma- Literatur und Musik im 18. Jahrhundert, Strasburg: ais, cultura visual, História visual: balanço terial. Heitz, 1936; Max Raphael, Idee und Gestalt: ein provisório, propostas cautelares”, in: Revista 19 Thijs, p. 107 and also Claire DuMortier, Führer zum Wesen der Kunst, Munich: Delphin- Brasileira de História, vol. 23, n. 45, 2003, pp. “Commercialisation et distribution”, in: Mi- Verlag, 1921; idem, Proudhon, Marx, Picasso: trois 11-36, here p. 29. roirs du Sacré, op.cit., pp. 63-76. études sur la sociologie de l’art, Paris: Edition Excel- 36 “The external images are ‘attached’ to the 20 Thijs, p. 108. sior, 1933; idem, Theorie des geistigen Schaffens auf subject’s existence experienced as bodily, lo-

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cked together; the subject is ‘locked up’ in Age, London: Oxford University Press, 2001; senschaft, in: Kunstwissenschaftliche Forschungen, 1, the external world”, Mieke Bal, The Practice of for the relationship between the Flemish art 1931, reprinted in Hans Sedlmayr, Kunst und Cultural Analysis. Exposing interdisciplinary inter- and the Mediterranean world, Marina Belo- Wahrheit, Mittenwald: Mäander, 1978, pp. 49- pretation, Stanford: Stanford University Press, zerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian 80; Otto Pächt, Das Ende der Abbildtheorie, 1999, p. 11. Arts across Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge in: Kritische Berichte zur kunstgeschichtlichen Litera- University Press, 2002; Till-Holger Borchert 37 Just to cite one of the more analytical appro- tur, 3/4, 1930/1931, pp. 1-9; see also the articles (ed.), Age of Van Eyck: the Mediterranean World aches, James Clifford, Routes. Travel and Trans- grouped in the anthology of Christopher S. and Early Netherlandish Painting, 1430-1530, lation in the late Twentieth Century, Cambridge, Wood (org.), The Vienna School reader: politics and Groening museum catalog, Stedelijke Musea London: Harvard University Press, 1997. art historical method in the 1930s, New York: Zone Brugge, Bruges: Luidon, 2002, and Paula Books, 2000, above all the introduction, pp. 9- 38 See Müller-Hofstede, p. 159. Nutall, From Flanders to Florence: the Impact of 81, and the discussion in Frederic J. Schwartz, 39 On the relationship between the city and the Netherlandish Painting 1400-1500, New Haven: Blind spots: critical theory and the history of art in Islamic world, see Alistair Hamilton, Arab cul- Yale University Press, 2004. twentieth-century Germany, New Haven: Yale Uni- ture and Ottoman Magnificence in Antwerp’s Golden 40 Hans Sedlmayr, Zu einer strengen Kunstwis- versity Press, 2005, pp. 137-242.

Hercules between Vice and Virtue and In his 1989 monograph, Peter Marques in the MASP’s catalogue reaf- Allegory of Wisdom and Strength: Ve- Watson elucidated the path of Allegory firms the authorship: ronese copies made by François of Wisdom and Strength. While dealing It seems that Veronese’s originals were in with this painting he also described the the collection of the regent of France, in the Boucher from the Museu de story of Hercules between Vice and Virtue, Arte de São Paulo (MASP) 18th century, when the Duke of Aneiro, from from its creation in Venice to its final Portugal, fell in love with them and obtained Maria Antonia Couto da Silva destination in the Frick Collection of special consent, from the regent, to have them New York. When he studied Veronese’s PhD student of History of Art, copied, so that the copies were sent to Portugal, IFCH/Unicamp originals Watson also gathered impor- having stayed there until the 1890’s. In the be- tant information regarding the copies ginning of the century, the paintings were shown made by Boucher. to Mr. Bernard Berenson, who examined them It is our aim, in this article, to contrib- carefully and, obviously, concluded that they ute to the understanding of the histori- were not the work of Veronese’s hands. After cal and artistic context of two paintings The attribution of masp’s paintings a cleaning process, he discovered Boucher’s sig- nowadays in the collection of the Museu When he published his book, in nature, completing, in this way, the whole circle de Arte de São Paulo (MASP). They are 1989, Peter Watson did not know the of data presented above.4 copies of Paolo Veronese’s (1528-1588) actual location of the paintings, in the paintings made by François Boucher MASP collection. He showed an ex- (1703-1770), and are known as Hercules tremely old photograph of Allegory of The many copies of Veronese’s between Vice and Virtue (Fig.1) and Allegory Wisdom and Virtue and informed that paintings of Wisdom and Strength (Fig. 2)1. “according to a note at Frick’s archives, The historical and artistic relations This article is based on a master’s around 1929, Boucher’s copy entered between the originals, made by a Vene- dissertation obtained in the Institute the collection of the Baron Gui Thom- tian painter from the Renaissance, and of Philosophy and Human Sciences itz, from Paris”3. their 18th century French copies are at the State University of Campinas Although unintentionally, Watson fascinating, because we have proposi- (Universidade Estadual de Campinas) confirmed, through this note, that tions that deal with Art History, taste in 20032. Boucher made the MASP’s paintings. and collectionism. Veronese’s original paintings, nowa- According to a letter written by Spencer The paintings from MASP also make days in the Frick Collection of New Samuels to Professor Bardi, nowadays us take into account the very meaning of York, were made around 1576. Bouch- at the Brazilian museum’s archives, the a copy, something that has been viewed er’s copies, most probably made under paintings acquired by MASP had be- negatively in the 20th century. The Ro- the request of the Portuguese Duke of longed to the Baron Thomitz. mantic conception within the idea of Aveiro, are dated to the years following Another letter from Mitchell Samu- an inspiration and, maybe, the renewed 1752. Back then the originals belonged els, from the French & Co. Gallery of possibilities of image reproduction, due to the Collection of the regent of France, New York, addressed to Assis Chateau- to modern techniques, may have con- Philippe II, Duke of Orleans. briand (04/5/1951) and quoted by Luiz tributed to this depreciation.

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As noticed by Luiz Marques, it is tian painting technique of the 16th around them, which was also visited by important to remember that, through- century”7. artists. These people had access to their out the history of art, copies were These Veronese copies belong to a collections and this fact contributed to fundamental exercises for the artists’ historical context of European reap- the formation of an Italian painting formation. The copy was viewed as an praisal of Renaissance Venetian paint- taste in general, and more specifically activity of high aesthetic meaning or ing. In the 18th century, this reappraisal a Venetian painting taste. as the tribute to a certain master. From happened not only through the works Besides the existing relation with Mannerism onwards copies were in of Sebastiano Ricci, who recaptured the artistic context of reappraisal of the center of the artistic exercise, “the the poetics of Venetian painters from Venetian Renaissance masters works, painters were expected to copy other the 16th century, but also through the the paintings copied by Boucher also painters, architecture and nature, in this expansion of Rubens’ works in French deserve to be distinguished due to the 5 hierarchic order” . We must remember context. This can be noticed in the pro- iconography they display, which we will that a copy is not an historical and artis- duction of some artists, like Watteau. comment on briefly. tic arbitrary phenomenon, each period Since the end of the 17th century, chooses its masters. On the other hand, The French Academy had been in- Veronese was widely copied by artists Some considerations on the works’ volved in a debate between two specific from all periods: Rubens, Francesco iconography groups, the adherents of Poussin and Guardi, Tiepolo, Sebastiano Ricci and The allegories made for Rudolph the adherents of Rubens. The former François Boucher, among others. II are among Veronese’s masterpieces. supported the primacy of the line. The Four copies of Veronese’s originals The painting Hercules Choice or Hercules latter, the primacy of the color. The between Vice and Virtue is an alteration are known. The first copies of each painter Charles Le Brun, director of the painting were made around 1655, and done over a set of themes important French Academy, defended the primacy to Renaissance painters. are, nowadays, at the Kunsthistoriches of the line and the models established According to Erwin Panofsky’s es- Museum in Vienna. François Boucher by Poussin. made the second copies almost a hun- say8 the myth of the choice of Hercules dred years later. Carle van Loo, who From 1673 onwards, with the publi- is narrated by Prodicus. Xenophon in became the king’s main painter in 1762, cation of Dialogue sur le coloris, by Roger Memorabilia, II, I, 21-33, transmitted its made the third copies and one year later de Piles, the debate was stimulated. The oldest version: Hercules, young, filled was nominated director of the French academic norm began to be questioned up with doubts, was meditating by him- Academy. His paintings are, nowadays, under the impact of Rubens cycle on self in a remote, undetermined, place. at the Musée de Cambrai, in France. Maria de Medicis’ life, which was ex- Two women appear and approach him, The fourth copies, probably from the hibited at the Luxembourg Palace. trying to grab the young man’s attention end of the 18th century, became known Through Rubens’ works, 18th cen- by promising, each one in a different only in 1971, when the Marquis Bute, tury Paris rediscovered the Venetian way, to lead him to happiness. The first from Scotland, visited the Frick Collec- chromatic sensibility and the poetics one, who represents Vice, promises an tion and saw the original of a painting of its Renaissance masters. The knowl- easier and more pleasant path, because that had belonged to one of his ances- edge of the Italian models in France its joyful and idler; the second one, as- tors. The authorship of these copies occurred with the disclosure of art sociated with Virtue, points out to a is unknown, but according to Peter collections such as Crozat’s, Mariette’s difficult and long path, full of dangers Watson, the paintings were exhibited and others. This disclosure happened and privations. Hercules choice is well for the first time in 1799, in England, through the reproduction of the works known: he chooses Virtue. which suggests that they were also of art, especially through engravings. The character gained a surprising made in the 18th century6. The collection of the regent of France, multiplicity of roles in the philosophi- Marques notes that, in the case Philippe II, Duke of Orleans, was, in cal field. Both in pythagoric, stoic and of the MASP paintings, even when that sense, fundamental. This collec- sophist texts its course is used as a Michel Laclotte saw them, him who tion was formed by many paintings metaphor of the human condition. was director of the Louvre, he mani- from Venetian artists, and many works The representation in Veronese’s fested a “certain perplexity, motivated from Veronese, among these, the paint- painting would have as base the myth above all by the fact that Boucher had ings studied here. as its narrated in Philostratus’ Life of known, when he copied Veronese, how Both Crozat and Philippe II gathered Apollonius of Tyana. The text was printed to mimic, in a perfect way, the Vene- a circle of amateurs and art collectors in Latin, for the first time, in 1501. In

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Philostratus text he opposes the per- Prado, Madrid. [Fig.3]. For some re- This painting can be seen as a de- sonification of voluptuousness, adorned searchers, among them Bernard Beren- velopment of Hercules’ choice, where with golden necklaces, with her hair son, the Prado painting would be a later he submits himself to Virtue, here carefully braided and wearing golden piece, dating closer to the paintings of conceived in the Renaissance manner, sandals, with Virtue, who is bare-feet the Frick Collection, around 1580. associated with Wisdom. 9 and reflects a careless image . In this painting, Hercules turns In both paintings, Veronese refers to Panofsky also notes that, among the into an eight or ten years old boy, the choice of a virtuous path. He uses ancient texts, Philostratus is the only wearing a purple costume, typical of a theme that is, at the same time, erotic source where we can find the theme of the patricians. The painter portrayed and moralizing. the two women trying to gain Hercules the personification of voluptuousness Panofsky notes that the theme of attention, each one by his side, using as a figure adorned with gold, which Hercules’ choice found its canonic form not only words and regards, as depicted glances at the boy in a seductive way. later on, in the painting of Annibale in Xenophon’s narration, but also using The figure of Virtue, standing up, Carracci, produced in 1596 (Museo gestures and even force. wearing a laurel and wrapped in a Nazionale di Capodimonte, Naples) In his essay, Panofsky showed that kind of cloak, grabs the boy by his [Fig.4]. Carracci’s painting became a the painting Hercules between Vice and finger and takes him away in quick model for the representation of this Virtue was made with a lot more free- steps. He does not look back at the theme. The majority of later artists, dom if we were to compare it with the personification of voluptuousness, and right into the 18th century, established iconography depicted by other artists follows Virtue submissively. Accord- with it a relationship of agreement or before Veronese. In Veronese’s paint- ing to Panofsky, this piece could well disagreement. In Carracci’s painting, ing, the hero, wearing silvery clothes have been produced in order to cel- Hercules is represented sited, listening (supposedly it is the artists own por- ebrate the date of an ethical-religious to the speech of Virtue, who carries a trait), abandons the young woman so compromise10. short sword. The opposition between well dressed up and throws himself in On the other hand, the painting the two female figures is expressed the arms of the other one, whose as- Allegory of Wisdom and Strength can be through their clothes and hairdos, pect is more severe, wears a laurel and considered a development of the theme more sober in Virtue’s case, and care- represents Virtue. that appears at Hercules between Vice and fully braided in the personification of The space in the painting advances Virtue. The female character, which voluptuousness. diagonally; the opposition of a cary- represents Wisdom, turns her eyes to- According to Panofsky, Carracci’s atid column to the left and a tree to wards the firmament. She has as one painting tried to “reconstruct an ideal the right balances the composition. At of her attributes the sun, which shines from Antiquity” through a harmonic the architrave, which is sustained by over her; it is a sinuous figure, derived rhythm. The artist represented an in- the caryatid, it is written “[HO] NOR from ancient statuary sculpture. Her tense moment of interior life using as ET VIRTUS [P] OST MORTEM superiority over the material world is little movement as possible. His paint- FLORET” (Honor and virtue flour- suggested not only because of the earth ing distinguished itself because of a ishes after death). The representation globe, over which her foot lies, or the “timeless ideal”. In this sense, he op- emphasizes, therefore, the question of wealth spread on the floor, but by the posed himself to the “realism of the immortality connected with the choice thoughtful regard of the second char- period” seen in Veronese’s painting11. of a virtuous life. Another aspect that acter, Hercules, who leans, once again, In the second half of the 17th cen- stands out is the high diurnal luminos- on his club. Inspired, formally wise, tury, artists produced a series of varia- ity, which stretches out into the open in the Farnese Hercules, here he has tions of Carracci’s painting. It occurred space. In this painting, Veronese em- a melancholic regard. Hercules looks then a tendency of transforming the se- phasizes the scene, which gets closer to down to the wealth spread on the floor. rene plenitude of the characters forms the eye of the spectator, where Hercules The two figures stand at foreground; into a more vibrant scene. They tried makes his choice. to the left the space stretches out into to nullify its plastic isolation through We must note the strong resem- a distant landscape, the luminosity is the use of an optical relation. In gen- blance between the female figures of from the dawn. At the base of the col- eral terms, the idealizing style inspired this paintings and the ones in another umn there is the inscription OMNIA by Carracci’s painting got modified in Veronese painting, using the same VANITAS (everything is vain). The the 18th century. Panofsky notes that, theme, Young man between Vice and Vir- Vanitas theme became recurrent dur- at this moment we see the emergence tue, which is nowadays at the Museo del ing the 17th century. of a more free conception, which tried

210 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations to “modernize” everything that was The polemic over drawing and the institutional recognition of artistic considered Classical, turning it into a coloring formulations that were produced since matter of subjective orientation12. In France, The Royal Academy of the beginning of the 15th century. The In general terms, in the 18th century, Painting and Sculpture, founded in Academy, in the conception of Giorgio the representation of Hercules’ choice 1648, had the purpose not only of Vasari, would gather the most excellent gained more theatrical forms. In Rey- forming artists, but also of establish- painters, sculptors and architects, and nolds painting, The actor David Garrick ing reflections about art. The French would have the protection of the grand- between Comedy and Tragedy (1761, private Academy built a tradition connected to duke of Tuscany, Cosme de Medicis. collection, England), we arrive even at the Historic Painting and to the draw- The reunion of the arts in one single a parody. ing technique of Poussin. Drawing organization was based on the idea that and expression formed the base of the these were united in their beginnings, We should notice that Veronese’s by the drawing (disegno), “father of the paintings may have represented an painting, and color was only considered as an accident. The painter Charles Le three arts: architecture, sculpture and interesting model in the 18th century, painting”16. because they showed an unusual ico- Brun, director of the Academy, af- In the book Le vitte dei più eccellenti nography. The artist painted two later firmed that color “depends entirely on pittori, scultori e architetti da Cimabue fino moments of the scenes that were usually the material and, therefore, it is less no- ai nostri giorni (1550 and 1568), Giorgio depicted. In the piece Hercules between ble than the drawing, which depends 14 Vasari established the notion of drawing Vice and Virtue, the character has an ac- upon the spirit” . The debate about the as the base of all imaginative process, tive attitude and the painting could, as coloring was then set in an institution whose order and functioning had been the instrument of the painters think- well, have been named Hercules throws ing even before its material expression. himself in the arms of Virtue. sustained, since its foundation, by the adherents of the drawing. The initial idea, the sketches, its final The two Veronese paintings ana- execution, everything belonged to the This discussion was ancient. In the lyzed here present models of political creative process named drawing. 16th century, Giorgio Vasari and Lu- iconography that were associated to the dovico Dolce wrote about the primacy of The judgement of the works fol- images of those in power. This point the drawing or the color. We recognize lowed, for Vasari, criteria that valued justifies the fact that they belonged to in the French context the return of ideas graphic and plastic aspects: line and the collectionism tradition, which by its already present in the Italian debate of modeling, form and proportion. The turn was connected to sovereigns and the 16th century. Jacqueline Lichtenstein color, therefore, would give a superfi- governments. We should remember the stressed the existence of similar con- cial contribution to the drawing. For trajectory of these paintings, because cepts in the adherents of drawing and of the Florentines, the essential was the they belonged, successively, to Rudolph color minds, in both historical contexts: representation of the human figure, II, Habsburg emperor, to the Queen in 16th century Italy and in the end of through its contour and modeling. Christine, of Sweden, and later, prob- the 18th century France15. But in France, On the other hand, Venetian paint- ably, to the Duke of Aveiro, a noble the Academy forced the organization of ing was based in the convergence of connected to the King D. John V, of a theory and led to the radicalization of two specific technical factors: the Portugal13. the theoretic postulates. employment of oil as involving sub- Besides the set of themes, works stance, and of the canvas as support. It is worth examining, although in from Venetian painters like Tiziano The humidity of the Venetian climate a summoned up form, the main ques- and Veronese also became models for did not favor fresco paintings. Used in tions linked to the polemic between French artists since the beginning of the Netherlands, the employment of oil Vasari and Dolce, and it is also worth the 18th century. These paintings were painting was particularly important in examining the debates in the French Venice in the last quarter of the 15th sought-after by collectors and their Academy in the 17th century which, in century. From the contact with An- copies were held in good praise, as the some way, influenced a whole genera- tonello da Messina, Giovanni Bellini Pierre Crozat collection has shown. tion of painters, among them Watteau explored and developed oil painting to This rediscovery of the Venetian mas- and Antoine Coypel. ters was linked to the debates around its full potentialities. the supremacy of the line over the As David Rosand17 stressed, Bellini, color, which took place in the French 1- The controversy drawing-color: vasari and dolce with the application of colors in glazes Academy in the 18th century. We will The founding of the Accademia delle (thin, translucent layers of paint), tried comment on this bellow. Arti del Disegno in Florence (1563) was to create a light that seemed to emanate

RHAA 6 211 Traduções/Translations from the own painting; the light could of Venetian painting at the end of the The Academy formed a tradition ascertain an independent existence to 16th century20. linked with the history of painting and the illuminated objects. The explora- The Venetian party adherents also with the ideals of Poussin’s drawing. tion of the oil painting allowed Bellini contributed to the debate, but in Ro- Le Brun used to assert that color “de- to explore the luminosity in its most sand’s opinion they never succeeded pends entirely from the substance and, suggestive forms. in developing a theory or system that therefore, is less noble than the drawing, 24 In Giorgione’s paintings, the figures could be compared with Vasari’s aes- which only depends upon the spirit” . and the objects did not content them- thetic formulation. In Venice, the criti- The debate among the adherents selves in emerging from the shadows cal speech that was most effective was of drawing and of color would flour- that involved them. They seemed to not, necessarily, analytical, but con- ish in France under the conditions de- share a mutual and palpable atmos- sisted of poetic, open and suggestive termined by Louis 14th politics. The phere. In the artists canvases, the brush discourses21. This can be observed, for debating upon coloring was, then, in- work could be seen more and more. Put instance, in Aretino’s prose. In a let- serted in an institution which had an in gently upon the texture of the can- ter written in 1544 and addressed to way and a functioning that were guar- vas, the stroke with the brush created Tiziano, he describes a view of the anteed, since its foundation, by the broken, interrupted, lines which pro- Grand Canal using pictorial terms22. drawing adherents. duced a new vibration in the surface. In Dialogo della Pittura, from 1577, Colbert established in the Academy When he referred to Giorgione, Ludovico Dolce answered to Vasari’s a cycle of debates. The texts from these Vasari wrote that he painted only with first edition by making an apology of were written and published by Félibien the colors, without putting much ef- Tiziano. Dolce respected the traditional and, later, by Guillet de Saint-Georges. fort in drawing upon the paper, which division of painting in three parts (in- The controversy began with a lecture would have been the best and true way vention, drawing and coloring), and delivered by Philippe de Champaigne, 18 of painting . Vasari held that the Vene- by doing this he turned mimesis into in 1671, about one of Tiziano’s paint- tian painters were not very skilled in an obligation in art. Since contours ings. The painter took the opportunity the art of drawing and that they would are abstractions that do not exist in to invoke Poussin’s example, who, after hide this through the attraction of the nature - which is perceived as color studying Tiziano’s paintings for some 19 colors . and scheme of colors - an imitation in time, decided to detach himself from 25 While the mode of painting from painting should be based in color and this path . There followed some ar- Central Italy would regard the issue not in the line. Dolce considered that, guments for and against the Venetian of the systematic graphic preparation although numerous painters were excel- masters. Roger de Piles, who attended of the painting, the Venetian masters lent in drawing and invention, Tiziano the lectures as an amateur and would painted directly upon the canvas, with- deserved the glory of having a perfect become a great defendant of the color- out stopping to transform and to adjust coloring, being, in painting “divine and ists, decided to take the debate to the the compositions. For Vasari and other with no equal”23. public and wrote the book Dialogue sur critics, Venetian painters’ procedure le Coloris, printed in 1673. seemed arbitrary, irresponsible and, A second episode in this controversy for instance, in Tintoretto’s case, an 2- The debates in the French academy would have occurred between 1676 and affront to art. The Royal Academy of Painting and 1681. After loosing his painting collec- Non Venetian critics turned them- Sculpture, founded in 1648, aimed in tion to the king (among them, many of selves against Tintoretto. His free style granting painting with a status of lib- Poussin’s paintings), the Duke of Rich- contradicted the established distinc- eral art, emulating not only the Ac- elieu remade it with a series of Rubens’ tions between finished work and sketch cademia di San Luca, but also the Académie paintings. He was oriented by Roger (finito and abbozzato). Vasari criticized Française, founded by Richelieu in 1635. de Piles, to whom the duke trusted the Tintoretto when he mentioned paint- The greatest member who represented task of writing its description. The text, ers who imitated Ticiano’s later mode the Academy’s doctrine was Charles called Le Cabinet de Monseigneur le duc de of painting and “accomplished an Le Brun, who was also its director and Richelieu, first appeared in 1675, and re- awkward painting”. Armenini (De’ veri who received the official commissions. newed the controversy, which was, by precetti della pittura, 1587) reused Vasari’s He also exercised a huge influence over then, partly forgotten. In the Academy, critics and Federico Zuccaro (Lamento the most part of the artists, being, in the discussions continued through a se- della Pittura sè l’onde Venete, 1605) held the Academy, the moderator and ref- ries of plamphlets, where the authors Tintoretto responsible for the decline eree of the discussions. would affirm themselves in favor or

212 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations against Poussin and Rubens. In 1677, to imitate the appearance of the colors. extremely studied by French artists, Roger de Piles took the debate to the This is the base of the chiaroscuro sci- specially, the cycle of Maria de Medici, great public, through the text Conversa- ence. Coloring was criticized because which was created for the Luxembourg tions sur la connoissance de la peinture. it could not be taught through the use Palace, between 1621 and 1625. Marques According to Lichtenstein, to go of rules, but both French and Italians has pointed out : “Partly through Ru- against the privilege of drawing was answered back using the argument of bens coloring we see Paris of the end of equal to attacking the Academy, that talent, the first characteristic one ex- the 17th century and beginning of the is, meant questioning not only the pects to find in a painter. 18th century rediscover the chromatic theoretical principle, but also the insti- Both moments claimed for the sensibility, this is the Venetian lesson, tutional fundament of liberal dignity in painter’s status and knowledge. With- which elected Tiziano and Veronese as its greatest Renaissance painters”29. painting. According to the author, this out those his work would be destitute is the only way for us to understand of dignity. Nevertheless, Lichtenstein This Venetian masters were funda- this debate, its vehemence having gone remembers that, in Italy, there was not mental for the French artists poetics. beyond those of the Italian’s, in the pre- an official doctrine. The texts defend- For instance, for Watteau, as can be vious century26. ing Venetian painting were, as we saw perceived in his paintings, structured through the coloring, and also in his free In France, this situation acquired a above, much less objective. In France, the debates in the Academy led to the brush stroke or in some of his chosen more complex character because the organization of a theory and to the rad- themes. Roger de Piles writings and his primacy of drawing was defended by icalization of theoretical postulates. As eulogy to the Venetian coloring also in- an institution backed by the monarchy. is noticed by Lichtenstein, the colorists fluenced the formation of great Parisian Lichtenstein points out that we can rec- defense was not just an aesthetic act, collections, for instance, those of Pierre ognize, in the French debate, the ideas but a theoretical one, because it was Crozat30 and Philippe II of Orleans, to about coloring that were also present equal to “assuming the nobility and the whom belonged the originals paintings in the Italian debate. When the Italian dignity of painting, defining it in a way that were copied by Boucher, and that colorists were accused of reducing the that was completely incompatible with were the main subject of this article. act of painting to a mere dying process, the recurring legitimizing criteria”28. Although briefly, I have intended to or when the colorists were censored for draw some comments, in this article, extracting their quality from the sub- In the end of the 17th century a lot on the cultural context in which one stance which composes the painting, had changed: the ideas Roger de Piles can place both paintings of Boucher and from the technique of those who defended had triumphed, and, in 1699, he was chosen honorary counselor of and on their iconographic relevance. produced the paints, Dolce insisted over As Marques points out, for the reasons the necessity of distinguishing the color the Academy. The period of the contro- versy had gone by, and the old professor presented above, Veronese copies made (the substance), from the coloring, that by François Boucher, currently in the is, the way the artist uses the color27. was listened to with respect: the victory belonged to the adherents of color. MASP collection, attain a paradigmatic Over a century later, Roger de Piles character, historic and artistic wise 31. would oppose color (substance), which Final considerations makes objects visible, and coloring English version: (technique), essential part of painting. As a consequence of the debates Maria Cristina Nicolau Kormikiari Passos Through coloring, the painter is able in the Academy, Rubens’ works were [email protected]

1 The MASP paintings were done in oil over 4 MARQUES, Luiz. Corpus da Arte Italiana em 9 Philostratus, VI, 10, quoted in Panofsky, Er- canvas and measure 223x171 cm. Coleções Brasileiras, 1250-1950 - A Arte Italiana no win. Op. cit., pp. 100-102. 2 SILVA, Maria Antonia Couto da. The Vero- Museu de Arte de São Paulo. São Paulo: Berlendis 10 PANOFSKY, Erwin. Op. cit., p.110. e Vertecchia, 1996. pp. 84-85. nese Copies done by François Boucher, from 11 Ibid., p.120. 5 MARQUES, Luiz. “De onde nasce um mu- the collection of Museu de Arte de São Paulo. 12 Ibid., p.128. Dissertation (masters), Campinas: Unicamp, seu”. Revista Galeria, São Paulo, 18, 1990, p. 90. 13 The existing documentation in the Museu de IFCH - State University of Campinas, Institute 6 WATSON, Peter. Op. cit., p. 210. Arte de São Paulo, which relates to the two of Philosophy and Human Sciences. (Adviser: 7 MARQUES, Luiz. 1990. Op. cit., p. 91. Boucher copies, mentions a Duke of Aneiro Professor Luiz César Marques Filho), 2003. 8 PANOFSKY, Erwin. Hercule à la croisée des chemins. as the person who ordered the paintings, 3 WATSON, Peter. Wisdom and Strength: The Bi- Paris: Flammarion, 1999. [Original: Hercules am and tells us that after his death they became ography of a Renaissance Masterpiece. New York, Scheidewege und andere antike Bildstoffe in neueren “property of the Bragança family, reigning Doubleday, 1989, p. 210. Kunst, Leipzig: Berlin, B.G. Teubner, 1930]. in Portugal” (letter from Mithchell Samuels

RHAA 6 213 Traduções/Translations

to Assis Chateaubriand, 04/05/1951). In the che il vivo mostrava, senza far disegno; ten- 21 Quoted in ibid., pp. 31-32. dictionaries and in the books about Portugal’s endo per fermo che il dipingere solo con i 22 Letter from Pietro Aretino to Tiziano, May history, which we consulted, references to the colori stessi, senza’altro studio di disegnare in 1544, published in BOTTARI, Giovanni G, Duke of Aneiro were not found. We, then, carta, fusse il vero e miglior modo di fare ed TICOZZI, Stefano. Raccolta di lettere sulla pit- decided to use the hypothesis that the person il vero disegno”. VASARI, Giorgio. Op. cit., tura, scultura ed architettura: scritta da’ piu celebrati who ordered the paintings was, in fact, José pp. 1285-1286. Marcarenhas, Duke of Aveiro, because he was personaggi dei secoli XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII. 19 “Quando altri há fatto la mano disegnando an important person in Portugal back then. Milan: G. Silvestri, 1822; [éd. Fac.sim, New in carta, si vien poi di mano in mano con più 14 York: G. Olms, 1976], pp. 115-118. Charles Le Brun, “Sentiments sur le discours agevolezza a mettere in opera disegnando e 23 According to ROSAND, David. Op. cit., p. 32. de M. Blanchar”, speech of 1672, quoted in dipigendo. E così facendo pratica nell’arte, si LICHTEINSTEIN, Jaqueline. A cor eloquënte. fa la maniera ed il giudizio perfetto, levando 24 Charles Le Brun, Sentiments sur le discours de M. São Paulo: Siciliano, 1994, p. 157. via quella fatica e stento con che si condu- Blanchard, discourse from 1672 Quoted in LI- 15 LICHTENSTEIN, Jaqueline. Op. cit. p. 157. cono le pitture, di cui si è ragionato di sopra, CHTENSTEIN, Jaqueline. Op. cit., p. 157. 16 VASARI, Giorgio. Le Vite dei piu eccelenti pittori, per non dir nulla, che disegnando in carta, 25 According to THUILLIER, Jacques. Poussin. scultori ed architetti da Cimabue fino ai nostri giorni. si viene a empiere la mente di bei concetti, Paris: Flammarion, 1994, p. 183. [1568]. Roma: Tascabili, 1991, p. 73. e s’impara a fare a mente tutte le cose della 26 LICHTENSTEIN, Jaqueline. Op. cit., p. 151. 17 ROSAND, David. Peindre à Venise au XVIe. natura, senza avere a tenerle sempre innanzi, 27 Siécle. Paris: Flammarion, 1982. o ad avere a nasc[ond]ere sotto la vaguezza Ibid., p. 154. de’ colori lo stento del non sapere disegnare; 28 18 “Ma venuto poi, l’anno circa 1507, Giorgione Ibid., p. 156. nella maniera che fecero molti anni i pittori da Castel Franco, non gli piacendo in tutto il 29 MARQUES, Luiz. 1990. Op. cit., p. 91. viniziani, Giorgione, il Palma, il Pordenone, detto modo di fare, cominciò a dare alle sue 30 According to an article of STUFFMANN, opere più morbidezza e maggiore rilievo con et altri che non videro Roma, né altre opere Margret. “Les tableaux de la collection de bella maniera; usando nondimeno di cacciar di tutta perfezione”. VASARI, Giorgio. Op. Pierre Crozat”, Gazette des Beaux-Arts: Paris, si avanti le cose vive e naturali, e di contra- cit., p. 1286. farle quanto sapeva il meglio con i colori, e 20 Quoted in ROSAND, David. Op. cit., pp. 72, June-September 1968. macchiarle con le tinte crude e dolci, secondo 29, 215-216. 31 MARQUES, Luiz. 1990. Op. cit., p. 91.

To Excavate the Past, To (Re-) cal and methodological aspects of the will seek, in what follows, to discuss the construct the Present: The sym- discipline and to explore the cultural uses of the classical past and the rising bolic uses of Classical Antiquity contexts, permeated by the modern French Archaeology in the construction nationalism and imperialism, in which of his public image. In this moment, the by Napoleon Bonaparte the concepts were produced2. collective representations of the past Raquel Stoiani Such discussions have produced a se- and the search for the historical origins Master of Science in Social History, USP ries of new interpretations in which the (re-)defined the French identity after a PhD student, USP, with the financial specialists sought less normative read- long revolutionary process, which had support of Capes ings of the classical past. Moreover, the shaken them. As we will see, Napoleon, notion that the study of the past is not the emerging leader of this process, at- Renata Senna Garraffoni isolated from the present has propitiated tempted to enlarge the limits of the PhD in History, Unicamp French Empire and to consolidate his Ancient History lecturer, UFPR (Paraná Federal the development background in which University) the relationships between the ancient power. In doing so, he has not concen- Associate researcher at CPA (Ancient Thought and the modern world are much closer trated only in the battlefields and in his Center) and NEE (Center of Strategic Studies), than they could seem at a first glance. military power, but also on the archaeo- Unicamp We are not referring ourselves here to a logical sites and in the use of the sciences simplistic explanation that connects the and the arts. In this way, the investment Introduction modern to the ancient, but to the pro- in the studies of the ancient world would In the last years, the Classical studies duction of sophisticated readings of the be an integral part of his politics.3 have suffered many changes. Consid- classical past with the aim to legitimate In the 1970, Said has already alerted ered, for a long time, as a discipline governments, to claim cultural heritages to that relationship.4 In his book Orien- without any relation to modern politics, and to define national identities. talism, the author highlights Napoleon’s the critical approach to that stereotype, The present article is set in this criti- sagaciousness in using the studies of the headed by Martin Bernal1, has inspired cal perspective. Taking as an example specialists in Orientalism in order to many classicists to rethink the theoreti- the figure of Napoleon Bonaparte, we occupy the Egypt. This attitude played

214 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations a crucial role upon the studies of the the Institut,6 in the class of “Science” century, would receive support be- region’s past as well as in the creation (Mathematics). As he was a member of tween 1770 and 1815, during the Na- of modern notions of the Western and the Institut and had close relations with poleonic government. Even indirectly, the Eastern worlds. It is not fortuitous, its scientists, Napoleon always sought these excavations expressed Napole- therefore, the relationship between Na- to employ the technological innova- on’s “archaeological facet”. In 1806, poleon Bonaparte and the development tions in the issues of his government.7 for instance, José Bonaparte, recently of Archaeology in France. We just have Furthermore, as Gillispie reminds us, proclaimed King of Naples (1806-1808) to remember the discovery of the fa- “Napoleon realized the Institute’s pos- by his brother Napoleon, concedes to mous “Rosetta Stone”. This important sibilities as an instrument to transform Christophe Saliceti (Born in Corsica archaeological finding, whose deci- the French universalism into cultural as the Bonaparte’s) the direction of phering turned it into the base for the imperialism”.8 the archaeological works of these two development of the modern Egyptol- The Egypt’s Campaign (1798-1801) sites. In 1808, Caroline, while acceding, ogy, took place in July 19, 1799, that is was to be the first great demonstra- alongside her husband Joachim Murat, to say, in the middle of the Egyptian tion of the use of the potential of the the government of Naples (1808-1815), Campaign (1798-1801). This was one of members of the Institut in favor of the in substitution to her brother José re- the legendary landmarks of the revo- Napoleonic interests. Among the min- cently placed in the throne of Spain lutionary general Bonaparte who was eralogists, mathematicians, astrono- by Napoleon, takes under her personal there, between 1798 and 1799, in the mers, civil, mining and soil, engineers, protection the excavation works. Her command of the French army. geographers, architects, draftsman, idea was to transform Pompeii into a In analyzing Napoleon under the mechanical artists, translators, men of place for public visitation and, because point of view of the symbolic construc- letters, typographers, doctors, chemists, of that, she played an important role tion of his power (here understood not cartographers, naturalists and archae- in the divulgation of the data obtained only as the symbols that represented ologists, the list including even a pianist during the excavations. In this sense, the power in itself, but also as every- and a sculptor, there were Vivant-De- Marina Cavicchioli highlights that the thing that could suggest it), we will try non (1747-1825), Monge (1746-1818), excavation funded by Caroline not only to relate his politics with the archaeo- Saint-Hilaire (1779-1853) and Cham- had the aim of collecting works from logical references to the ancient past. pollion (1790-1832).9 Pompeii, but had the aim of construct- We venture to propose this approach Although the Egyptian Campaign ing a specific kind of past, seeking for because we understand that the Napo- had not been a military success, Bona- relationships between the Roman Em- 5 leonic “symbolic power” was highly parte’s decision to involve in it a series pire and the French imperialism.11 mediated by such references. For such, of artists and scientists would make it Seeking to create a new identity to we will emphasize how Napoleon, with be an important landmark in the con- the French people under his govern- his propaganda machine, made con- struction of his public image. After all, ment, Napoleon also stimulated the stant use of Archaeology, under several they would be responsible to recreate, to archaeological researches and the re- aspects, with the finality of legitimating decode to the French people the Egyp- sults were fundamental to the framing himself politically and of framing sym- tian Antiquity in different grounds, and of that process. In that way, the stud- bolically his power. Considering this to use it to the Napoleon’s glorification. ies and researches in Egypt helped to point of view, we propose an analysis Dominique Vivant-Denon’s La Descrip- define the differences between the constructed in three interrelated top- tion de l’Egypte10 is one of the greatest ex- modern Western and Eastern worlds. ics: the material, the mental, and the amples of the use of the Egyptian Cam- They also evoked the Roman military political aspects. paign and of its archaeological findings power from its main symbols12 as the to the aim of creating propaganda and triumphal arch or the notion of Empire Excavating the ancient world: ma- ideological effects. This is so despite as well as reinterpreted the Celtic (Gal- terial culture and its symbolic use the fact that the apparent motivation lic) populations after the foundation of During his government (1799-1815), for its publication was the description the Académie Celtique, in 1805. Dietler Napoleon Bonaparte was a notorious of the scientific results of the expedi- affirms that, with the decision to organ- stimulator of academies, institutes, art- tion, which included, among others, the ize a center for Celtic studies, Napoleon ists and scientists, giving continuity to discovery of the “Rosetta Stone”. reintegrated the Gallic people in a place the patronage policy of the kings of the On its turn, the excavations in Pom- of glory. He was exploring the ambi- Ancièn Régime. He himself had occupied, peii and Herculaneum, initiated in the guities of the French identity from the from 1797 on, a place as a member of end of the first half of the eighteenth- tensions propitiated by the evocation

RHAA 6 215 Traduções/Translations of such distinct pasts, building a policy of great beauty, now had come to ex- The construction of the French that envisioned to demarcate who were press the revolutionary grandiloquence identity: the bridge between the ancestral of that people and to jus- and, as following, the imperial ambi- the present and the past in the tify ideologically the expansion of his tions of Napoleon. Therefore, one of Napoleonic period 13 Empire. the formulas that he would employ to Besides having marked the embel- Through Napoleon’s intention to crystallize himself to posterity linked lishment of cities, of homes and of recover these treasures from Antiquity his name to an aesthetic and a person- bodies, the use of classical references and to interpret them according to his alized architectonic monumentality, in the Neoclassicism, headed by the expansionist policy, the artists who which has founded in the neoclassic painter Jacques-Louis David, has actu- worked under his protection were the art its best expression. alized and reinforced under the govern- main responsible for transposing such It is necessary to highlight that this ment of Napoleon an imaginary line of values to the quotidian of the begin- style inspired in Antiquity, extremely continuity between the present and the ning of the nineteenth-century Napo- luxurious, could also be recognized in past. The systematic use of these classi- leonic France. Through the so-called the streets, through the fashion that be- cal aesthetic models both by the Revolu- “Imperial Style” [fig. 1], identified with come known as the “Imperial Style”. tion as by the Empire (David and many Napoleon’s government, the aesthetic In it, the expansive tissues (the same other artists are their bearers from one that was flourishing with the excava- ones used in the upholstered furniture epoch to the other) does not reveal only tions won the sympathy especially of and walls of the luxuriously decorated the uses of that Antiquity in the search the French elite, mixing Greek, Roman, houses), the jewels, and the hairdress- for the legitimization of the power.15 It and Egyptian elements, what would re- ing, were, alongside pastiches from has also transposed to contemporary inforce in the decoration, in the archi- Antiquity and symbols of the struggle times, through an imaginary bridge that tecture, and in the fashion, the cult to of an industrious France, a bourgeois seemed to cross the centuries directly that classical past: social codification. without interruption. The examples of The motives, employed in the revetments, We cannot forget to mention the civism, moral, loyalty and sacrifice were in the furniture, in the tissues, in the ceramics, influence of the classical aesthetics that followed by the revolutionary citizens in the goldsmith, are inspired in Antiquity. also marked some of the most famous and, latter, by the vassals of Napoleon. Leroy’s compendium has placed into fashion the monuments built in Paris during the Many paintings of Jacques-Louis caryatides of the Erechtheum, from the Greek Napoleonic government. The Trium- David (1748-1825),16 already famous vases they get their shape, their palm leaves, phal Arch of the Carrousel (1806-1808) since the end of the kingship of Louis their detached figures; Rome offers her victories, and the Vendôme Column (1806-1810), XVI by the painting The Oath of the Ho- her fames, garlands, her trophies, her stuccos, both built to celebrate the victory of ratii (exhibited to the public in 1785), her mosaics. From Pompeii come the maenads the Napoleonic troops in the Battle of considered as the manifest of the and her leopards, the satyrs, the cupids, (…) Austerlitz (1805), were inspired in mon- French Neoclassicism, are exemplary the columns. The Eg yptian expedition only uments of Ancient Rome. The first one cases of the use of that present-past has fixed the fashion of the sphinxes, of the was inspired by the Arch of Septimus bridge to shape attitudes and thoughts. Isis, (…) of the capital (…).Vivant-Denon, Severus (of which the Parisian arch is Some of his works that were inspired when returned from Thebes, solicits to Jacob a a reduced copy) and the second one by in the events of Antiquity, like The In- furniture inspired in his drawings (…). The the Trajan Column (which is represented tervention of the Sabine Women (1799), The expedition fostered the frequent mixture of all the expedition of the Roman Emperor Death of Socrates (1787), and Leonidas at these motives, which were from several origins; it Trajan against the people of Dacia). Thermopylae (1814), besides the Oath it- does not matter, so long as they are ancient. (...) This complex net of reinterpreta- self, had placed in evidence the didactic These men are dreaming to be the contempora- tions of the ancient world and, in spe- use of that classical past. This happens 14 ries of Perikles, of August, of Cleopatra. cial, of the Greco-roman world, has ex- both because David painted them in Architects and the other artists re- trapolated the universe of the scientific gigantic dimensions and because he visited Rome and explored her civic researches that the French were starting chose civic themes. virtues that they considered extempo- to bring to light in the beginning of the We can also argue that there was a ral, they saluted Egypt and his primacy nineteenth-century and started to im- kind of classic movement in the lan- as the cradle of civilization, and they pregnate the French imaginary, produc- guage. Different attitudes detected reinterpreted the reputed Greek art. ing a very specific vision of the ancient this phenomenon such as the recovery The historical examples of people that past. We would like to examine some of of titles, names of posts and mottoes had knew so much to realize the ideal these issues in the next pages. from the ancients’ oratory. The use of

216 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations regulatory words by famous orators of On its turn, to call the government In reality, the empire of Charles Magnus Antiquity was in vogue. When Napo- that arose after the stroke of the “Bru- has been only a tentative to resurrect and pro- leon resuscitates, in his speeches against maire 18” as a “Consulate” (1799-1802) longs another much greater empire: the Ro- England, the words of Cato “Delenda est is another symptom of that movement. man Empire. Napoleon considered himself as Carthago” (Cartage must be destroyed), In this case, the selection of denomina- equally the heir of that empire, the unifying he turns the French-British economic tions for the new government was not force of the countries of the western civiliza- dispute into a glorious re-edition of the only a matter of differentiation in rela- tion. In fact, before the Russian campaign he Punic Wars between Rome and Cartage tion to the Directory, but a testimony to reunited under his direct authority or indirect that have disputed the dominion over the whole need, of Bonaparte and his dependence a set of territories much ampler the Mediterranean in the past. In a now accomplices, to save the appear- than Charles Magnus’ empire. proclamation to the army, which an- ances of legality. Therefore, to reactivate In 1812 the formidable power of Napoleon teceded the boarding to Egypt, dated the triumvirate system was a way to give reached, considering only Europe and letting May 19, 1798, done in Toulon, he would the false impression of a tripartite repar- aside the Roman possessions in Africa and in 20 have said: tition of power while transmitting the Asia Minor, over vast territories, incomparably Les légions romaines, que vous avez idea that it would not be concentrated in much richer and much populated than the Ro- quelquefois imitées, mais pas encore égalées, a single hand. To denominate the French man Empire. Nevertheless, when Europe knew combattaient Carthage tour à tour sur cette triumvirs as “consuls de la Republique” Napoleon’s intentions to resurrect Charles Mag- même mer, et aux plaines de Zama. La victoire would suggest both a civic morality, by nus’ Empire, this project seemed to many people ne les abandonna jamais, parce que constam- reactivating the Roman example, as well a craz y presumption and an insolent challenge ment elles furent braves, patientes à supporter as the continuity of the Republic, which overthrown to the civilized world.21 17 reaffirmed to the bourgeoisie the prom- la fatigue, disciplinées et unies entre elles. It is still interesting to remember ise of consolidation and maintenance of Napoleon transposed the discipline that, in 1804, Napoleon would elect its gains obtained during the Revolution. and loyalty of the Roman legions to the eagle as the symbol of his power, Inclusively, likewise Julius Caesar, Napo- the nineteenth-century France with placing it as one of the main elements leon would also carry officially the title the creation, in May 19, 1802, of the of the visual culture of his Empire.22 of lifelong Consul (1802-1804), a title “Legion of Honor”, a distinction that In reality, since the tenth century the that the French Senate would offer to contemplated important services ren- Sacred Germanic Roman Empire has him and a plebiscite would confirm. dered to France both by the civilians as already been reusing the Roman impe- by the militaries. Expanding the notion We also cannot let unnoticed the rial eagle in the profit of its political of reward (until then only expected to denomination of Napoleon’s reign. In figuration. The choice for this animal, militaries) through all the French social adopting the word “Empire”, in direct so long consecrated in the popular im- tissue, it aimed to help to create a cli- reference to the Roman model, besides aginary as an emblem of power, of the mate of internal harmony, especially in illustrating his plans of hegemony in imperial force, a kind of neo-Roman the social point of view. The “Legion” Europe, Bonaparte also gave the im- symbol, besides affirming the imperial becomes a “véritable milice du régime pression that the monarchic reestab- preeminence of Napoleon, also brought et non pas décoration national”18 when lishment that he promoted was not a the idea of bellicosity. It could equally it was accessible to all and was guided continuation, but a breakage. To use the symbolize, somehow, the self-made man by the acknowledgement of merit. status of Emperor also served as a jus- condition displayed by Napoleon him- This was an important instrument in- tifying motive both to the prerogative self, who found a sign of distinction side the symbolic construction of the pleaded by him of consecration by the for his personal political ascension. It is Napoleonic power. When it was laid Pope, as well as to the superior juridical enough to consider how it suggestes ve- over the chest of the contemplated condition that he wished to enjoy in locity,23 the velocity which helps in the it formalized and turned explicit the front of the other monarchs whom, as persecution, in the catching, that brings enrolments (which brought immense kings and princes, would be considered about the capture of the prey (and who satisfaction to Napoleon when it was all his subordinates, likewise the Pope it- has the control of the situation exercises about the realists or the feverous repub- self. Tarlé explains: the power), which is opposed in terms licans), solidifying, with a “mixture of Napoleon proclaimed that, likewise Char- of action to the static position of the authority and equality”,19 silent relations les Magnus, he will become Emperor of the cock, symbol of the French monarchy. of dependence, gratitude, and protec- Western world and that he did not considered In that way, in the arms of Napoleon, tion between Bonaparte and those who himself as a successor of the ancient kings of the eagle would be represented in pro- were acknowledged and rewarded. France, but of the great Charles Magnus. file and with open wings, catching a

RHAA 6 217 Traduções/Translations bundle of lighting bolts (in allusion to In the title page of the Description de use of the arts, accentuating the rela- its warrior function), stretched out over l’Eg ypte, the artist represented Napo- tionship between the neoclassicism and a field around which one can see the leon “with the look of a Roman con- the Napoleonic Empire. Legion of Honor’s distinction. queror guiding his chariot in persecu- Inside the scenic uses of the arches, In this context, the “King of Rome” tion to the Mameluke enemies, while appropriated by the Napoleonic cer- title given by Napoleon to the son a Nile personification contemplate his emonial, they were shown both in 25 François-Charles-Joseph Napoleon, deeds”. We can better understand the their provisory shape (being built, who was born in 1811 from his sec- efficacy of this and some many other many times, hurriedly for some com- ond marriage with the archduchess visual discourses pertaining to the memoration), as marking the city in a Maria Louise of Austria, would not be Napoleonic propaganda if we consider permanent fashion in stone, marble, or a simple honorific adornment that only how the models from Antiquity were bronze, being symbolic landmarks of would allude to the seat of the ancient dominating the artistic perception of the Parisian topography. Conjugated to Roman Empire, reinforcing its symbolic the time, reaching even the politico- the “Entries”, parades that happened link with the Napoleonic government. military issues. In this way, we can during solemn visitations of the sover- This title, without doubt, was reaffirm- only completely disclose the politico- eign to some locality, when he would ing the possession of the Italian ter- ideological meaning of this front page, be returning from a well-succeeded ritories by the Emperor of the French dated from the Empire (1809), and its military campaign or when some im- reflexes in the imaginary, inside the who, since 1805, become King of Italy portant figure would arrive, the arches parameters of comparison with Clas- taking the territories from the Austrian accentuated the triumphal aspect of sical Antiquity. In it, a mimetic poli- Emperor, now his father-in-law. In a these welcome ceremonies. tics reinforces the image of Bonaparte certain way, its use also aimed to cool We can cite as an example the re- with the costume of Roman conqueror down the Austrian minds by suggesting turn of the victorious Second Italian through the mediation of the figures that a prince from that house, despite Campaign in 1800, from Milan to Paris, of Julius Caesar, Mark Anthony, and being Napoleon’s son, in a way or the when several of the little cities along August, whose deeds (likewise those other, would still keep the possession the way raised triumphal arches for the of Alexander of Macedon) Bonaparte of these territories. passage of Bonaparte and his troops.27 updates while stepping, after so many In 1809, some weeks after the Austrian That mental bridge between past centuries, in Egyptian territory. and present will also be a privileged defeat in Wagram and the imposition of Napoleon would not discard another pathway that Napoleon will explore in the peace to Austria, the French army strong appeal: the one of updating the the construction of his public image entered Paris passing by a kind of vault entrances of the great Roman generals 28 with the use of the so-called mimetic formed by many triumphal arches. The who were bringing their booties and politics, the third aspect that we shall great pomp, which honored so much prisoners of war and paraded under discuss as follow. the troops that were returning and the the so-called triumphal arches. In that one who commanded them, had be- way, for a moment Paris was dressed numbed the crowd so much that, per- The classical past and the likewise Rome, and Napoleon, likewise haps, they did not noticed the decrease construction of the public image Caesar. Furthermore, the most primary of one forth of its effective. Hautecoeur of Napoleon reference to the origins of the triumphal also highlights that after the victorious “Excavating” the political past of arches (the ancient Roman Empire) was Battle of Austerlitz, in December, 1805, Antiquity, Napoleon reactivated several fitting them perfectly as a support for Napoleon would had passed through of its figures and started to promote, the neoclassical style then in vogue: triumphal arches in Strasburg and La with his governmental propaganda Napoleon admired the motif of the trium- Villette; ordering, some months later, machine, his image as a public man. phal arch, and during his regime the Arch of the construction of two monumental These references determinate a his- the Carrousel (…) and especially the colos- and permanent arches in Paris, which torical past, which has political impli- sal Triumphal Arch of the Star served as a would become “The Star” and “The cations and we call here of “mimetic reminder that neoclassicism had divorced the Carrousel” ones.29 26 politics”. Although these figures were Republic and has married the Empire. The stylistic reference to the Tra- abundantly used by Napoleon, it was Therefore, besides the admiration by jan Column in the construction of the not, however, an innovating recourse its shapes and by the temporal compe- Vendôme Column [Fig. 2] also brings the because it had already been used, for tition (identification), the arches were recourse to the mimetic politics between instance, by Louis XIV.24 exteriorizing an aspect of the political Napoleon and the Roman emperor in

218 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations homage to who the Romans built the with his hand inside the corset, a pose time, who felt into the abyss, but cannons, guns, column. This famous column, which is that would remain as his trademark. cars and provisions.31 presently in the Place Vendôme in Paris, The Caesarean statue of Napoleon Therefore, what would be just an would be the pedestal that would elevate would only come back to occupy the audacious and well-succeeded military to the heights the image of Napoleon, column under the reign of Napoleon maneuver in Bonaparte’s career ended right in the centre of Paris, which would III (1852-1870), his nephew. The latter up, being crowned by the souvenir of give to him a sort of omnipresence. The would order the substitution, in 1863, the great Carthaginian general, in an ex- Peace statue that should crown its top, of the little pompous “little Corporal” cellent opportunity for the identification according to the original project, ended again by the Caesar. In that way, the old and creation of affinities between him with a bronze statue of Napoleon rep- coat would be undressed to bring back and Hannibal. resented with the garbs of a Roman em- the Roman suits and the little hat would In order to portray the modern Han- peror, crowned by laurels, and having give place to the laurels. However, in nibal, David accepted the suggestion in one hand a sword and in the other May 16, 1871, during the Paris Com- of the pose given by the First-Consul a globe (the emblem of the universal mune, the statue would suffer another himself, and he used in his composition monarchy) topped by a winged feminine fallback. Only in 1875, the French would one of the characteristic aesthetic-sym- 30 figure. The strong visual recourse that restore the monument according to its bolic elements of the Ancièn Régime: the rolled up and exploded in its top by the original details, thanks to new moldings equestrian statue. Against a scenario of presence of the Caesarean figure of the done according to the conservation of eternal snow and imminent storms, be- emperor made of it the stronghold par the original moulds. tween the cliff wall and the abyss edge, excellence of the Napoleonic power. This Another example of this mimetic David represented Bonaparte mounting explains why, somehow, from the first politics can be found in the painting a restless stallion that neigh nervously entry of the allies in Paris (March 30, Napoleon Crossing the Alps at the St. Bernard standing over his hind hand. David 1814), the monument would come to Pass [fig. 3]. Painted between 1800 and explores the recourse to mimetic poli- suffer a series of violent attacks by the 1801, it was the result of David’s artistic tics curiously in the sequence of names anti-Bonapartist, which would continue ability, allied to the achievement of Na- sculpted in capital letters in the rocks throughout the nineteenth-century. poleon conducting the French troops to that come from the ground – BONA- Then, in April 8, 1814, the French cross the Alps during the Second Italian PARTE, HANNIBAL, CHARLES would dismiss for the first time the co- Campaign (1800). This painting would MAGNUS – a kind of heroic genealogy lossal Napoleon of his bronze throne, be under the official iconography point of the crossing of the Alps in which Bo- as his flesh and bone equivalent who of view the representation that would naparte places himself as the last heir. founded himself in the need to abdicate, mark Napoleon’s post-Brumaire phase. That identification with the ancient being this one of the greatest examples The Austrian had already concen- military leaders was not restricted to of the purge that the Napoleonic sym- trated almost all their forces in the di- the universe of painting. Napoleon bols would suffer with the return of the rection of Geneva. Switzerland chose commissioned, in 1806, a table called Bourbons. The realistic flag and Louis to let the St. Bernard Pass unprotected “the table of the great leaders of Antiq- XVIII, who would leave the stage rap- while they judged that it would be im- uity”. In it, we can see the profile of Al- idly during the “One Hundred Days”, possible to the French to use the most exander, The Great, in the center, sur- and would return with the beginning difficult pass way. Nevertheless, Bona- rounded by twelve heads of ancient he- of the definitive exile of the emperor in parte had made the choice for exactly roes painted likewise cameos, in which Saint Helen, replaced these Napoleonic that way. Between May 15 and 20, 1800, a low relief with images that narrate the symbols. In 1832, however, Napoleon’ he and his troops, not without great suf- key events in the life of each of those statue would come back to occupy the fering, would cross the “Great St. Ber- heroes complements them.32 There, for top of the Vendôme, which would loose nard” Pass, updating, after centuries, instance, we can see Hannibal crossing in that way the white flag of the realists, Hannibal’s deed: the Alps and Perikles rebuilding Ath- but not wearing his Caesar costume. It Bonaparte’s soldiers knew, while crossing ens, in a clear metaphorical allusion to was all about a new statue in which it the Alps, the snowy tops’ extreme cold, the open the deeds of Napoleon himself; he has would represent the former emperor in abyss in front of their feet, the avalanches, the crossed the St Bernard Mount during the same manner as the canonical image snowstorms, the bivouacs in cold lands, as much the Italian Campaign and was promot- with which we are accustomed: stand- (…) as Hannibal’s soldiers had (…) knew ing the monumentalizing of Paris. ing, dressed with a sober and long coat, them 2000 years before. With the difference Bonaparte would also retake one of using his little and characteristic hat and that it were not the elephants, as in Hannibal’s the most marking episodes of the Ro-

RHAA 6 219 Traduções/Translations man Republic history in a declaration imity between the scenes of Julius Cae- and the members of the Institut express that he wrote and which he published in sar’s murder in the Roman Senate by the that peculiar situation of Napoleon’s the Moniteur, in 1799. In it he would give stabs of daggers that will become, not policy in establishing links with the his version – the one that would become coincidently, the prelude for the Roman past in order to shape the identities of the official – for the facts that happened Empire, is here big with the “Brumaire the present. In this context, archaeology in the Brumaire 18 and 19 (November 18”, which will become the prelude for mediates these relationships; it excavates 9 and 10, 1799), when the actions that the Napoleonic Empire. the material culture of the ancient peo- would culminate in the famous coup Bonaparte “dressed” himself up ples and reinterprets it in the Napo- d’État that would place him definitively with somebody else’s qualities, “exca- leonic context, producing the basis for in the power took place. This is interest- vating” them from the collective im- the idea of the modern France. ing to observe that Bonaparte created, aginary of the epoch with his military In this sense, the Napoleonic power to his contemporaries and to posterity, deeds and his political moves. In this reallocated the Greeks, Romans, Celts, a repertoire of images that transformed way, he expressed his admiration for Egyptians, inside the French quotidian, some slippage of actions in heroic mo- such famous and legendary figures as and their main symbols are reviewed, ments, carried with dramatic tonalities, well as his expectation that his subordi- producing specific and many times turned to his exaltation, and taking him nates would fall into the same identifica- homogeneous images of the past of away from the edge of the events. tion, while he charged his own heroic these populations, seeking to define the Bonaparte forges one of the high- capital with more symbolic value. We French national identity and justify its est dramatic points of his legend and can note, therefore, how Bonaparte re- dominion over other populations. The of the theatrical nature of his power activated and linked a series of epopee political uses of the ancient past have when he evokes in his declaration,33 for took from Antiquity to the construc- defined the differences and stated iden- instance, the episode of the resistance tion of his own epopee, which provided tities: WE (the French) in contrast to of the Cinq-Cents’ assembly occurred that he could introduce himself to the THEM (the populations from the terri- in the Brumaire 19. This was the apex public under several disguises, directing tories conquered by Napoleonic France). of the mise-en-scène of the Brumaire and the models of French identity and his Therefore, both by the aesthetic-mate- the moment of biggest threat for the relationship with the past. rial, as by the politico-ideological, point accomplishment of his plans. Napoleon of view, the age of Napoleon was im- fancy himself at the same time of great mersing in the ancient past, which the Concluding Remarks victim and of great hero, when, in real- recent discoveries in archaeological sites ity, Lucian, his brother, then president The turn from the eighteenth to the were disclosing. This peculiar situation, of the Cinq Cents, was the men of action. nineteenth-century was a fundamental far from being simplistic, indicate the When Lucian perceived the discontent- moment for the framing of the then intricate relationship that exist between ment of the deputies with the ineffective nascent French Archaeology. We can the ancient past and modern politics and, harangues of Napoleon (who had en- find its conception inserted in a new beyond that, expresses the use of the tered in the room without having been social context, guided, as highlights French Archaeology in a well defined 35 invited), he urgently yelled to the troops Olivier, by the Enlightenment and by and fundamental aims of the symbolic that were outside the assembly, with the the invention of the Nation, thought as construction of the Napoleonic power allegation that some deputies attempted a collectivity that shares a common his- and of the French identity. against the life of his general. However, torical origin. When we focus in the fig- Bonaparte will throw to forgetfulness, ure of Napoleon, we realize how much Acknowledgements in his version to the Moniteur, and with- important he was in this process. By one We would like to thanks the fol- out even having cited his name, the side, he encouraged the production of lowing colleagues for the dialogue decisive and very important interven- knowledge about the ancient past by along these years: Marina Cavicchioli, tion of Lucian, which will result in the supporting the researches in the Institut Lourdes Feitosa, Modesto Florenzano, definitive dissolution of the Directory. and turning public some kinds of inter- Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari and Glayd- Meanwhile Bonaparte would declare: pretations about this past in arts and the son José da Silva. The ideas expressed “vingt assassins se précipitent sur moi architecture. By the other, he recovered here are our own and we are therefore et cherchent ma poitrine, les grenadiers important events from Antiquity, build- solely responsible. du Corps législatif que j’avais laissé à la ing his own public figure from the civic porte de la salle, accourent, se mettent virtues of the great leaders of the past. entre les assassins et moi”.34 The prox- The relationship between the army English version: Marcelo Hilsdorf Marotta

220 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

1 BERNAL, M. Black Athena. The afroasiatic roots academies of the Ancièn Régime, conceived as 14 HAUTECOEUR, L. L’Art sous la Révolution et of Classical Civilization. New Brunswick: Rut- mere “adornments” for the monarchy. The L’Empire en France. Paris: Guy Le Prat, 1953, p. 43. gers, 1987. Institut should collaborate with the civic well- 15 An interesting example of this use of Anti- 2 On this issue and on the relationship with being and order the responsibility of the state quity, before Napoleon, is in the effort of the the study of material culture, cf., for instance, funding to the arts, sciences, and letters. It had artists in the service of Louis XIV to trans- DÍAZ-ANDREU, M. “Nacionalismo y Ar- three divisions: science (60 members); moral form the city of Paris in a new Rome. This queologia: Del viejo al nuevo mundo”. Anais and political science (36 members); and lite- “Romanization” attempt had led him conso- da I Reunião Internacional de Teoria Arqueológica na rature and fine arts (48 members). lidate his power by affirming and legitimating América do Sul – Revista do Museu de Arqueologia 7 BOÎME, A. Art in an Age of Bonapartism: 1800- himself as the presumptive heir of that Anti- e Etnologia, supl. 3: 161-180, 1999; DÍAZ-AN- 1815. Chicago/Londres: The University of quity. It was an ideological apparatus created DREU, M. “Nacionalismo y Arqueologia: el Chicago Press, 1993. by the Sun-King that, by promoting the iden- contexto político de nuestra disciplina”. Revista 8 GILLISPIE, C. C. “Science and Technology”. tification of his government with the Imperium do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, n. 11: 3-20, In: CRAWLEY, C.W. (ed.). The New Cambridge Romanum (also visible in the promotion of a 2001; FUNARI, P.P.A. “Book Review – Ar- Modern History: war and peace in an age of mimetic politics, which would make him be chaeology under fire, Nationalism, Politics upheaval- 1793-1830 (vol. IX). London/New Louis August, before Louis, the Great), sought and Heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean York/Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, to duly impose itself over a feudal plurality still and Middle East”. World Archaeological Bulle- 1975, p. 126. extant. If he needed to be Louis August, by reference to a mythical time, his capital-city tin, 13: 82-88, 2001; GARRAFFONI, R.S. 9 Dominique Vivant-Denon would be the great should be constituted equally in a mythical e FUNARI, P.P.A. História Antiga na sala de coordinator of the artistic propaganda of the space that associated the present to the past, aula. Campinas: IFCH/UNICAMP, 2004; Napoleonic regime, being with Jacques-Louis helping him in the crystallization of his mys- HINGLEY, R. “Images of Rome: Percep- David, Napoleon’s official painter, the main tified portrait. The Roman looks that were tions of Ancient Rome in Europe and the pillars of the Fine Arts under the French First taking place in the arts, in the literature, and United States in the Modern Age”. Journal of Empire. It is worth remembering that both in the music, also presenting itself in the the- Roman Archaeolog y Supplementary Series 44, were already acting artistically during the go- aters and in the festivities of the court, come, 2001; HINGLEY, R. “Imagens de Roma: uma vernment of Louis XVI. David had consecra- in this way, to mark the capital of France perspectiva inglesa”. In: Funari, P.P.A. (org). ted himself definitively in 1785 as the head of through the construction or reformation of Repensando o mundo antigo – Jean-Pierre Vernant the neoclassical movement. Denon had ser- churches, statues, palaces and arches that were e Richard Hingley. Translated by Renata Senna ved in Naples under Louis XVI as a diplomat, the testimonies of the triumphs of “Louis- Garraffoni and revised by Pedro Paulo A. besides acting as a drawer and engraver. He August”. Therefore, through several urban Funari. Campinas: IFCH/UNICAMP, 2002, was nominated, in 1802, as “Directeur-Géné- and architectonic reformulations, the king Textos Didáticos, n. 47; MESKELL, L. (ed.) ral des Musées” in France and would be the Archaeolog y under fire - Nationalism, Politics and founder of the Louvre. Gaspard Monge would transferred symbolically the Ancient Rome to Heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle become known as the creator of the descriptive Paris, making of his capital-city a symptom of East. Londres: Routledge, 1998; OLIVIER, geometry; Auguste de Saint-Hilaire, traveler- the transfusion of Romanity into the body of L. “As origens da Arqueologia francesa”. In: naturalist, known among us for his writings the French monarchy to give it a new political FUNARI, P.P.A. (org.). Repensando o Mundo based in his visit to Brazil, and Jean-François vigour. Cf. APOSTOLIDÈS, J-M. O Rei Má- Antigo. Campinas: IFCH/UNICAMP, 2005 Champollion, the “father of Egyptology”, who quina: espetáculo e política no tempo de Luís (Coleção Textos Didáticos, n. 49) e SILVA, G. deciphered the “Rosetta Stone”. XIV. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio/Distrito J. da. O aparato ideológico sobre o estudo da Anti- Federal: EDUNB, 1993, p. 78-79. 10 Description de l’Egypte, ou Recueil des observations guidade na França de 1940-1944, ou a construção do 16 et des recherches qui ont été faites en Egypte pendant Nominated, in 1804, Napoleon’s “Premier mundo gaulês antigo, romano e galo-romano sob Vichy l’expédition de l’armée française, publié par les ordres Peintre”, David would be heightened defini- por meio da cultura material e da tradição textual. de sa majesté l’empereur Napoléon le Grand, 23 volu- tively to a position of supreme prominence Campinas, 2005. PhD Thesis delivered at the mes published in Paris from 1809 to 1828. over the rest of the French artists in the Department of History-UNICAMP. Napoleonic France. We can say that, while 11 CAVICCHIOLI, M. A representação da sexuali- 3 On this issue, cf. DIETLER, M. “Our ances- Napoleon’s dictatorship advanced in France, dade na Iconografia Pompeiana. Campinas, 2004. tors the Gauls: Archaeology, Ethnic nationa- David’s “dictatorship” also was advancing in M.A. Dissertation delivered at the Depart- the field of French painting. lism, and the manipulation of celtic identity ment of History-UNICAMP. See, in special, 17 in modern Europe”. American Anthropologist 96, the page 17. Apud CHATEAUBRIAND, Mémoires d’Outre 1994, (3): 584-605. Tombe, Paris: Flammarion, 1948, p. 337. 12 We highlight here that, beyond the symbolic 4 18 SAID, E.W. Orientalismo – Oriente como invenção do uses, Napoleon also made practical uses of LEFÈBVRE, G. Napoléon. Paris: PUF, 1953, Ocidente. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2001. Antiquity. In his march through the Italian p. 135. 5 Pierre Bourdieu defines the “symbolic power” Peninsula, he followed the steps of the Car- 19 RUDÉ, G. A Europa Revolucionária: 1783-1815. as the “power upon the particular use of signs thaginian general, Hannibal. Napoleon had a Lisboa: Editorial Presença, s/d, p. 197. and, in this way, upon the vision and the mea- special admiration for this general (as we shall 20 Three “provisory consuls” formed the first ning of the natural and social world”, “which see in what follows), considered since Anti- executive commission that started the Con- exists because the one that is subjected to it be- quity as a great military strategist. On these sulate: Napoleon Bonaparte, Sièyes and Roger lieves that it exists” (BOURDIEU, P. O Poder issues, cf. PEDDIE, J. Hannibal’s war. Great Ducos. Ducos has been one of the Directors; Simbólico. Lisboa: Difel, 1989, p. 72 e 188). Britain: Sutton Publishing, 2005. nevertheless, he worked together with the 6 The Institut National de France was founded in 13 Cf. DIETLER, M. “Our ancestors the Gauls: group of conspirators. With the establish- October 25, 1795, in the period of the Di- Archaeology, Ethnic nationalism, and the ment of the new constitution, called “of the rectory, under the command of the Public manipulation of celtic identity in modern Eu- VIII year”, the provisory government formed Instruction Ministry, as a substitute for the rope”, op. cit. by Bonaparte, Sièyes, and Ducos, would be

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substituted by an effective executive, formed to the sphere of power, can be translated Napoleon’s statue). Anyway, if he thought by three “decennial consuls” that should be into a persecuting or catching velocity” that, we can interpret its possible substitu- nominated by the Senate (Legislative). The (CANETTI, E. Massa e Poder. São Paulo: tion by the statue of Napoleon as a sign of first three governantes, designated by the Companhia das Letras, 1995, p. 283, bold affirmation of his image, in the measure that Constitution, were Cambacères, Lebrun and... caps by the author). he feels comfortable to discard the mediation Bonaparte (who was also the “First Consul”)! 24 On that issue, cf. APOSTOLIDÈS, op. cit. of other political figures that he used, until This shows how Bonaparte was the real ow- then, in favor of the construction of his image, 25 BOÎME, op.cit., p. 6. ner of the power, while the other two consuls through a mimetic politics. (LAS CASES, E. 26 played only a counseling role. Idem, Ibidem, p. 13. Le Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène. Paris: Flammarion, 27 (1951) [1823], p. 256). 21 TARLÉ, E. Napoleão. Lisboa: Editorial Pre- On that issue cf. DAYOT, A. Napoléon raconté 31 sença, 1973, p. 142. par l’image d’après les sculpteurs, les graveurs et les TARLÉ, op. cit., p. 100. peintres. Paris: Hachette, 1895. 32 22 We based ourselves, for the data referring to the BOÎME, op.cit., p. 19-20. 28 election of the eagle as the symbol of the Na- Idem, Ibidem, p. 252. 33 For the citations, we used the transcription poleonic Empire, in the considerations of Alain 29 Cf. HAUTECOEUR, op.cit., p. 23. of the proclamation made by BERTAUD, J. P. 1799: Bonaparte prend le pouvoir – La Boureau, L’Aigle: chronique politique d’un em- 30 Las Cases affirms, somewhere in his Mémorial, République meurt-elle assassinée? Bruxelas: blème, Paris: Cerf, 1985. This work also makes that it was initially all about placing in the Complexe, 1987, p. 166-168. interesting analyses about the adoption of that top of the column a statue of Charles Magnus 34 symbol by the USA and the Nazi Germany. (what seems more dislocated from the initial Idem, Ibidem. 23 “Every velocity, in the measure that it is linked purpose of the column, than the placing of 35 Cf. OLIVIER, op. cit.

L’Épitomé d’anatomie de Félix- d’enseignement, se trouve tout un sys- aux ouvrages mentionnés et ne présen- 6 Émile Taunay, 1837 tème de perfectionnement d’études de tait pas d’images . dessin, dont le cours au modèle vivant1, La première partie concernait l’os- Elaine Dias les classes d’anatomie2, l’organisation et téologie et la myologie. Les textes origi- Docteur en Histoire (Unicamp) la traduction d’ouvrages didactiques. naux furent extraits de l’ouvrage Abrégé Boursier Fapesp en Post-doctorat (FAU/USP) Parmi ces mesures, celle qui nous in- d’anatomie, accommodée aux arts de peinture téresse le plus promptement est l’œuvre et de sculpture, écrit par François Tortebat Introduction Epítome de anatomia relativa às bellas artes et Roger de Piles, publié en 1668. La deuxième concernait la thématique de Félix Émile Taunay a dédié une seguido de hum compêndio de physiologia das la physiologie des passions de Charles grande partie de sa vie à l’Académie paixões e de algumas considerações geraes sobre Le Brun, présente dans L’Expression Gé- Impériale des Beaux-Arts de Rio de as proporções com as divisões do corpo humano; nérale et Particulière, objet de sa Conférence Janeiro. Peintre de paysage et fils de offerecido aos alumnos da Imperial Academia 3 de 1668. La troisième partie venait de Nicolas-Antoine Taunay, lui aussi pein- das Bellas Artes do Rio de Janeiro . [Épitomé la rubrique concernant les proportions tre paysagiste, Félix-Émile occupe, dès d’anatomie relatif aux beaux-arts suivi d’un générales, écrite par Louis Millin, pour 1824, la chaire de peinture de paysage compendium de la physiologie des passions et de quelques considérations générales sur les pro- son Dictionnaire des Beaux-Arts, publié en que son père avait quittée en 1821, lors 1806. Taunay ajoute encore une petite portions avec les divisions du corps humain; à de sa rentrée à Paris. En cette année de partie concernant la division du corps l’intention des élèves de l’Impériale Académie 1824, une longue trajectoire dédiée à humain, selon l’ouvrage de Gérard de Beaux-Arts de Rio de Janeiro] l’enseignement fait ses débuts. Après la Audran, intitulé Les proportions du corps mort du directeur portuguais Henrique Il s’agit d’un compendium de théo- humain mesurées sur les plus belles figures de José da Silva, en 1834, Taunay est élu le ries artistiques relatives à l’anatomie, or- l’Antiquité, publié en 1683. Ainsi, la pu- 4 5 nouveau directeur de l’Académie brési- ganisé et traduit par Taunay , publié en blication de Taunay est composée des lienne de Beaux-Arts, fonction qu’il oc- 1837. L’Épitomé était un complément principales théories artistiques ayant cupera 17 ans durant. Au cours de cette fondamental pour les cours au modèle rapport à l’anatomie utilisées à l’Aca- longue période, il fut le responsable de vivant et d’anatomie, implantés et dé- démie Royale de Peinture et Sculpture l’organisation d’un système d’enseigne- veloppés au cours de cette période. Il au 17è siècle, la seule exception étant ment basé, en grande partie, sur des était basé sur les principaux traités artis- une petite partie relative au 19è siècle, modèles académiques français. Parmi tiques anatomiques utilisés à l’académie extraite du dictionnaire de Millin, met- les mesures qu’il a implantées pendant française depuis le 17è siècle. Il n’était tant en évidence la question des pro- les années dédiées à cette institution composé que de textes se rapportant portions.

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Le traité de Tortebat et de Piles tomiques considérées inutiles au do- l’édition postérieure et pas sur la pre- Le premier ouvrage qui compose maine des arts plastiques, d’où la né- mière édition, celle de 1668. Il peut l’épitomé de Taunay est celui de Fran- cessité d’extraire de l’œuvre de Vesalius s’agir d’un simple manque d’intérêt de çois Tortebat et Roger de Piles. Il ce qui lui paraît le plus approprié aux l’auteur ou de questions concernant les constitue aussi la partie principale et la artistes. L’ouvrage est constitué de trois discussions à propos de la prédomi- plus longue de la publication (31 pa- planches pour le squelette [Fig. 2] et nance de la couleur ou de la ligne, à ges). François Tortebat, premier pein- de sept autres pour «l’écorché» [Fig. l’ordre du jour à cette époque, en dépit tre de l’Académie Royale de Peinture et 3]. La partie dédiée à la myologie est du fait que la parution de Dialogue sur Sculpture depuis sa fondation officielle sous-divisée en trois colonnes, où l’on le coloris n’ait eu lieu qu’en 1673, et son par Louis XIV en 1663, compose son trouve leurs noms respectifs, leurs ori- entrée effective comme académicien Abrégé d’Anatomie7 en 16688 [Fig. 1], se gines et insertions, ainsi que leur fonc- ne se concrétise qu’en 1699, année où basant sur les planches du traité d’ana- tion. Dans l’édition brésilienne, Taunay il publie L’abrégé de la vie des peintres. En tomie du belge Andrea Vesalius, De hu- suit le même schéma de Tortebat, en revanche, Piles lui-même déclare, quel- mani corporis fabrica, de 1538, ainsi que respectant la sous-division des textes ques années plus tard, être l’auteur du sur une autre œuvre du même auteur, et leurs contenus concernant la myo- petit texte inclus dès la première édition, réalisée à partir de la première, intitulée logie. Pour la partie de l’osteologie, il voici ses mots: «J’en ai fait voir l’utilité Andrea Vesalii Bruxellensis, schola medico- supprime la petite explication donnée et la nécessité dans la Préface d’un petit rum Patauina professoris, suorum de Humani par Tortebat à propos des os de la tête, Abrégé que j’en ai fait, et que Monsieur corporis fabrica librorum, publiée en 1543, à remettant, en note, à la traduction de Tortebat a mis en lumière»12. Toutefois, partir de dessins réalisés par le Titien9. l’œuvre de Charles Le Brun, contenue l’édition de 1765 inclut le nom d’un Tortebat compose le premier traité ana- dans le même épitomé, pour les expli- autre auteur, Guichard-Joseph Du- tomique entièrement tourné vers l’édu- cations relatives à cette partie du corps verney (1648-1730), qui aurait écrit la cation artistique publié en France: humain. L’œuvre de Tortebat fait cer- partie concernant l’ostéologie dans un & c’est ce qui m’a fait entreprendre ce petit taines références aux os de la tête, mais texte nommé Traité des os, publié dans Abrégé d’Anatomie, que j’ai tiré des meilleurs ne les traite pas de manière individuelle son ouvrage Œuvres anatomiques, paru en Auteurs que j’ai lus, avec tout le soin que ma sur ses planches. C’est la raison pour la- 1761, par la même maison d’édition qui curiosité m’a fait prendre. Je l’ai accomodé à quelle Taunay supprime complètement publie l’œuvre de Tortebat en 1765, chez la Peinture de telle forte que l’on m’a voulu ces références et remet aux leçons de Jombert. Malgré le jeune âge de Duver- persuader qu’il fera trouvé non seulement facile Le Brun, ne faisant qu’un résumé des ney, qui en 1668 ne comptait que 20 & agréable, mais même très utile à tous ceux principales compositions osseuses du ans, certains historiens tels que Duval qui ont quelque ambition de se rendre habiles tronc, des extrémités inférieures et pos- considèrent l’hypothèse selon laquelle dans le Dessein. Au reste cet Abrégé sera si térieures selon le traité de Tortebat. l’œuvre de ce dernier ait vu le jour avant succinct, qu’on n’aura pas lieu de se plaindre L’ouvrage du 17è siècle connaît un même que celle de Tourtebat, d’où sa du trop grand embarras de choses différentes: grand succès en Europe, nonobstant les possible référence. Les écrits de Duver- & l’oeconomie que j’y garde est même toute autres traités sur le même thème parus ney n’ont été réunis que quelques années nouvelle; car ayant reconnu que ceux qui ont au cours des siècles suivants11. Ceci lui après sa mort, précisément en 1761, par écrire pour la Médecine, ont parlé d’une infinité garantit la parution de nouvelles édi- cette même maison d’édition, qui avait des choses inutiles aux Peintres, j’ai voulu que tions en 1733, 1760 et 1765. Il faut ce- inclus la note concernant son œuvre à tout d’un coup l’on vît le nom, l’office & la pendant faire une remarque concernant la fin du traité de Tortebat. Rien ne per- situation des muscles d’un côté, & la figure l’auteur du traité français. Le nom Roger met pourtant d’affirmer que Tortebat démonstrative de l’autre. J’ai cru aussi qu’il de Piles ne surgit qu’à partir de l’édition s’est effectivement basé sur l’œuvre de étoit nécessaire, après les muscles, de faire voir de 1733, ce qui a semblé quelque peu Duverney dans la section d’ostéologie. le squélette, étant le soutien des autres parties, étrange, de la mesure où Tortebat est Duval remarque qu’il n’y a pas, dans & le principal bâtiment du corps humain ... l’auteur des planches mais pas des tex- le texte de Duverny, certaines informa- ensorte que, parmi cette grande forêt de difficul- tes, comme il l’indique lui-même à la tions concernant la forme des os et leurs tés, on a peine à reconnoître ce qui es nécessaire, présentation de son ouvrage: «ce petit fonctions. En même temps, Duval met d’avec ce qui n’est pas: & c’est à quoi j’ai cru abrégé d’anatomie qui m’est tombé entre en évidence les impressions relatives aux avoir apporté quelque remede, en vou donnant les mains». Personne ne connaît pour- os dans l’œuvre de Tortebat: 10 ce petit Abrégé tant la raison pour laquelle Tortebat ne Ces explications sont d’une très grande exac- Tortebat se soucie de la réalisation cite pas de Piles, ni même pourquoi le titude; mais, malheureusement, lorsque l’auteur d’une œuvre libre de conceptions ana- nom de ce dernier n’apparaît que sur veut, dans de rares occasion il est vrai, expliquer

RHAA 6 223 Traduções/Translations les causes, la raison d’être de certaines dispo- Il a aussi été reconnu comme étant le aient encore au XVIIe siècle le langage, avient sitions, il commet des erreurs d’appréciation; il meilleur en éducation artistique, ayant pris l’habitude de qualifier le logos de “partie ne faut pas cependant lui en garder rancune, été autrefois indiqué par Anton Raphael rationnelle de l’âme”, dont l’appétit (la forme car de nos jours encore nous les avons entendu Mengs à ses élèves. Pour ce faire, l’œu- de désir) était nommé “intellectuel”. L’autre répéter. Par exemple, il dit: “Le Fémur est vre serait traduite en espagnol16. Elle a partie, la “partie sensitive”, tout impulsive et voûté par devant, et enfoncé par derrière, pour aussi été traduite en allemand en 1706 passionnelle, faisait chez Platon l’objet d’une la commodité de s’asseoir”; et plus loin: “Entre et diverses éditions en anglais furent subdivision en thumos – le courage, l’ardeur à l’Os de la Cuisse et la Jambe, il se voit un Os réalisées jusqu’en 184217. s’enflammer pour les causes nobles (justice, piété, rond appelé la Rotule” (nous n’insisterons pas Le traité traduit et adopté par Taunay vertu, ordre public) – et épithumia, l´appétit sur cette indication d’os rond appliqué à un os a été utilisé pendant de longues années, grossier, tourné vers la nutrition, la conservation de forme triangulaire) “qui sert à empescher que nonobstant les critiques qu’il recevait et la procréation, et à qui il pouvait arriver de 13 les Jambes ne fléchissent en devant parfois de la part des professeurs, qui se révolter contre le logos, se souillant alors de En comparant les œuvres de Torte- en demandaient sa mise à jour ou l’ad- luxure provocatrice et perverse. Les scolastiques bat et Duverney, Duval ne confirme pas dition d’autres thèmes. traduisaient thumos par “appétit irascible” et épithumia par “appétit concupiscible”18 les références données par la maison Jombert, dans la mesure où le traité de La Théorie de Platon apparaîtra La «Physiologie des passions», de Duverney ne se ressemble pas à celui de dans les premiers passages de Cureau, Le Brun Tortebat et ne contient pas les erreurs de Descartes et, par conséquent, dans retrouvées sur ce dernier. Dans le cas La «Physiologia das paixões por Carlos Le- l’œuvre de Le Brun, lorsqu’il décrit les de la traduction brésilienne, Taunay brun», ainsi désignée par Taunay, consti- dénommées passions simples comme connaît les imprécisions contenues dans tue la deuxième partie de son épitomé. étant celles advenues de «l’appétit con- le traité, puisqu’il en fait part lui-même Il concerne les expressions humaines cupiscible», comme l’amour, la haine, à la préface de son œuvre. Malgré cette provenantes de la passion de l’âme. le désir, la joie et la tristesse, et les pas- remarque, il reproduit quand même Comme le dit le propre ouvrage, la tra- sions composées, provenantes de «l’ap- dans sa traduction les imprécisions de duction provient des écrits de Charles pétit irascible», c’est-à-dire, la crainte, Tortebat ou de de Piles. Le Brun contenus dans sa Conférence sur l’audace, l’espoir, le désespoir, la colère L’épitomé d’Ostéologie et Myologie a été l’expression générale et particulière, de 1668. et l’épouvante. Il y a là aussi une claire composé par De Piles à l’aube du siècle dernier, La conférence faisait également partie référence à l’œuvre de Senault, De l´usage et publié à l’usage des artistes sous le nom de d’un programme didactique non moins des passions, éditée en 1641, dans laquelle Tortebat. Quels qu’aient été les progrès faits en intellectuel promu par le directeur de sont abordés les concepts des passions anatomie depuis ces temps et les modifications l’Académie Royale de Peinture et Sculp- simples et composées, également em- dans son vocabulaire, l’estime portée à cette ture, Charles Le Brun, responsable de pruntés par Le Brun dans son œuvre. œuvre élémentaire continue la même, dans la l’organisation didactique de l’institution Il convient à Le Brun de ne citer aucun mesure où elle ne concerne surtout que les appa- récemment fondée sous le domaine de de ces auteurs comme sources de ses rences extérieures. Quand l’on s’en rend compte, Louis XIV. Il s’agissait donc d’une ex- principales théories sur les passions de les petites défaillances et même les petites erreurs pression en plus du pouvoir royal, qui l’âme. Il en dégage ce dont il a besoin dans la nature intime des parties et les petites s’étendait à une série d’autres institu- dans le domaine artistique, sans toucher différences de nom ne sont pas très nuisibles. Il tions aussi créées sous l’investiture du aux questions philosophiques qui bou- suffit que le tout se maintienne intelligible14. ministre Colbert, ayant toutes pour ob- leversaient grandement la politique et la Malgré ses imperfections, Taunay jectif direct la célébration de l’État du religion à l’époque de Louis XIV, qui connaît l’usage continu que l’on fait de Roi Soleil. Basé sur le Traité des Passions prônait l’exclusion du philosophe et de son œuvre depuis sa première édition de René Descartes, élaboré en 1649, ses théories. Il faut rappeler que Des- jusqu’à l’actualité dans les académies aussi bien que sur l’œuvre Charactères cartes est décédé en 1650 à Stockholm, européennes15. Nous savons que le des passions, du médecin Cureau de la après avoir vécu pendant presque 30 ans même ouvrage a été utilisé non seule- Chambre, publiée en 1640, le traité de en Hollande, dans la crainte des persé- ment en France, mais aussi à l’Acade- Le Brun remonte aussi, tout comme les cutions de l’État de Louis XIV, qui ne mia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, à deux premiers cités, au quatrième livre corrobore ses écrits dans l’enseignement l’occasion où son directeur, Francisco J. de la Republique de Platon, où la théorie français qu’à partir de 1675. Il n’était Ramos a demandé, en 1803, que l’œu- des parties de l’âme est formulée: donc pas nécessaire, pour Le Brun, de vre de Tortebat soit incorporée à la mé- « Les traducteurs médiévaux de Platon, rentrer dans les discussions à propos des thode de l’enseignement anatomique. dont les collèges jésuites et les universités perpétu- théories et de leurs différences. Julien

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Philippe souligne dans la «Présentation» L’on enseignait (ou imposait) au état naturel. Un aspect de satisfaction peut de l’œuvre de Le Brun rééditée en 1994 peintre ce qu’il devait peindre, ce qu’il alors exprimer cette situation tranquille. cette question, advenue du propre com- devait composer comme représentation L’hypothèse du rapprochement à mentaire de Le Brun dans son œuvre: picturale de l’État de Louis XIV. De Audran est encore renforcée par la con- “il y a tant de personnes savantes qui cette manière, les dessins faits par Le servation, à la Bibliothèque Nationale ont traité des passions, que l’on n’en peut Brun et les textes sur les passions con- de Rio de Janeiro, d’un exemplaire de 19 dire que ce qu’ils en ont déjà écrit” . Le tenus dans sa Conférence s’associaient à l’édition d’Audran de 1727, composé Brun ne se montre pas très clair par un autre ouvrage édité aussi dans cette seulement des planches, sans les textes rapport à la référence à Descartes. En même année de 1668, celle de Tortebat, en forme de notes [Fig. 4]. Cependant, revanche, comme le souligne Philippe, constituant les bases fondamentales à Taunay y ajoute des parties qui ne sont son allusion est très claire: Taunay pour la construction de sa mé- pas présentes dans cette publication de Mais le contexte est ici important: nous thodologie d’enseignement. 1727, ce qui nous remet encore une fois sommes dans une académie de Louis XIV Le texte de Taunay à propos des à l’hypothèse de l’utilisation de l’édition – et l’État, parlant par la bouche de Le Brun, passions présente trois parties: l’os- de Picart. Ceci étant, il semble que Tau- confisque la vérité et n’a pas à se soucier de faire téologie de la tête (en deux pages), «la nay ait eu recours à ces deux éditions des citations. Cette impersonnalité d’État, cet myologie de la tête» (en deux pages) et pour composer sa traduction. art anti-subjectif qui résout tout en méthode, «la physiologie des passions – mouve- Les différentes passions de l’âme exercent incline Le Brun à supprimer pour ainsi dire ments des muscles dans les passions de une influence très marquée sur les muscles du vi- 20 l’auteur de la doctrine dont il est l’inventeur. l’âme» (en huit pages), ainsi évoqués. sage. Ceux-ci expérimenteront des changements La référence à Cureau de la Chambre Taunay ne dit pas clairement sur quelle plus ou moins considérables selon l’intensité et est cependant la bienvenue, une fois que édition il a basé sa traduction ni de la violence de la passion: c’est pourquoi la rage le médecin était protégé par l’État de quel ouvrage il a extrait la conception et le désespoir défigurent toutes les formes du Louis XIV et l’un des protecteurs de des os et des muscles de la tête qui semblant, alors que la compassion et la jouis- l’académie dirigée par Le Brun, quoique introduisent le thème. Il est possible sance se limiteront à le modifier légèrement. Un ce dernier ne souligne pas sa participa- que Taunay se soit basé sur l’ouvrage conseil utile pour les étudiants c’est qu’ils doivent tion effective dans sa conférence. Quoi de Vesalius, une fois qu’il le cite lors de faire attention à caractériser le tempérament et qu’il en soit, l’idée suscitée par l’union sa référence aux os du tronc par le biais les formes d’une figure de manière analogue à la entre la philisophie, la médecine et l’art de la traduction de l’épitomé d’ostéolo- passion qu’ils veulent le faire exprimer. Il serait devient attrayante, dans la mesure où gie de Tortebat, étant donné que cette ridicule, par exemple, que de représenter dans l’art devenait parfait dans l’élaboration citation n’existe pas dans cette partie une colère violente um homme dont les yeux d’un traité sur les passions de l’âme du texte de Tortebat. bleus, la stature décharnée et les formes effémi- dédié aux beaux-arts, qui en dégageait Pour la traduction des passions, Tau- nées indiquent la mollesse et le manque d’énergie. les propos qui lui convenaient. On of- nay semble, cependant, alterner entre De même, la douceur serait mal caractérisée par frait aux peintres le point de départ de celle éditée par Picart en 1698, considé- une disposition absolument opposée22. leur travail, c’est-à-dire l’expression de rée la plus fidèle aux notes originales de Dans son compendium, Taunay pré- l’âme, qui concentrée dans les mouve- Le Brun, et celle éditée par Jean Audran sente 23 passions, la Conférence de Le ments du visage, devenait le moteur des en 1727, dans laquelle il présente une Brun en présente 21, et Audran 19. Cela autres parties du corps, correspondant espèce de résumé des passions, se con- s’explique par le fait que Taunay déploie pleinement au caractère systématique de centrant sur les parties techniques de en deux explications certaines de ses l’enseignement proposé par Le Brun en chaque description présente dans la passions, telles que La joie, de 1668 et tant que directeur de l’Académie Royale Conférence, leur donnant la forme de La joie tranquille, de 1727, transformées de Peinture et Sculpture. notes composées de petits textes im- en Tranquilité et La Joie, séparément. La primés auprès des planches gravées. L’expression, à mon avis, est une naïve et Douleur corporelle, ainsi concentrée sur les Les textes élaborés par Taunay sont très naturelle ressemblance des choses que l’on a à textes de Le Brun et soulignée dans ses similaires à ceux de cette dernière édi- représenter: elle est nécessaire, et entre dans toutes planches telles que Douleur aiguë, Douleur tion, une fois qu’ils ont pratiquement les parties de la peinture, et un tableau ne saurait d’esprit et Douleur corporelle, a été déployée le même format, et sont accompagnés être parfait sans l’expression; c’est elle qui mar- dans le texte de Taunay en Douleur corpo- de brèves explications: que les véritables caractères de chaque chose; c’est relle aiguë et d’esprit, Douleur corporelle simple par elle que l’on distingue la nature des corps, La Tranquilité – Planche 1 et Douleur corporelle extrême. L’édition de que les figures semblent avoir du mouvement, et Quand l’âme se trouve en parfaite sérénité, 1727 présente la Douleur aiguë et la Dou- que tout ce qui est feint paraît être vrai.21 les traits du visage se maintiennent dans leur leur corporelle simple. Le désir et l’espoir, au

RHAA 6 225 Traduções/Translations contraire, sont séparés dans l’édition de (planche 17), et la Jalousie (planche 18). chaque partie du corps, faisant en sorte 1668, et l’Espoir est exclu de celle de Taunay présente donc 23 passions dé- qu’elles offrent au tout leur perfection 1727. Taunay unit ces deux passions en crites séparément, quoique n’utilisant dans le sens de la proportion, Taunay une seule explication. Il en fait autant que 19 planches comme illustration, ce fait de nouveau mention à la ville et à concernant le Mépris et la Haine, sépa- qui l’approche encore davantage de la sa composition, aux parties qui peuvent rés sur les deux éditions. L’édition de réédition d’Audran de 1727, composée lui offrir les proportions adéquates, aux 1727 présente la Compassion [Fig. 5], pas- aussi de 19 planches. espaces qui peuvent ou pas être remplis sion créée par Jean Audran lui-même, par la lumière dans une édification, aux n’existant donc pas dans l’original de tailles des colonnes et leur solidité, en- Les proportions du corps humain 1668. La Compassion a cependant été fin, aux éléments qui doivent se mouler – Millin et Audran incorporée à la traduction de Taunay, visant la perfection de l’ensemble. Ces ce qui nous indique l’usage effectif de La troisième et dernière partie de la exemples sont utilisés pour décrire de cette édition. La Rage fait surface dans traduction composée par Taunay s’inti- quelle manière chaque partie se rap- le contenu de l’Extrême désespoir, isolée tule «Quelques considérations générales porte au tout. On y voit clairement le dans la Conférence de 1668 (La Colère) et sur les proportions». Elle se reporte à chemin suivi par Millin dans sa con- isolée dans celle de 1727. l’entrée «Proportion» du Dictionnaire ception de nature, se rapprochant de 24 La contraction des muscles du front des Beaux-Arts d’Aubin-Louis Millin, la théorie du tout organique formulée et le mouvement du nez, l’ouverture de édité en 1806 en France. L’entrée de par Goethe, qui «nourrit un culte de la bouche et des yeux, la position de la Millin est en fait constituée d’un court la nature, qu’il conçoit comme un tout pupille, et surtout l’élévation des sour- essai à propos de la proportion dans le organique, dont l’harmonie repose sur cils, constituent les caractéristiques prin- domaine des beaux-arts, c’est-à-dire les des lois à découvrir27”. Dans son essai, cipales de la «construction» de la passion rapports mathématiques établis entre Millin parle du concept de la nature dans les figures. Les sourcils seraient, les diverses parties du corps, et dans par rapport à l’harmonie, c’est-à-dire selon Le Brun, lequel il cherche aussi à faire allusion «la soumission de la nature des parts et à la musique25, en travaillant les ques- ... la partie de tout le visage ou les passions de leurs rapports avec la nature du tout», tions de l’harmonie appliquées au corps se font mieux connaître, quoique plusieurs aient sous laquelle le dessinateur doit choisir humain, «modèle parfait des bonnes pense que ce soit dans les yeux. Il est vrai les parties qui lui semblent plus conve- proportions26”. que la prunelle par son feu et son mouvement nables à la construction de sa figure. fait bien voir l’agitation de l’âme, mais elle L’effet produit par la proportion ou la Ensuite, il nous apprend comment ne fait pás connaître de quelle nature est cette disproportion se voit à chaque fois que plu- doivent être faites les mesures de la agitation. La bouche et le nez ont beaucoup de sieurs objets doivent concourir à former un tête et du visage, selon lesquelles seront part à l’expression, mais pour l’ordinaire ces ensemble harmonieux. Sur les objets visibles, faites les mesures des autres parties du parties ne servent qu’à suivre les mouvements il y a des proportions concernant la taille des corps. L’essai finit pourtant par servir du coeur ....23 parties, dans ce sens: certaines peuvent être trop à discuter la question du dessin, ce qui Le compendium de Taunay présente, grandes et d’autres trop petites; concernant la avait déjà été longuement fait, en détails ainsi dénommées, les passions suivan- lumière et le clair-obscur, certaines peuvent être anatomiques, dans les traités antérieurs. tes: La Tranquilité (planche 1), La Joie trop illuminées et d’autres pas assez; quant à En fait, Taunay finit par obéir, dans son (planche 2), l’Admiration (planche 3), l’expression, il peut y avoir des parties plus bel- épitomé, à l’ordre relatif aux cours d’ana- le Ravissement (planche 4), l’Attention les, plus touchantes, en un mot, plus expressives tomie: ostéologie, myologie, proportions et l’Estime (planche 5), le Mépris et que le tout ne le permet. En ce qui concerne et formes, incorporant la physiologie des la Haine (planches 6 et 16), l’Horreur le sens de l’ouïe, il y a des proportions par passions de Le Brun et comprenant les (planche 7), l’Effroi (planches 8 et rapport à la durée, à la force, à l’élévation des os et les muscles de la tête. 16), la Tristesse et le Découragement tons, sur la grâce et l’effet qu’elles produisent. Finalement, dans le propre essai de (planches 9 et 14), le Ris (planche 10), Ce serait une erreur que d’imaginer que l’on ne Millin, il y a un court passage intitulé le Pleurer (planche 11), la Rage (plan- doit observer les bonnes proportions que dans «Avec les divisions du corps humain par ches 12 et 13), l’Extrême Désespoir le dessin et l’architecture. Tous les artistes doi- Gérard Audran», sur les proportions à (planche 13), l’Amour Simple (planche vent y porter attention: elles sont à l’origine de partir des plus belles formes de l’Anti- 14), le Désir et l’Espoir (planche 14), l’harmonie et de la vraie unité de l’ensemble. quité réalisées par Gérard Audran. Le la Vénération (planche 15), la Dou- Le dessin et l’architecture ont des traité réalisé par le graveur Audran, Les leur Corporelle Simple (planche 15), fonctions fondamentales dans ce sens. proportions du corps humain mesurées sur les la Crainte (planche 16), la Compassion Ensuite, lorsqu’il compare les tailles de plus belles figures de l’Antiquité, fut édité

226 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations en 1683 [Fig.6] et venait s’ajouter à une l’apprentissage artistique. Par le moyen s’offrent à la vue les mesures correctes série d’autres traités destinés à la forma- de l’étude de l’ancien et de l’appropria- d’Hercule de Farnese, de Vénus de Mé- tion des élèves de l’Académie Royale tion de chacune de ses parties, l’on ar- dicis, d’Apollon du Belvedere, d’Anti- de Peinture et Sculpture en ce qui riverait à la perfection des grecs, suivant noüs et de l’Égyptien du Capitole». Et concerne les proportions28, ainsi qu’à le modèle de Zeus, mais du point de vue ainsi se termine sa courte référence à celui antérieurement réalisé par Torte- de la statuaire. Il évoque donc la supé- Audran, sans d’autres explications sur bat et Le Brun. Comme le dit le titre riorité de la statuaire ancienne face à la la question concernant la statuaire an- lui-même, Audran présente les mesures nature. Toujours sur sa préface, Audran cienne et l’étude des proportions. Il de dix modèles grecs masculins, entre discute à propos des parties irréguliè- destine, néanmoins, tout au long de lesquels les statues d’Apollon du Belve- res de chacun des modèles qui seront sa carrière de directeur, une attention dère, de Laocoonte, d’Hercule Farnese rencontrés dans son traité, justifiées, ce- spéciale à l’exemple de l’ancien. et Antinoüs, deux modèles féminins, pendant, par la position que les statues entre lesquels la Vénus de Médicis et un avaient dans leur originalité, ce qui ne Conclusion modèle égyptien, l’Égypte du Capitole dérange en rien leur perfection. En traduisant ces œuvres et organi- [Fig. 7]. Les statues se présentent en On remarque, néanmoins, certaines sant l’épitomé pour ses élèves, Taunay différentes positions et les mesures de différences théoriques entre l’œuvre place l’académie brésilienne dans l’en- leurs fragments sont aussi présentées. À d’Audran et l’article de Millin, surtout semble des institutions qui utilisaient la préface de son œuvre, Audran expli- par rapport à la question des parties et traduisaient les traités artistiques, cite les objectifs de son travail: et du tout, comme nous l’avons vérifié s’incorporant au système de circulation Cela paroît d’abord fort aisé: car puisque antérieurement. Taunay se soucie pour- des œuvres anatomiques destinées à la toute la perfection de l’Art consiste à bien imiter tant plutôt de la méthode didactique, méthodologie de l’enseignement. la nature, il semble qu’il ne faille point consulter sans vraiment s’occuper des questions La diffusion de ce modèle français d’autre Maistre, & qu’on n’ait qu’à travailler théoriques concernant chacun des passait, au moyen de ses traductions, d’après les modelles vivans; toutefois si l’on veut traités traduits, tout comme l’a fait Le par les académies anglaise, espagnole, approfondir la chose, on verra qu’il ne se trouve Brun lors de l’organisation de ses pas- portuguaise, allemande, et, dorénavant, pas que peu au point d’hommes dont toutes les sions. Millin, par exemple, ne cite pas brésilienne. Dans le cas du Brésil, Tau- parties soient dans leur juste proportion sans explicitement le nom d’Audran dans nay fait une sélection d’ouvrages, les aucun default. Il faut donc choisir ce qu’il y a de son article de 1806, il se limite à faire traduisant et réunissant dans une seule mention à l’existance d’une œuvre qui beau dans chacun, & ne prendre que ce qu’on publication, ce qui ne se faisait pas cou- nomme communément la belle nature ... On traite des mesures générales des belles ramment dans les autres académies30. peut avancer hardiment qu’ils ont en quelque statues. Taunay, en revanche, fait réfé- Le cas qui se rapproche le plus du li- sorte surpassé la nature; car bien qu’il soit rence au traité d’Audran vers la fin de vre de Taunay est peut-être l’ouvrage vray de dire qu’ils n’on fait veritablement que son texte sur Millin, faisant le pont en- portuguais Medidas gerais do corpo hu- l’imiter, cela s’entend pour chaque partie en par- tre ces deux ouvrages: «Gérard Audran mano (Mesures générales du corps humain), ticulier, mais jamais pour le tout ensemble, & a adopté cette échelle dans son œuvre publié en 1810 par le peintre Joaquim il ne s’est point trouvé d’homme aussi parfait intitulée «Proportions du corps humain me- Leonardo da Rocha, professeur d’une en toutes ses parties que le sont quelques-unes surées sur les plus belles statues de l’Antiquité, école de dessin de l’Île Madère, œuvre de leurs Figures. Ils ont imité les bras de l’un, Paris, 1863». également basée sur les principaux trai- les jambes de l’autre, ramassant ainsi dans une Sur son épitomé, Taunay fait un ré- tés concernant les proportions31. Cette seule Figure toutes les beautez qui pouvoient sumé de ce traité édité en 1683, par le publication se concentre cependant sur convenir au sujet qu’ils representoient, comme moyen de considérations à propos des le thème des proportions, ce qui la dis- nous voyons qu’ils ont rassemblé dans l’Hercule mesures d’Apollon du Belvedère et de tingue du compendium de Taunay, qui tous les traits qui marquent la force, & dans Vénus de Médicis, en plus d’une courte est composé de plusieurs publications la Venus toute la délicatesse & toutes les graces mention à Hercule de Farnese. Sur concernant bien d’autres sujets. Dans qui peuvent former une beauté achevée. Ils ne deux paragraphes d’explication concer- l’œuvre brésilienne, outre la praticité et plaignoient ny le temps ny les soins; ils s’en est nant les mesures des statues, Taunay l’importance de chacun de ces traités trouvé tel qui a travaillé toute sa vie en vuë de lui-même reconnaît la difficulté du sujet pour la méthodologie de l’enseignement 29 produire seulement une Figure parfaite. et souligne, à la fin: «Tout ça se montre du dessin, en assemblant toutes ces œu- L’étude du modèle vivant ne serait très compliqué: il convient que les élè- vres d’auteurs français en un seul livre, donc pas suffisant pour la construction ves aient recours aux figures d’Audran Taunay pense sans doute à la question de la figure, quoique fondamentale à existentes à l’Académie, et sur lesquelles financière de l’académie et à sa dépen-

RHAA 6 227 Traduções/Translations dance par rapport au gouvernement en lement à la reprise de l’ancien comme l’étude de l’anatomie et les modèles de ce qui concerne les frais de l’institution, conception esthétique à partir des théo- l’Antiquité, faisant naître de là sa forme qui représentaient un grand problème ries de Johann Winckelmann, suivies parfaite. Le dessin du nu et la statuaire auquel l’institution devait faire face par Taunay en tant que directeur de ancienne composent, néanmoins, les chaque année. l’académie, mais aussi au moyen de principales classes auxquelles Taunay Il nous semble évident que Taunay se nouvelles éditions (1801 et 1855) de se dédie très soigneusement pendant de soucie, pendant ses premières années à son traité, qui dorénavant allait être réu- longues années de sa carrière. L’œuvre la tête de la direction, de créér un sys- tilisé dans les académies, ou dans des rarissime de Taunay, publiée en 1837 publications mises à jour32 par d’autres tème adéquat à l’enseignement acadé- et conservée aujourd’hui au Musée auteurs, surtout en ce qui concerne les mique, c’est-à-dire à partir d’éléments Dom João VI à Rio de Janeiro est une mesures, comme c’est le cas de celle qui composaient l’académie française preuve concrète de ces modèles théo- depuis son origine, mettant en évi- élaborée par Nicolas Poussin, traduite 33 riques, employés en très grande mesure dence, comme il se doit, les questions en français en 1803 . dans les académies, puissant instrument ayant rapport à l’ancien, essentielles à Taunay sait très bien que la concep- pour le développement de la méthode l’esthétique néo-classique, en vogue tion parfaite du corps humain obte- didactique employée au Brésil. jusqu’aux fins du 18 è et débuts du 19è nue par le moyen du dessin consiste à siècle. La mention au traité d’Audran, l’union de tous ces facteurs, soustrayant quoique réduite, s’identifiait non seu- les irrégularités du modèle vivant, avec Traduction : Nina de Melo Franco

1 Le cours au modèle vivant fut approuvé par le 7 Abrégé d’anatomie, accommodé aux arts de peinture (1780-1895). Thèse pour l’obtention du Doc- gouvernement impérial en 1834. et de sculpture, Et mis dans un ordre nouveau, dont torat présentée devant l’université de Paris X 2 Les classes d’anatomie étaient déjà pré- la méthode est très-facile, et débarassée de toutes les – Nanterre, sous la direction de M. le profes- vues par les statuts réformés de 1833. Les difficultez et choses inutiles, qui ont toûjours esté un seur Pierre Vaisse, 1998, v. 2. élèves, selon ces statuts, devraient suivre des grand obstacle aux Peintres, pour arriver à la perfection 12 Duval citant l’œuvre de Piles, L’art de la peinture. cours à l’Hôpital Militaire (Procès verbal de leur Art. Ouvrage très-utile, et très-nécessaire à tous Paris, 1751, p. 148, In DUVAL, Mathias, Op. du 10/10/1833, Musée Dom João VI, EBA, ceux qui font profession du Dessein. Mis en lumière par cit., p. 144. François Tortebat, Peintre du Roy dans son Académie UFRJ), ce qui n’a pas eu lieu. Le premier pro- 13 Royale de la Peinture et de la Sculpture. Paris, 1765. Idem, p. 140. fesseur a été engagé en 1837. Bibliothèque de l’Institut National d’Histoire 14 Préface de l’Épitomé organisé par Taunay. 3 Œuvre disparue du Musée Dom João VI depuis de l’Art – Collections Jacques Doucet. 15 Dans son ouvrage, Schlosser confirme l’usage les derniers travaux développés par le Profes- 8 Certains auteurs indiquent la date de 1667 et la traduction de l’œuvre en diverses langues. seur Alfredo Galvão, l’Épitomé d’Anatomie fut re- comme étant celle de la première édition. SCHLOSSER, Julios von. La littérature artisti- trouvé en juin 2004 grâce au déroulement de la Sur l’exemplaire de l’École des Beaux-Arts, que. Paris: Flammarion, 1996, p. 629. recherche en doctorat intitulée Félix-Émile Tau- l’année indiquée est celle de 1668. “De plus, 16 nay: cidade e natureza no Brasil. L’Épitomé est daté “José Luis Munárriz quedó encargado de nous adoptons la date de 1668 pour une autre de 1837 et fut imprimé par la Typographia Na- traducir los textos de los tres esqueletos y de raison qui nous semble plus valable encore: à la las figuras”. NAVARRETE MARTINEZ, cional. C’est une œuvre rarissime qui se trouve suite du Privilège, qui est daté du 2 novembre en parfait état, exception faite à sa couverture. Esperanza. La Academia de Bellas Artes de San 1667, se trouve la mention ‘Achevé d’imprimer Fernando y la pintura en la primera mitad del siglo Elle n’est composée que de la théorie présente pour la première fois le douzième janvier dans les textes mentionnés ci-dessus. XIX. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Es- 1668”. DUVAL, Mathias & CUYER, Édou- pañola, 1999, p. 168. Munárriz était acadé- 4 “... et alors M. Ferrez a insisté sur la nécessité ard. Histoire de l’anatomie plastique. Les maîtres, micien d’honneur depuis 1796 et est devenu de développement de cette classe, et pour sa les livres et les écorchés. Paris, Société française secrétaire général à partir de 1807. préparation, M. le directeur vient de traduire d’éditions d’art, 1898, p. 139. 17 RÖHRL, Boris. Op. cit., p. 105. l’Épitomé d’Anatomie, qui va bientôt être publié». 9 DUVAL, Mathias, p. 141. Cependant, 18 Procès verbal du 1/3/1837, Musée Dom João l’attribution des planches au Titien est une PHILIPE, Julien, Op. cit., p. 27-8. VI, EBA, UFRJ. thèse qui ne prend corps qu’au 17è siècle. À 19 LE BRUN, Charles. L’expression des passions & 5 Il faut remarquer que Taunay avait traduit, son tour, Johannes Stephanus Calcar, assis- autres conférences, correspondances. Paris: Éditions en 1836, l’ouvrage Arte de pintar a óleo conforme tant du Titien, est aussi considéré l’auteur des Dédale, 1994, p. 52. a prática de Bardwell, baseada sobre o estudo e a planches de Vesalius, cité par Vasari dans la 20 PHILIPE, Julien. “Présentation”, In LE imitação dos primeiros mestres das escolas italianas, deuxième édition des Vite. Cf. RÖHRL, Boris. BRUN, Charles. Op. cit., p. 25. inglesa e Flamenga, à partir de l’ouvrage anglais History and bibliography of artistic anatomy. NY: 21 LE BRUN, Charles, Op. cit., p. 51. de Thomas Bardwell, The Practice of Painting and 2000; ainsi que ROBERTS, K. B. The fabric of 22 Perspective Made Easy. Le livre de Bardwell fut Body: European traditions of anatomical illustration. Taunay, à l’introduction de la partie concer- édité en 1756, et Taunay prend pour base sa Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. nant la «physiologie des passions». 13è édition. 10 TORTEBAT, François. Op. cit., préface. 23 LE BRUN, Charles, Op. cit., p. 60-1. 6 Les élèves devaient avoir recours aux originaux 11 A ce sujet, voir BARBILLON, Claire. Canons 24 MILLIN, Aubin-Louis. Dictionnaire des Beaux- pour analyser les planches. et théories de proportions du corps humain en France Arts. Paris: Imprimerie de Crapelet, 1806.

228 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

25 Le dictionnaire de Millin est destiné aux Be- d’anatomie sont publiés à partir de la réu- do corpo humano, fut publié en 1836 par Francisco aux-Arts, comprenant aussi la musique. nion des ouvrages déjà parus, comme celui de Assis Rodrigues, professeur de sculpture de 26 BARBILLON, Claire. Op. cit., p. 461-5. de William Rimmer, Art Anatomy, de 1877. l’Academia de Belas Artes de Lisbonne. Il y a des combinaisons nouvelles entre les 27 MODIGLIANI, Denise & BRUGÈRE, Fa- 32 Barbillon cite les imitateurs et les plagiats de traités et la création de nouvelles figures, ca- bienne. “Préface”, In MENGS, Anton Ra- son œuvre, réalisés vers la fin du 18è et 19è ractérisant le surgissement d’um autre type de phael. Pensées sur la beauté et sur le goût dans la siècles, par exemple: Proportions des plus belles publication dans le domainde de l’anatomie peinture. Paris: ENSBA, 2000, p. 22. figures de l’Antiquité, publié en 1794 por Fran- destinée à l’enseignement, comme dans le 28 Par exemple, les traités d’Henry Testelin cas de Rimmer. Ce n’est pas le cas de Tau- çois-Anne David, Les proportions du corps humain, (1696) et Abraham Bosse (1656). nay, puisqu’en dépit du fait de travailler avec mesurées sur les plus belles statues de l’Antiquité, daté 29 AUDRAN, Gerard. Les Proportions du corps hu- plusieurs ouvrages em même temps, il ne fait de 1800, dont l’auteur est le méconnu Rinmon. main mesurées sur les plus belles figures de l’Antiquité. que les traduire, sans ajouter de nouvelles con- BARBILLON, Claire, Op. cit., p. 153. À Paris, Chez Gérard Audran, Graveur du ceptions aux textes originaux. Il n’y a pas non 33 Il s’agit du manuscrit de Nicolas Poussin inti- Roy, rue S. Jacques, aux deux Pilier d’or. plus l’inclusion de nouvelles figures, les con- tulé Mesures de la célèbre statue de l’Antinoüs suivies MDCLXXXIII. Avec privilège du roy. Bi- sultations se font sur les planches originales. de quelques observations sur la peinture, transcrit et bliothèque de l’Institut National d’Histoire Cf. RÖHRL, Boris. Op. cit. publié par Bellori en 1672 et traduit de l’italien de l’Art, Collections Jacques Doucet. 31 RÖHRL, Boris. Op. cit. Le premier traité por- par M. Gault de Saint-Gervais, à Paris, pour 30 À la fin du 19è siècle, de nouveaux traités tuguais d’anatomie, Método de proporções e anatomia la maison d’édition Egron, en 1803.

Shipwreck Archaeology and the something that suddenly stopped ex- study to it dedicated, where we would project of studying a slave ship isting; a moment is interrupted when see gathered, analyzed and completed a wreck happens. Being so, the wreck the data that exists on the evolution, Gilson Rambelli represents, clearly, the material remains along more than 300 years, of the types Post-Doctoral Research Fellow, Center for of social moments that were happening and sizes of the vessels used for slave Strategic Studies (NEE/Unicamp) on board and that ceased while active2. traffic, their production, their crew, Supported with a grant of Fapesp (São Paulo Archaeological sites of shipwrecks de- their logistics and their economic han- State Science Foundation) Director, Center for Nautical and Underwater serve the same respect as any - inde- dling. This data exists but still is scat- Archaeology (CEANS/NEPAM/Unicamp) pendently of the remains being un- tered around different sources”4. We derwater. Unfortunately, in Brazil this believe that quotes like this one only heritage is not well understood. enhance our responsibility towards our Introduction The second consideration refers to field researches. This paper intends to present and the theme of our project: “the slave Being so, an archaeological research discuss shipwreck archaeology in Bra- ship” and to the fact that it is quite that aims in studying the remains of zil, a theme which is quite novel in novel. In the world there are very few a slave shipwreck in Brazil - a brig of the country. It aims to establish some similar study cases that were developed North-American origin, named Ca- arguments, using a type of approach by archaeology3. Being so, very little has margo that sank in Angra dos Reis, RJ, that contemplates the maturing of ar- been effectively produced, systemati- in 1852, leads to several possibilities chaeological studies in its specialization cally, on in situ studies of slave ships. regarding the production of knowl- as nautical/underwater/maritime. This We believe that, maybe, one of the rea- edge. Among them, we can mention pondering has as starting point two sons for this situation is the negative answering the nautical archaeological considerations. The first one is the fact symbolic burden, coming from a re- gap regarding the vessel as an artifact, that in archaeology it does not matter cent historical memory, which this ap- which will give voice to the excluded what type of activity is practiced nor proach receives in general, but specially from official historiography, those who its relevance. All human actions that in former enslaver countries like Brazil. sailed in these vessels as human cargo have left material remains are signifi- Alberto da Costa e Silva, an Africanist, and as crew. Archaeology will permit a cant because they represent fragments shares this view with us about the lack “reading of material culture conjugated of social life in a certain moment1. Be- of research on slave ships. In his book with the interpretation of the written ing so, a vessel, independent of its mag- Um rio chamado Atlântico: a África no source”5. This kind of approach, with nitude, - a wooden canoe or a modern Brasil e o Brasil na África (“A river called very rare exceptions, is still limited to transatlantic -, when it wrecks becomes Atlantic: Africa in Brazil and Brazil in ideological discourses and to general- an archaeological site. Those sites are Africa”), he says: “regarding this ship, izing and homogenizing ideas about the evidence, the material remains, of I have never set eyes upon a systematic the slave ship.

RHAA 6 229 Traduções/Translations

Shipwreck Archaeology future generations. Because of this, the national or international social-histori- 11 Shipwreck archaeology is archae- Convention incites the adoption of edu- cal symbols of identities.” ology! It represents the integration of cational heritage programs and of un- To think about shipwreck archaeolog- certain archaeological specializations, derwater tourism aimed to the general ical sites in Brazil, through archaeology, as nautical (regarding the vessel), un- public, when possible, in order to inte- is to think about the identities among derwater (regarding the environment of grate the public with the researches and, them and the several types of people in the site) and maritime (regarding the so- by this, valorizes the importance of this our society, “the voices, the remains and ciety), into one specific category, which cultural heritage in human history. the rights of the native, black and people studies one specific type of archaeologi- An archaeological site formed by in general excluded from the dominant cal site. It has absolute no relation what- the remains of shipwrecks is consid- accounts”12. In Brazil, the memories of soever with the adventurous action of ered underwater cultural heritage. It the Atlantic crossings are part of the treasure hunting, which is permitted by also has international characteristics. construction of Brazilian history. After law in Brazil, and which regards those Understanding this point is quite sim- all, the ethnical plurality of the Brazilian kind of underwater sites as lost material ple! We can use as an example the brig people is a result of such crossings (since that need to be recovered in exchange Camargo itself. This vessel was built in pre-history). The remains of shipwrecks of rewards6. Shipwreck archaeology the United States and its remains are lo- are, by far, the great monuments for this believes that these sites, which help cated in Angra dos Reis, RJ. The crew, cultural construction13. Nevertheless, the form the underwater cultural heritage, as it was usual back then, must have role played by this relationship - vessel and the production of archaeological been quite diverse (North-Americans, and crossings - is lost in our educational knowledge about them, only has mean- Portuguese people, Brazilians, among formation and assumes an obvious role. ing if they are public - that is, open to others). The brig was responsible for That is, it is taken for granted: we sailed the people - and if they can interact the traffic of Africans from Mozam- and that’s it! with the different communities. bique to Brazil. We have no evidence of But, we wonder if this complex proc- We want also to stress that this the presence of human remains in the ess can really be synthesized so simply? archaeological standing, which char- data available. We believe this is so be- Aren’t we disregarding relevant infor- acterizes the archaeologist as a social cause, in order to eliminate evidence of mation about a common past, the sail- agent and legitimizes a concern with clandestine traffic, the vessel was burnt ing? Taking in consideration that every cultural diversity, has begun to be built soon after the landing of the enslaved vessel has a name and a shape that rep- only after 1986, when the World Archaeo- Africans. The Camargo site represents, resents its dimensions, function, crew, logical Congress was founded. It reunited explicitly, the testimony of a multi ma- load, chronology, etc, we change that archaeologists, researchers of different terial culture from several origins. It understanding immediately. Why, then, fields and general public from several is no different from other such wreck should we generalize things, since a ca- segments of society, all worried with sites, spread through seas and oceans noe made by a single piece of wood is the social dimensions of archaeology7. of the world. different from a raft, in the same way Nowadays, archaeological research is In this context it is important to as a ship is different from a Portuguese no longer conceived as possible without stress that, for archaeology, a shipwreck galleon, and the latter is different from a public commitment. It is not possible, archaeological site a Spanish galleon, which, by its turn, is anymore, to conceive an archaeological “Represents a complex system that, different from a frigate, and the latter, site as an intellectual property of the re- like any other representation of soci- once again, is different from a brig, and 8 searchers or as private property, in the ety comprehends inequalities, contra- successively? They all have only one case of shipwrecks in Brazil, of treasure dictions and social conflicts. Being thing in common, they sail! hunting enterprises. the vessel understood as the common This new approach, which we are The Unesco Convention for the name for any construction aimed in proposing, suggests, for instance, that Protection of the Underwater Cultural sailing on water10 - an floating artifact; in the case of a shipwreck site, every day Heritage9 was set in 2001, in Paris. It or being it understood as the major his- life on board should be contemplated recognizes an archaeological site as pub- torical expression of the exchange flux; by material culture. Its archaeological lic and considers public engagement to or being it a power structure; or being context should be studied in situ, with be fundamental. It also stimulates the it the floating representation of social the help from history and maritime eth- adoption of public policies in favor of relations; or understanding the vessel nography (which deals with the seaman), the underwater cultural heritage, aim- as a mobile human landscape; or, still, and not by a fetish for objects removed ing in guaranteeing its existence for the the vessel being understood as regional, from these sites14. This material culture

230 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations can certainly tell us different stories, lence, independently of chronology and ganization of a vessel that transported distinct from the ones registered in the changes in naval architecture. Focusing, human cargo. Everything was possible captains or any passenger’s diaries and essentially, in the tiny holds of ships, in terms of lodging, cooresponding to that represent official history. Besides, it dark and packed with captured Afri- the type of the vessel, but, roughly, ac- is always a good idea to emphasize the cans, the use of such crystallized slave cording to the French architect Jean concept that a written document should traffic images turns the slave ship in an Boudriot (1984), one of the world’s ma- be considered a discourse15 and not a object without history, since the way it is jor specialists in naval construction, the given truth. “The study of the subaltern perceived is almost timeless”19. internal division of space occurred in classes has increased. Archaeological This gravure, in particular, has an three levels (considered from below to sources give a big contribution to those interesting appeal for nautical archae- the top): 1 - the hold, for storing water studies, because they have an anony- ology, because it sends us back to the and provisions; 2 - a fake cover20, for the mous and involuntary character”16. interior of the ship, and not to the ship human cargo (black Africans slaves); Faced by these considerations, we itself. Because of its constant illustrative and 3 - a cover, for the crew. stress the idea that all shipwreck sites use, filled up with meanings, this im- We should emphasize that this de- should be respected in order to be stud- age became the symbol, in collective scription of the slave ships’ scheme of ied properly! They are not only unique imaginary, of the interior of all vessels organization comes from the study of but cannot be revived once destroyed; that transported African slaves. By this, French written sources from the 18th they are complex symbolic systems, we have a homogenizing of three hun- century. It corresponds to a schematic filled with meanings17. It is always good dred years of naval construction, which drawing made by the Englishman to keep in mind that the importance of became only the hold of a ship. This Robert Walsh, in 1828, after he had an archaeological site is subjective and iconography has transformed the hold visited the Brazilian slave ship Veloz, depends on the goals of the researcher. It in the official place of transporting hu- which was intercepted in Africa by the is him who “reintroduces the artifacts of man cargo in a slave ship, a “tumbeiro”! vessel he himself was traveling21. This extinct cultures in a existing society”18. But, if we analyze it through a techni- coincidence is very meaningful for the cal approach rather then an ideological study of slave ships. According to Ro- one, we will observe that the idea of drigues (2005), “Walsh was one of the (Re) thinking slave ships “negroes in a hold of a ship” does not few travelers to set foot upon a ship Although enslaved Africans traffic portrait, in fact, the hold itself. loaded of negroes” (p. 134). This shows lasted for more than three hundred This observation of ours has absolute that Walsh was concerned with depict- years, period during which we find im- no intention of minimizing the cruelty ing exactly what he saw, without letting provements on naval construction and with which the maritime slave traffic himself get influenced by the abolition- when new sailing technologies were was held. In fact, Rugendas representa- ist propaganda from the period22. The developed (for instance, vapor propul- tion can be called quite soft. Our aim drawing shows the schematic division sion), the image that comes to our mind is to stress the point of how little we of the ship from the outside, depicting when we think about this traffic, as is do know about these ships. They rep- the hold, with its load of provisions and well put by the historian Jaime Rod- resented, explicitly, maritime transpor- water, the fake cover, with its reduced rigues in his book De costa a costa (“From tation, in such a way that we came to space, over crowded, and the slaves, coast to coast”), from 2005, is the image generalize certain terms, consequence there, piled up; and the deck. inspired by the gravure Negros no porão of built discourses, that did not coincide Regarding the overpopulation at the (“Negroes in the hold”), from 1835, by with the vessels’ architecture itself. fake covers of ships - and not at the Johann Moritz Rugendas, which has be- For instance, through all the cen- holds -, which can be identified from come a classical illustration that appears turies of maritime traffic of enslaved different sources, we also share the in several works done on this theme. Africans, a huge range of vessels, of view that this was done, in a very cruel The ships known as “slave ships”, or distinct types and sizes, was used for way, to answer the demand of a ever so “tumbeiros”, actually were produced this function. Some of them were built greedy market in search of slave labor. of several different types, but gained, just to perform this kind of commerce We have expressed here the desire to through this movement, a unique, ho- and others - the majority of which were acquire the maximum profit by trans- mogenous vision. already quite old - were adapted for the porting also the maximum quantity Rugendas turns the hold of a ship, same purpose. Being so, the consecrated of individuals in a single voyage, even through his iconographic reference, in a reference of “negroes in the hold of a though this could lead to a considerable “representation of slave traffic, by excel- ship” not always fitted the schematic or- number of casualties.

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“According to Gorender, the high without any privileges. Social inequali- nesses to the traffic. For instance, the level of mortality at the sea was the ties of the societies were reproduced German Schlichthorst, who, in 1829, result of a ‘big differential’ between on board even strongly24. To those on “would say that ‘at the slave ships the slave price of purchase in Africa board “an extremely heterogeneous themselves, space is not so narrow as and their price of selling in Brazil. world” was revealed, “the characters usually people imagine. A vessel that Certain voyage costs, he affirms, like at the vessel could not be reduced to in Europe could take on board three the use of the ship and the costs with mere sailors, because this coarse sim- hundred passengers, transports from the crew, were unchangeable, no mat- plification would hide the labor divi- Africa four hundred negroes’ ”29. ter what was the cargo, and the only sion that sustained a space with a rigid additional costs resulting from the hierarchy, something characteristic of For an archaeology of the slave ship overloading were spent with the slaves that floating society”25. Thirst, hunger themselves and with a small increment and discomfort did not only happen to Shipwreck archaeological sites many in the cost of maintenance. ‘In such the ones being transported as merchan- times are compared to time capsules be- circumstances’, he concludes, ‘it was dise, many sailors had to deal with this cause of the conservational state of worthwhile to take the risk’”23. kind of challenge. Because, “the sea- their remains. Nevertheless, we must We should add the maritime tradi- men had to ally physical resistance with draw attention to the conceptual hazard tion of, in an organized way, making minimum provisions, and many times, of this metaphor. It is not a rule. The good use of the space available in the hunger. Besides, there were the risks of process of formation and conservation vessels used for maritime transport the diseases - like scurvy, rheumatism, of those sites, after the wreck, is going of goods (this fact is mentioned a lot typhus, yellow fever, ulcers and skin to determine if there really is a possibil- in the accounts of maritime voyages). diseases - and also the perils of the job ity of the artifacts and other evidence There is also the fact that, for the sea- itself, which causes hernias and trauma- to remain in place. Depending on the man back then, the enslaved African tisms”26. Not surprisingly, wooden legs environmental dynamics of the loca- negro was considered a merchandise to and other mutilations are common on tion of the site, the remains from the be transported as live cargo and not the accounts about these men27. shipwreck can spread out for hundreds as a passenger. Finally, the concept of Maritime activities are dependent of feet or even for miles. In that sense, comfort on board is very recent in the on the conditions of nature, like good part of the archaeological material be- universe of navigation. Only by the end winds, becalmed seas and tempests. longing to that specific context, that is, of the 19th century we see it being de- How nature behaved was a fundamen- to the vessel destruction, may not be 30 veloped through the use of the trans- tal factor to avoid despair among those near the main structure . atlantic, also dedicated to the passenger on board, everyone, and not only the For archaeology, life on board of (voyage industry). slaves being transported. Nevertheless, a vessel, mainly in ultramarine - for Regarding the human cargo that was for the slaves the physical factor - due instance, the case of the brig Camargo, loaded, it is important to stress that to a process which began much before that came from Mozambique - due to many sources, like Walsh’s own report, the sea voyage itself and that weakened its complexity, may be translated into a describe the organization on board, for them, not helping to endure the hard social microcosm. This microcosm was, instance the division of the slaves by challenges of such an oceanic voyage many times, faithful to its place of ori- gender and age. This demonstrates a - and the psychological terrors to which gin (or places, considering the plurality concern with the distribution of these they were exposed (the trauma of get- of the crew and their long periods of people in the vessel, aiming at having ting on board by force, not knowing sojourn in Africa), and those people more safety on board, not only regard- what was going to happen), put them brought along with them for the jour- ing possible revolts, but also through a in disadvantage by comparison with ney several different artifacts. All of point of view that privileges the control the crew. Even so, as we pointed out, them give testimony of their time and of the live cargo’s weight, because it is the possibilities of suffering during the their moment31. We must keep in mind, mobile and provoke problems during voyage were general; “the hard condi- also, that many of the artifacts that are the navigation. tions on board led also the crew in the found, isolated or in association with 28 Concerning the life of the seamen, slave ships to death” . others, may be used as excellent mark- the ones responsible for this kind of Some travelers’ accounts give us ers of certain particularities regarding transportation and not for the commer- a non-humanist approach regarding social-cultural aspects. cial activity that it involved, we must the overloading on board. They were Nevertheless, while fieldwork at the remember that it was very hard and familiar with life at sea and were wit- Camargo did not begin, it became neces-

232 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations sary to understand more about maritime Thirst was one of the most feared man-vessel-nature, could be related to navigation and all that it involved. Es- problems when at sea. To guarantee the the success and precision of such an pecially, understand more about these surviving of those 650 people on board, operation. Pompey, the famous roman vessels. Keith Muckelroy (1978), British according to Boudriot, the vessel needed general, once said regarding this proc- archaeologist, is the father of a classi- a great amount of water, the equivalent, ess: “Navigating is necessary, life is not cal definition for a vessel: “a machine, approximately, of 2,8 liters per person, necessary” (Navigare necesse; vivere nos est conceived to serve as a means of trans- per day. So, for a 60 days journey it was necesse). portation; a relevant functional set of a needed circa 110.000 liters of water; and However, we should point out that military or economical system; a close 1.820 liters for each extra day. Even if this example, studied by Boudriot, re- community, with its own hierarchy, its we take into consideration the fact that gards a vessel, a frigate, used when slave 32 habits and its own conventions” . This casualties on board would reduce both traffic was legal. We know of dozens of definition is the one used in order to the strength and the number of human other kinds of vessels, and they varied understand a vessel. Since we lack the cargo transported, it was necessary, when immensely along those 300 years. What information that an archaeological ex- making up the provisions, to take into kind of vessel was the brig Camargo? Was cavation would give us, we chose to an- account wastefulness and the inevitable it faster, because it operated in clandes- alyze a concrete example, documental: leaking of the barrels. tineness? How was its hold, what was the case study made by Jean Boudriot In order to understand more clearly different from other vessels? Regarding in his book Traite: Negrier l’Aurore, pub- what this meant, at the l’Aurore hold, for the transportation of the slaves, the brig 33 lished in 1984 . instance, instead of slaves, as Rugendas Camargo was not much different from In his work, Boudriot presents and paints, there was 581 barrels of water l’Aurore. The data we have reveal that it discusses the French slave ship l’Aurore, (each with the capacity of holding 242 unloaded “in Bracuí, Ilha Grande (to built in 1784 by H. Penevert. The text is liters). In total, it hold 140.000 liters, the south of Rio de Janeiro), circa 500 to technical and specialized, well provided and that enabled the ship to have an 600 negroes coming from Quelimane, of important information on this sub- autonomy - in theory - equivalent to 2 Mozambique. Soon after the brig was ject. This information allows us to get and a half months of water use. set on fire by the population”42. closer to that ship and to its dynamics. This aspect of the load was so impor- The intentional fire and the subse- L’Aurore was a ship of 280 tons34, tant that, when a vessel was approached quent sinking were used as a means approximately measuring 30 meters by the British patrolling, during the pe- of concealing evidence, thus avoiding of length and 8 meters of beam35, riod of fighting the traffic off, one of embarrassment for the powerful peo- equipped with three masts (a chief one the clues used to prove that that vessel ple directly involved with that illegal and two smaller ones), artillery limited was involved in that kind of commerce commerce. But, what was left of this to eight cannons of small caliber36, and was the quantity of water barrels at the episode? Only archaeology is able to which already used the technology of holds. The grated scuttles, that divided access the remnant material culture of copper coating at the hull. This revet- the fake cover of the deck, were also the Camargo, since the main structure 40 ment protected the wood of the hull, used as incriminating evidence . of the hull and some archaeological which were fluctuant and immersed (in Besides the hundreds of water bar- evidence has already been located and nautical terms, the living-work of a ves- rels, l’Aurore also transported at its hold: even plundered by adventurous divers. sel), from the shipworm37 (teredo navalis). 10 tons of biscuit, 10 tons of rice, 4 tons According to information given by a Those shipworms38 are very common in of fava bean, gunpowder and ammuni- local diver in his book Guia dos nau- ports where the waters are hot and clean, tion for the cannons, extra sails, ropes frágios da Baía de Ilha Grande: “Camargo like the African ones where the vessels (kilometers of them) and other materials suffered some sacks. More recently, lan- remained anchored for months. in general, among many other things41. terns and other pieces were removed in Although l’Aurore was not a very big How to administer all this? Only a order to decorate a hotel in the Baía da ship, if we keep in mind the vast typol- routine work disciplined and organized Ribeira. Nowadays, the ship is in a state ogy of vessels, this frigate was able to would be successful in order to manage of complete dismantling, but in a safe transport 600 slaves in its fake cover, such complexity. It is hard to imagine place, because the area has become an due to the good use of the two floors 650 people in a floating confined space underwater archaeological site, where (quarterdeck type) built at the same at the ocean. This only reinforces what one can only dive if he has an authori- floor. It had on board, enabling a good was already said about life on board, zation”43. The Navy of Brazil gives this running of the vessel, a crew of 40 to and how navigation itself, result of authorization; our project awaits it to 45 men39. this orchestrated activity that involves initiate fieldwork.

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Traditional historiography uses the here is a kind of general antipathy for Interesting enough, nowadays, over textual data available from that period the nautical subject, this antipathy can little more than a decade, Brazilian ar- in order to study this episode. It involved be related to the abyss that divides sea- chaeology testifies the integration of corruption of the justice system, power- men and men from the land45. This is so those two subjects, because the present ful local people, and other things. On real that there are still few researchers project intends on studying social groups the other hand, the material culture still that “adventure themselves into those that were excluded through the analysis waits to be analyzed by archaeology. Be- seldom navigated seas”! and the interpretation of material cul- ing aware that a shipwreck site represents This division between maritime and ture remnant of a slave ship. This will be something that ceased to exist all of a continental people does not represent done having in mind the aims of public sudden, the remains of the Camargo rep- any novelty and is something that has archaeology, that understands that ar- resent an interrupted moment of 1852, gone on in western societies because the chaeology is only possible if it can be packed with material culture - the ship sea still is seen as “a badly known space, integrated to the local communities and itself is an artifact -, all direct testimony dangerous, outside terrestrial culture, can work along social movements. of a period, of the people, of the traffic, outlaws that rule the continent”46. That The results of those archaeological and that may confirm and/or contradict is why we find such “agro centric”47 ap- studies about the remains of a slave ship, much of what is said in the textual data proaches that make us call Earth a planet which was deliberately sank in order to available and produced: history that can- made mainly of water. Maybe this is due be forgotten, have a lot to contribute not be found in the books! to the divisions of the worlds, identi- to history. Its material remains (what fied by maritime anthropology, which survived of the hull) must be used as a Final considerations contribute to justify this distance that monument for preserving the memory of what meant slavery and human traf- In the beginning of the 1960’s, in- exists in the Human Sciences regarding fic around the world, “hoping that the ternationally speaking, underwater ar- this subject. In the Brazilian case, they fight for a period of justice, liberty and chaeological finds relating to shipwreck may serve as argument for the existence equality will continue in order to avoid sites began to question the insufficiency of a legislation that contradicts our own that such crimes happen again”52. of the textual data available and known Federal Constitution. in order to provide information for the In the beginning of the 1990’s, “in a questions that emerged from field works context of political and thematic open- Acknowledges made on those sites. For instance, details ing”48 we experienced, at the same time This article is part of a post-doctorate about the construction of those vessels, that the sketching of a Brazilian sci- research, which is being sponsored by the loads, and the commerce routes. entific underwater archaeology49 was Fapesp, titled “Arqueologia Subaquática Doubts and news that pointed towards being produced, another novelty in de um navio negreiro: a história que the “birth” of a new area of produc- Brazil. Three archaeologists of distinct não está nos livros”, and that is being tion of archaeological knowledge, and nationalities: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari developed at the Núcleo de Estudos that came to add to the strengthening of (Brazilian), Charles Orser Jr. (North- Estratégicos da Universidade Estadual archaeology as a social science, break- American) and Michael Rowlands de Campinas (Nee/Unicamp), under ing away with romantic tradition that (British) established a pioneer project the supervision of Pedro Paulo Abreu saw it as a simple technique to illustrate in Brazilian archaeology: the study Funari, since 2005. I would like to the tragic-maritime history. But, at the of the Quilombo dos Palmares (from thank my companions in the fighting same time that this speech arose, built Zumbi dos Palmares). This subject be- for underwater cultural heritage: Pedro upon the analysis and the interpretation came consecrated by distinct historic Paulo Abreu Funari; Paulo Bava de Ca- of underwater material culture, the then and anthropological approaches, which margo; Flávio Calippo; Leandro Duran; “young” specialists of this “Nautical/ “provided other accounts, less centered Randal Fonseca; Glória Tega; Robert Underwater/Maritime Archaeology” in the written discourse and concerned Grenier; Pilar Luna Erreguerena; Fran- identified a certain academic disdain with the exploited or excluded social cisco Alves; Filipe Castro; and Sandra regarding their subject44. groups”50, and that used the study of Pelegrini. I also thank Fapesp and the This fact, unfortunately, is still material culture. Contributing thus to Nee/Unicamp. The responsibility for present in our Human Sciences, even a novel way of conceiving archaeologi- the ideas belongs only to the author. after fifty successful years of works in cal research in Brazil, inspired by the this archaeological specialization. Ac- fluidity of the identities, breaking away English version: cording to the British archaeologist with traditional cultural models, homo- M. Cristina N. Kormikiari Passos Sean McGrail, a specialist, the issue geneous and normative51. [email protected]

234 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

1 LUMBRERAS, Luis G. La arqueología como 14 As is established by a Federal Law (number 27 DURAN, Leandro D. A construção da pira- ciencia social. Lima: Edición Peisa, 1981 10.166/00), which, oddly eneough, allows tre- taria: O processo de formação do conceito de 2 RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquática asure hunting and sets Brazil in a path totally “pirata” no período moderno. 2000. Disser- do Baixo Vale do Ribeira. 2003. Thesis (PhD in different from the one most countries have tation (Measters in History) – Departamento Archaeology) – Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras assumed. de História da Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da USP: Museu de Arque- 15 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “Teoria e mé- e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São ologia e Etnologia da USP, São Paulo, 2003. todo na Arqueologia contemporânea”, 2006a. Paulo, São Paulo, 2000. 28 3 For instance, the studies produced in the 16 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “Fontes ar- BARRETO, Luis Felipe apud FLOREN- 1970’s about the Portuguese slave ship James queológicas: os historiadores e a cultura ma- TINO, Manolo. Em costas negras: uma his- Matthews, which wrecked (already modified) terial”. In Fontes Históricas. (Organized by tória do tráfico de escravos entre a África e in 1841, near Freemantle, in Australia; or, in Carla Bassanezi Pinski). São Paulo: Contexto, o Rio de Janeiro: séculos XVIII e XIX. São the 1980’s, a study about the English slave ship 2005, p.93-4. Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1997, p. 145. 29 Henrietta Marie. This ship wrecked in 1700, in 17 RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquá- RODRIGUES, Jaime. De costa a costa: escra- Florida (New Ground Reef), and it was used tica do Baixo Vale do Ribeira, 2003. vos, marinheiros e intermediários do tráfico much more as an illustration of history rather de Angola ao Rio de Janeiro (1780-1860). São 18 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. Arqueologia, than as a work of archaeological interpretation. Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2005, p.134-35. São Paulo: Contexto, 2003, p. 34. Besides those studies mentioned, we cannot 30 MUKELROY, Keith. Maritime archaeology. 19 RODRIGUES, Jaime. De costa a costa: escra- count for more than a dozen similar study cases Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978.; vos, marinheiros e intermediários do tráfico around the world, all poorly publicized. Gould, Richard. “Contextual relationships”. de Angola ao Rio de Janeiro (1780-1860). São 4 SILVA, Alberto da Costa e. Um rio chamado In: DELGADO, J. P. (Ed.). Encyclopaedia Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2005, p.131-32. Atlântico: a África no Brasil e o Brasil na of Underwater and Maritime Archaeology. 20 África. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, Ed. Any deck located below the main deck London: British Museum, 1997; CONLIN, UFRJ, 2003, p.79. (CHERQUES, Sérgio. Dicionário do mar. David L.; MURPHY, Larry E. “Shipwrecks”. São Paulo: Globo, 1999). For the layman this 5 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu & CARVALHO, In: ORSER JR., Charles E. (Ed.). Encyclo- brings to mind the idea of the inferior floor: Aline Vieira de. Palmares, ontem e hoje. Rio pedia of Historical Archaeology. London: the hold. de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2005, p.51. Routledge, 2002; RAMBELLI, Gilson. Ar- 21 WALSH, Robert. Notícias do Brasil. Belo queologia subaquática do Baixo Vale do Ri- 6 RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquática Horizonte: Itatiaia; São Paulo: Edusp, 1985; beira, 2003. do Baixo Vale do Ribeira. 2003. CONRAD, Robert Edgar. Tumbeiros: o 31 MARTIN, Colin. L'archéologie en milieu 7 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “Teoria e tráfico escravista para o Brasil . Translation: subaquatique. In: LA SALVAGARDE du método na Arqueologia contemporânea: o Elvira Serapicos. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1985; patrimoine subaquatique. Paris: UNESCO, contexto da Arqueologia Histórica”. In: Fu- RODRIGUES, Jaime. O tráfico de escravos 1980; PARKER, Anthony J. Mediterrâneo, nari, P.P.A.; Dominguez L. & Ferreira L. M. para o Brasil. São Paulo: Ática, 2004 (Série um museu submerso. O Correio da Unesco, Patrimônio e cultura material. Campinas, História em movimento); De costa a costa: v. 18, n. 1, p.8-10, jan. 1988; RAMBELLI, Unicamp/IFCH, 2006a (Textos Didáticos, escravos, marinheiros e intermediários do trá- Gilson. A arqueologia subaquática e sua apli- n. °59); FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “The fico de Angola ao Rio de Janeiro (1780-1860). cação à arqueologia brasileira: o exemplo do World Archaeological Congress from a Criti- São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2005. baixo vale do Ribeira de Iguape. 1998. Disser- cal and Personal Perspective”, Archaeologies, 22 RODRIGUES, Jaime. O infame comércio: tation (Masters in Archaeology) – Faculdade 2,1, 2006b. propostas e experiências no final do tráfico de de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da 8 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “Cultura mate- africanos para o Brasil (1800-1850). Campinas: USP: Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia da rial e a construção da mitologia bandeirante: Editora da UNICAMP, 2000); RODRIGUES, USP, São Paulo, 1998; RAMBELLI, Gilson. problemas da identidade nacional brasileira”, Jaime. De costa a costa: escravos, marinheiros Arqueologia até debaixo d’água. São Paulo: 1995; FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “Teoria e intermediários do tráfico de Angola ao Rio Maranta, 2002; RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arque- e método na Arqueologia contemporânea: o de Janeiro (1780-1860). São Paulo: Companhia ologia subaquática do Baixo Vale do Ribeira, contexto da Arqueologia Histórica”, 2006a. das Letras, 2005. 2003; RAMBELLI, Gilson. “Os desafios da 9 A Convenção da UNESCO sobre a Pro- 23 CONRAD, Robert Edgar. Tumbeiros: o Arqueologia Subaquática no Brasil”. Eletronic teção do Patrimônio Cultural Subaquático tráfico escravista para o Brasil . Translation: Magazine of History e-História. Available at (UNESCO, 2001). (Translation Francisco J. Elvira Serapicos. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1985, www.historiaehistoria.com.br. 2004. Access S. Alves). In: As cartas internacionais sobre p.63-4. in 09/01/2004. o patrimônio (Organizadores: P.P. Funari & 32 24 MICELI, Paulo. O ponto onde estamos: MUCKELROY, Keith. Maritime Archaeo- L. Domingues). Campinas, Unicamp/IFCH, viagens e viajantes na história da expansão e logy apud POMEY, Patrice & RIETH, Eric. 2005, p.87-113 (Textos Didáticos, n°. 57). da conquista. São Paulo: Scritta, 1994; RAM- L’archéologie navale. Paris: Editions Errance, 10 Definition that appears, in Portuguese, in the BELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquática do 2005, p.16. Novo Dicionário da Língua Portuguesa (from Au- Baixo Vale do Ribeira. 2003. 33 BOUDRIOT, Jean. Traite et navire négrier: rélio Buarque de Holanda). 25 MICELI, Paulo. O ponto onde estamos: via- l’Aurore (1784). Paris: Ancre, 1984. 11 RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquá- gens e viajantes na história da expansão e da 34 Ton is a unity that expresses the volume or tica do Baixo Vale do Ribeira, 2003, p. 83. conquista. São Paulo: Scritta, 1994, p. 105. cargo capacity of a ship, named tonnelage 12 Funari, Pedro Paulo Abreu. “Teoria e método 26 RODRIGUES, Jaime. De costa a costa: escra- (CHERQUES, Sérgio. Dicionário do mar. na Arqueologia contemporânea”, 2006a, p. 21 vos, marinheiros e intermediários do tráfico São Paulo: Globo, 1999.). 13 RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquá- de Angola ao Rio de Janeiro (1780-1860). São 35 Beam is a nautical term that corresponds to tica do Baixo Vale do Ribeira,. 2003. Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2005, p. 171. the widest breadth of a ship, at the chief rib.

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36 Artillery aimed at protecting the vessel espe- de Janeiro: séculos XVIII e XIX. São Paulo: out. 1999; RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia cially from pirate attacks. Companhia das Letras, 1997.; RODRIGUES, subaquática do Baixo Vale do Ribeira, 2003. 37 BOUDRIOT, Jean. Traite et navire négrier: Jaime. De costa a costa: escravos, marinheiros 46 DIEGUES, Antonio Carlos. Ilhas e mares: l’Aurore (1784). Paris: Ancre, 1984; CHER- e intermediários do tráfico de Angola ao Rio simbolismo e imaginário. São Paulo: Hucitec, QUES, Sérgio. Dicionário do mar. São Paulo: de Janeiro (1780-1860). São Paulo: Companhia 1998,p.58. das Letras, 2005. Globo, 1999; RODRIGUES, Jaime. De costa 47 READ, J. The Indian Ocean in Antiquity, 41 a costa: escravos, marinheiros e intermediá- BOUDRIOT, Jean. Traite et navire négrier: London: New York, 1996; BLOT, Jean-Yves. rios do tráfico de Angola ao Rio de Janeiro l’Aurore (1784). Paris: Ancre, 1984. O mar de Keith Muckelroy: o papel da teoria (1780-1860). São Paulo: Companhia das Le- 42 BETHELL, Leslie. A abolição do tráfico de na arqueologia do mundo náutico. Al-Madan, tras, 2005. escravos no Brasil. São Paulo: Edusp, 1976, Almada, Centro de Arqueologia, Série 2, n. 38 The shipworm is a mollusk that can grow from p. 349. 8, p. 41-55, out. 1999; RAMBELLI, Gilson, 5 to a 100 centimeters in length and achieve 43 GALINDO, José E. R. Guia dos Naufrágios 2003; e RAMBELLI, Gilson, “Reflexões 2 centimeters of diameter. It is extremely bad da Baía de Ilha Grande. São Paulo: Um, 2001. sobre o patrimônio cultural subaquático e a to the living-work of the hull, because there 44 BASS, George F. Arqueologia subaquática. Arqueologia”. In: Os caminhos do patrimônio they build a gallery, and this eventually per- Lisboa: Verbo, 1969; HOFFMANN, Ga- no Brasil. (Org: Manuel Ferreira Lima Filho e forates all the wood, making it useless and brielle. Mundos submergidos: una historia de Marcia Bezerra). Goiânia: Alternativa, 2006, harmful for the vessel’s navigability (CASTA- la arqueología submarina. Barcelona: Planeta, p.153-69. NHEIRA, Edmundo. Manual de construção 1987; RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia até 48 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu & CARVA- do navio de madeira. Lisboa: Dinalivro, 1991; debaixo d’água. São Paulo: Maranta, 2002; LHO, Aline Vieira de, 2005, p.47. CHERQUES, Sérgio. Dicionário do mar. São RAMBELLI, Gilson. Arqueologia subaquá- 49 See RAMBELLI, Gilson, 2002. Paulo: Globo, 1999). tica do Baixo Vale do Ribeira, 2003. 50 39 FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu & CARVA- BOUDRIOT, Jean. Traite et navire négrier: 45 MCGRAIL, Sean. Studies in Maritime Ar- LHO, Aline Vieira de, 2005, p.47. l’Aurore (1784). Paris: Ancre, 1984. chaeology. Oxford: British Archaeological 51 40 BOUDRIOT, Jean. Traite et navire négrier: Reports, 1997; BLOT, Jean-Yves. O mar de FUNARI, Pedro Paulo Abreu & CARVA- l’Aurore (1784). Paris: Ancre, 1984; FLOREN- Keith Muckelroy: o papel da teoria na arque- LHO, Aline Vieira de, 2005. TINO, Manolo. Em costas negras: uma histó- ologia do mundo náutico. Al-Madan, Almada, 52 NASCIMENTO, Abdias do. O quilombismo. ria do tráfico de escravos entre a África e o Rio Centro de Arqueologia, Série 2, n. 8, p. 41-55, Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980, p.11.

Angelo Agostini: Art criticism, which Agostini has collaborated – has always reduced to the plain portrait, with the politics and culture in Brazil drawn the following opinion about the occasional precision of a photographic plate, but during the Second Empire artist’s work: “without his memorable inexpressive, silent in the stillness and fidelity drawings, that followed his combative of the physiognomic traces… The success of his Rosangela de Jesus Silva spirit, the sarcasm against the exoticism caricature was in the sayings that accompa- PhD student in Art History, IFCH/Unicamp of the institution that ‘fortunately pre- nied the drawings. He never went beyond the vailed’ and the attacks against the genu- criticism of concrete facts, up to the point of ine slave-owners wouldn’t have the pen- a general abstraction, of the symbolism that Angelo Agostini: a biography etration they have had amidst the large condensates and integrates a critical apprecia- As Joaquim Nabuco1 tells us, Ago- popular sectors, aligning them spiritually tion, defining the social tendencies of a setting, stini was an idealist. Although he was with the great cause of freedom”.3 of an age, of a civilization. The deficiency of not committed to institutional political On the other hand, the Gazeta Artís- the drawing and poorness of the composition practice, he was interested in the ef- tica in 1910 – the year of the passing of would not allow him, even if he wanted, to fects of this practice on the reality of Agostini - was not as generous in its rise up to the deed of this artistic conception people’s lives: “... Angelo Agostini had appreciation: of caricature.4 the good fortune of being what may be It is blatant that Agostini could not dedicate The information gathered about defined in matters of liberalism a well himself seriously to the study of Art, to which Agostini are very fragmented, and most balanced character, of those who love his unset and lively spirit inclined him to… of the times, come in a very flattering freedom not for the word, but for the Angelo Agostini could never perfect himself in tone – with a few exceptions as the thing itself, not for the doctrine, but for the technique of the processes and in Theory of text above, that points out flaws in the the fact, and, above all, not for oneself, Art. Therefore all of his works resent from this artist’s formation at the same time it 2 but for the others ...”. artistic culture deficiency…. contests his talent, so praised by other J. Bocó, a journalist from the mag- ... Ângelo Agostini has always been a sources. Even though the mentioned azine O Malho, - the last journal with mediocre drawer. His caricatures were almost article was even aggressive towards

236 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations the artist, it nevertheless regards him Our path has indicated that Agostini have an historic function. According to as someone who had been involved lived for a short time in Italy and had Antonio Candido, we should “... take with the artistic milieu. Nonetheless, been for more than ten years in France, into account, thus, one level of reality as a man of the Press who had liberal with his grandmother, before coming and one level of elaboration of reality, and abolitionist opinions and a critic of to Brazil. There, for what is known, he and also the difference o the perspective the teaching methods of the Imperial would have started his artistic forma- of the contemporaries of the piece of Academy, Agostini had several enemies tion. We couldn’t find any documents work, including the author, and of the – a fact easily noticed though the dis- or reports of the artist to corroborate posterity it entails, determining historical cussions entailed in the pages of the this information. However, it might be variations of function in a structure that journals he has worked for. interesting to consider the intriguing remains aesthetically invariable ...”10 For myself, being in Brazil since 1859, and story of the character Cabrião (cre- Let’s see a few excerpts of this biog- having solely this audience to evaluate my work, ated by Ângelo Agostini in 1866), in a raphy: “... I declare to this generation I am very recognized for the good welcome I’ve homonymic journal, the second paper and to posterity that I am an authentic always been given. I am certain, however, that in which he took part in São Paulo af- Parisian, a Parisian of body and soul. if I’d followed the recommendation of the illus- ter Diabo Coxo. Antonio Cagnin, who I speak French, a lot better than any trious journalist and went to Pariz, I would made studies about Agostini, made the son of the Great Britain, and Portu- likely meet the same kind of acceptance. I can’t following statement: guese – a lot better than Mr. Mancille, see why the audience there would be better that The symbol figure portrayed in the paper even though I haven’t taken an exam to the one we find here. The caricature is not an Cabrião, as all evidences seem to indicate, is teach, either because of the disciples or Art that requires great special knowledge to the self-caricature of Ângelo Agostini. What is because of the government”.11 be understood and appreciated...5 still to be found out, more as a curious fact, is The irony is a very remarkable trace The excerpt above is an answer by if at that time Agostini had already worn the of Agostini’s work that shall remain. Angelo Agostini to Ferreira de Men- same “pointy beard” and moustache to imitate Wouldn’t this be the assertion of a eses, from the Jornal do Commercio, who the looks of the character portrayed in the novel, foreigner that has adopted France as was protesting against an alleged bold- if he adopted this appearance when he found his fatherland? If we consider the ef- ness of the critic enterprise of foreign out his physical and spiritual identity with the fervescent Paris of those days, of the caricaturists in Brazil, namely Angelo character or if he did it later, to embody the importance of the press and its huge Agostini, Luigi Borgomainerio and Ra- symbol of the paper. Anyway, it was a perfect development, there would be nothing fael Bordalo Pinheiro.6 symbiosis, between Cabrião/Agostini, carica- better for someone initiating in this mi- ture/caricaturist, le genie infernal du peintre, Besides illustrating Agostini’s re- lieu than claiming to be a son of this which was present on the pages of the Cabrião sponse, this excerpt provides us con- revolutionary glorious country. every week, in satires and caricatures, mocking th crete information: the year that the During the first half of the 19 cen- the politicians and the society of São Paulo.9 artist arrived in Brazil. As we’ve men- tury, Paris faced a great increase in its tioned earlier, his biography is full of O Cabrião, which is committed to population, which has migrated from gaps. Therefore, if we are to know a say the truth, is an attentive and criti- the country zone to the urban area. In little of Agostini’s trajectory, we’ve had cal observer of the political, religious, less than fifty years, the city that by to dig for scattered data and compare cultural and social events of the still 1800 had about 600 thousand people them in order to compose his biog- incipient city of São Paulo. reaches 1 million people. raphy – which includes conflicting The character eventually was given It was during the second Empire information starting from the artist’s a biography, described in a few editions (1852-1870) that Paris started to change date of birth. Carlos Cavalcanti, in his of the journal. Could Agostini have lent to its present features. Napoleon III Dicionário brasileiro de artistas plásticos,7 the character some elements of his own entitled George Haussmann with the informs us that the Agostini was born biography? Perhaps. As a foreigner still responsibility to transform Paris into a in 1843 in the Italian city of Vercelli. in the beginning of his career, he could modern capital city, with the creation But João Francisco Velho Sobrinho, in have found in his character a way of of parks and gardens, a sewage system, his Dicionário Bio-Bibliográfico,8 states that introducing himself to the audience and theatres, hospitals and the administra- the artist was born in 1842, in Farcelle. to gain its sympathy, assuring his place tive division it has nowadays. Agostini There are sources which support either in the press. followed closely many of these changes one or the other biographer. Nonethe- Theses approximations we’ve dared that modernized the old Paris. less, all of them agree that his birthday to make above might be mere specula- The period he lived in Paris was very was in an April 8th in Italy. tion. However, the literary work can also fertile for the formation of artists. The

RHAA 6 237 Traduções/Translations city was a central cultural marking him that he inherited his hatred for ana Villalba Alvim14 says that her grand- point in Europe, and a reference for the Church and for injustice. We don’t father sent a determined sum of money many artists. The papers that published have much information about Antônio to an old master painter in France, what caricatures also flourished; and to pick Agostini, the artist’s father. He would is another clue about Agostini. one of them out was difficult. There- have been a violinist who passed away The reason why Agostini came to fore, at a very young age, Agostini has very early, depriving Agostini, still a Brazil is not clear. We know that his circulated within this environment, kid, from the company of the presence mother married the Portuguese journal- which must have certainly had influ- his father. ist Antônio Pedro Marques de Almeida ence on the development of his work. ... I have made myself a man and an artist, and that the family has settled in Brazil. ... by the time when I was 14 years of a great artist, without the help of anyone else. Agostini arrived in Rio de Janeiro in age, I had the same practical knowledge of life ... It’s curious the way I’ve made myself the company of his mother and, a short than a society man, a son of a [good] family a useful man, finding me a job in a painting time after, went to São Paulo. by his 20s... workshop, in Pariz. That’s how it happened: In another passage of Cabrião’s story, From that age I carried the seeds of some On the surroundings of my mother’s convent, his explanation about why he came to virtues, that later transformed me from a boy there was a drawing workshop. The master was Brazil was the following: “... the Amer- into a fine man: the great sensitivity cultivated a grotesque figure, worthy of Hoffman’s crayon, ica was then the monomania of almost in my spirit for the love, almost fanaticism a living caricature, a fantastic being, a superb every Parisian. To me, it was even more: 15 inspired in me by the melancholic figure of my character that when I saw him, immediately my artist’s dream, my future”. mother: the mysterious rapture that dragged me woke up in me the humoristic genius, the cari- After Agostini’s artistic initiation towards Beauty and all the Arts in all of their caturist skill that was dormant in my soul... in Paris, why not trying the luck in a forms: and finally, the deep hatred I devoted to ... The old painter, my first victim, instead young country, whose artistic activity hypocrisy, to superstition, to the robe and to of being angry with my pranks, tried to get to was still very little and where new col- the poisonous Jesuitism – all of which I saw know me, and declared he was ready to welcome laborations could be very welcomed? in the frightening and sinister image of the me into his shop, and to tech me how to draw, In Brazil, Agostini found a scenery drunk and corpulent being that fathered me because he saw in me an useful talent, etc, etc. marked by colonial formation, with by the means of a crime.12 I accepted the offer, worked, and in a brief slavery, epidemic outbreaks, a poorly de- We can notice at the beginning of period of time was the trusted disciple of the veloped press and a still very precarious the excerpt a statement of an increased good old man that had opened his arms to and restricted cultural life, very differ- maturity on behalf of the subject of the me. By my 20s I was already an artist, had ent from the French settings, but a very biography, who states having gained a profession and the independent life of all of fertile terrain for his sharp pencil. knowledge and experience that would those who work.13 be beyond his biological development. It is very curious the way the char- Agostini at the Press It’s known that Agostini had come to acter describes his artistic initiation, Brazil at a very young age and, in all We don’t know much about the first his “gift” for caricature and his brief years of Agostini in São Paulo. There’s biographical references, there’s infor- stay in an atelier. Cabrião attributes an information, not confirmed by docu- mation that he has arrived here already an almost complete autonomy to his ments, that he would have worked as a with an artistic formation. This state- formation, with the exception of this foreman in the construction of a road, ment of maturity does not contradict painter whose name is not informed, that linked Mauá- Raiz da Serra railway his biographers. who would have believed in his poten- terminal to the city of Juiz de Fora, in Later, Cabrião speaks of his spirit, tial and offered him some space, mate- Minas Gerais. If he took part in this inclined to the Arts and points out to rial and knowledge. work, he didn’t prosper nor left any the possible influence of his mother. According to our sources, Agostini marks. . His life activity that has been Raquel Agostini, who was a lyric singer, doesn’t make any reference to his edu- registered in the history of Brazil has oc- might have probably provided a very cation or to his influences. Although curred in the press, more precisely since rich artistic environment to her son, he hasn’t stated anything about it, he September of 1864, at the journal Diabo even though she was occasionally ab- appears almost as an autodidactic artist. Coxo. This magazine represented a new sent, touring. Even the dictionaries and biographical enterprise in the press of São Paulo due Cabrião makes a very negative refer- articles speak of Agostini as a master, to its format, which gave great promi- ence to his father figure, who would and say nothing about his formation. In nence for caricature. From its eight pages, have been a priest, and say that it’s from an interview, his granddaughter Mari- four were left to caricature. This kind of

238 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations journal, with emphasis on illustrations, Campos, among others, had the oppor- ter with a pipe on his mouth – which entertained became popular years later in Brazil and tunity of debating and deepen essential Américo very much, who laughed a lot.20 was the kind of the other magazines in fundamental issues of the country. The Cabrião faced financial problems. which Agostini has worked. In September of 1866, Agostini, Besides that, the journal was prosecuted The magazine was written by Luis Américo de Campos17 and Antônio and had its office plundered. It eventu- Gama, a former slave, an abolitionist Manuel dos Reis18 have founded the ally ceased to be published in 1867. On and a liberal, with the collaboration of Cabrião, a journal that followed the the same year Agostini went to Rio de Sizenando Nabuco16 – younger brother same editorial line of the former one, Janeiro and started to work at O Arlequim, of the defender of the abolitionist cause whose most relevant features were hu- a journal who had several owners, pass- Joaquim Nabuco – and, of course, An- mor and caricature. According to Délio ing through more or less conservative gelo Agostini. This journal had a short Freire dos Santos, the Cabrião “was in- phases. Its name has also been changed life span, having ceased its activities in contestably the most well known jour- several times. It was born as Bazar Vol- December of 1865. nal of humor and caricature ever edited ante and thus was named between 1863 We believe that during these first in São Paulo during the Empire”.19 and 1867. On that last year it becomes O years Agostini’s political ideas began Its attitude has always been critical, Arlequim, where the caricaturists Joseph to take impulse. His newspaper’s col- without leaving aside information and Mill,21 V. Mola22 and Flumen Junius,23 leagues Luís Gama e Sizenando Nabuco entertainment. The Paraguai War was who were all Angelo Agostini’s work took very assertive anti-slavery stances. a theme the journal has intensively ex- colleagues, have worked. Luís Gama had felt the rigors of slavery plored, praising the patriotism of the In 1868 it is named Vida Fluminense, on his own skin, even though he was soldiers at the same time it criticized when Agostini takes up its artistic direc- son of a white Portuguese. As soon as the way of recruiting the volunteers. Ac- tion (a position he has occupied until he conquered his freedom in 1848, he cording to several historians, the Para- 1871). Cândido Aragonês de Faria,24 began to fight for the liberation of the guai War was a very important factor in Luigi Borgomainerio, João Pinheiro black slaves. He was also the oldest in the disintegration of the Empire. Guimarães,25 V. Mola and Antônio the group: at the age of 34 he was a The image of D. Pedro II has always Vale26 have passed through the maga- man with enough social and political been respected during these first years zine. We observe that in these magazines experience to plant in youngsters as – something that wouldn’t continue the contact between the caricaturists is Agostini the seeds of abolitionism and in Agostini’s work in Rio de Janeiro. strongly present. Many of them main- liberalism. There the Emperor would be the tar- tained several artists at work at the same By that time São Paulo was still get of much criticism through jesting time, each one of them held responsible a very small province, without great caricatures. for one part of the illustrations. representation in the national political The editorial line of the Cabrião re- In 1876 Vida Fluminense was named scenery. In the beginning of 1860, São mained abolitionist, liberal and with O Fígaro and, in 1878, recieved the name Paulo had fewer than 30 thousand in- Republican ideas. A Lanterna, ceasing its activities that habitants, less than 50 streets and only same year. one theatre. Its greatest feature was the Years later, Agostini would nostalgi- Law School, with a little more than five cally recall the beginnings of his work In 1872, Agostini went to the Mos- hundred students, but and institution and the colleagues at the Cabrião: quito, which existed between 1869 and that formed men who had great rel- It was with me that Américo de Campos 1877. This criticism and caricature evance in the history of the country. made his debut in the press in 1866 at the il- paper belonged to Manoel Rodrigues Through the Law School halls have lustrated paper Cabrião. We understood each Carneiro Jr., founder of the Gazeta de passed great idealists of the abolition- other immediately. As we both were men of Notícias. The caricaturists Pinheiro ist and the republican causes, as well as firm character and, it could be said, tempered Guimarães, Faria and Bordalo Pinheiro exponents of Brazilian literature. as the finest steel, we’ve undertaken a genre of have also worked there. The Law School was a centre of publication that was then a little known and It’s in this magazine that the first dissemination of new ideas and of the a pretty risky. caricatures by Agostini that com- education of the future government Dr. Antonio Manuel dos Reis, , was also mented on the Exhibition of Fine Arts employees. Names such as Joaquim our companion, and a good person, but quite of the Academy of 1872 were displayed. Nabuco, Aluízio Azevedo, Castro sanctimonious, who finally left the paper after The artists reproduced drawings of the Alves, Rui Barbosa, Fagundes Varela, some heated discussions with me, because I’d been works exhibited followed by comments Prudente de Moraes, Bernardino de painting some priests in the paper and Saint Pe- on the pieces.

RHAA 6 239 Traduções/Translations

In 1876 Angelo Agostini founded with his former student Abigail de An- Jaceguay, Dr. Demerval da Fonseca, Mr. Ro- the Revista Illustrada, which was con- drade, the daughter of an important dolpho Bernardelli, Mr. Zeferino da Costa, Mr. sidered his greatest work and was al- farmer form the region of Vassouras Insley Pacheco, Dr. Álvaro Alvim, Mr. Seixas ready praised by his contemporaries, – redoubt of conservatives and slave Magalhães, Mr. Antonio Andrade, Mr. Ignacio as Joaquim Nabuco, who called it an owners who had been severely attacked Doellinger, Mr. Paula Ney, Mr. Bento Barbosa, abolitionist bible, and even by others, as by Agostini through his magazine. In Mr. Augusto Ribeiro, Mr. Eduardo Agostini, Herman Lima, who conducted a careful Brazil, Abigail gave birth to Angelina all the staff of Revista Illustrada, and still other study about caricaturists in Brazil, and Agostini, after what she would have people, whose names we can’t recall.30 Monteiro Lobato, an important icon in left to Paris, pregnant once again with With Agostini’s departure, the mag- Brazilian literature who compared Ago- an artist’s child. There, a boy named azine lost much of its combativeness stini’s magazine in documental impor- Ângelo would have been born, dying and originality. In 1889, with the ad- tance to the works of Debret and Rug- shortly after, followed by his mother. vent of the so acclaimed Republic, the endas, besides considering the artist the Angelo Agostini remained in Europe magazine becomes partial towards the greatest talent in caricature in Brazil. until 1894, when he came back to Bra- new regime, always acting to applause It is precisely this journal that con- zil, and didn’t return to the Revista Il- the new government without formu- centrates the most part of the criticism lustrada, which has been sold to Luís de lating critical considerations, or often, and the artist’s drawings related to the Andrade28 in November of that same remaining silent. Brazilian artistic phenomena. It is also year. An old collaborator, Andrade had Our artist’s stay in Europe is another the journal that was headed by Agos- taken up the direction of the magazine gap we’re not able to fill in. We might tini for the longest period of time: un- when Agostini left, and remained in suspect that due to the circumstances til 1888 the magazine was of his entire that post until 1898, the last year of in which he left Brazil, he may have responsibility. publication of the journal. made enemies of great influence and, The pages of Revista Illustrada have We don’t have the complete list therefore, it might have been conven- staged major discussions about national of the collaborators of the magazine, ient to stay away for a while. An excerpt issues, of the denunciation of violence but we know that among them were of one of his letters, published at the against black people, of the presenta- – besides Luís de Andrade, mentioned Illustrada seems to corroborate this hy- tion of a new social and political project above – Artur de Miranda, José Ribeiro pothesis: “I don’t know if I will be able for Brazil, based in a liberal republican Dantas Jr. and Pereira Netto, a disciple to come back next winter, but, as soon regime, of changes in the artistic scene, of Agostini who took over the illustra- as possible, I will follow there, anxious of the consolidation of artists, among tion of the magazine after the depar- to meet again all of these good friends several other issues – all of it in the ture of his master. from the difficult times. Besides that, broadest manner possible, facilitated by When Agostini left to Europe, he I miss very much our country – now the didactics of the illustrations. Ac- had a broad circle of friends. This in- twice as free – where I’ve spent the best cording to Werneck Sodré this was one formation comes from a note published days of my life.”31 of the reasons of the great success of by the Revista Illustrada that enlists some Another suspicion is that Agostini the magazine. of these friends who were present on may have employed his stay in Paris to ... Evidently, it wasn’t about providing well the event of his boarding. Among these dedicate himself to painting – an ac- done engravings, or it wasn’t just about that: names are artists, literates, politicians tivity the artist has never abandoned. it was fundamental that they were connected and traders, besides, of course, active When he returned to Brazil, Agostini to national reality, that the audience could see members of the abolitionist movement, took part from 1895 until 1909, almost itself through them, could find what they wanted such as the president of the Abolitionist without interruption, of all of the gen- and what was interesting to them. In a period Confederation João Clapp, among other eral exhibitions of the National School of crescent agitation, when the great issues that less known characters as Seixas Magal- of fine Arts.32 would shake down the regime were surfacing, hães, who kept in his property in Leblon In 1895 he founded the D. Quixote. when essential or important matters were be- a quilombo responsible for the production Would Agostini now feel he was the lone ing discussed, it was required to amplify the of camellias – the symbol flower of the ranger, fighting the invincible windmills influence, not restricting it to the cultivated, abolitionist movement – which even as in Cervantes’ story? His ideals of a 27 29 intellectualized, wealthy element. supplied the imperial palace. Republic weren’t fulfilled, and the abo- By the end of 1888, Agostini would Among these good friends we’ve noticed Dr. lition of slavery didn’t result in much have divorced the Portuguese D. Maria Joaquim Nabuco, Mr. João Clapp, Mr. José do social progress. Facing this new politi- Palha, his first wife, and left to Europe Patrocínio, Dr. Monteiro de Azevedo, Baron of cal setting and after several years away

240 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations from the country, his prestige wasn’t the seen with good eyes by the critic. This ists who have improved themselves, same anymore, but he still believed in is the case, for example, of the Imperial as Henrique Bernardelli and Firmino the power of the press. Academy of Fine Arts (IAFA). Its part- Monteiro. He also advised the artist, The magazine lasted until 1903, but nership with the Imperial government when commenting on a specific work, lacked the same success of the previous would immediately link it to backward- to apply himself to studying more, be- publication. After this enterprise, Ago- ness and injustice – characteristics com- cause this would be the only way to cor- stini would only collaborate with other monly imputed to the government. rect some flaws. That’s the case, for ex- journals, such as O Tico tico, a children’s One of the main reasons that made ample, of the painter Castagnetto, who magazine published between 1905 and Agostini to see backwardness and back- had a work exhibited at Ouvidor Street 1959, founded by Luís Bartolomeu. He lash in the IAFA was, precisely, its con- in 1887 – considered a monarchist re- has also collaborated with O Malho, a nection to the imperial government, doubt at the time –, who, without be- magazine founded in 1902 that would which, according to the critic, besides ing named, received from the critic the last through the first half of the 20th being the great responsible for the hin- following advisement: “Do everything century, ceasing its activities in 1954. drance of the country’s progress, would possible to leave Rio de Janeiro and go In this journal Agostini has published also demand the production of an art to Italy to study. And after studying a his last works, a proof that he already that would advertise for the Empire. great deal, you shall see that you still wasn’t as renowned as the great man of However, it was under this “authoritar- have a lot to learn, but will be painting 35 combat he once was. He also lacked the ian” government that journals like the a hundred times better than today”. space in the press and the recognition Illustrada could exercise their “freedom” Agostini took very firm stances to- of the Republic he had fought for. of criticize and contest the government wards artistic phenomena. In an article The man who had played that most impor- and the Imperial Academy. Wouldn’t we entitled Palestra, the critic comments on tant role, that was a potential individuality in arrive here at a paradox? Or, perhaps, the status of fine arts at the time: solving the national problem of the abolition would the silence of Agostini about con- In all respects, the situation of the artists of the slaves and in the demolishing criticism tradictions like this one reveal a political in Brazil is lamentable. stance of choice and discourse? of the wrongs and shames of the past regimen, The audience, rather unprepared to the has died a poor man, deprived of any official In his art criticism, Angelo Agos- artistic movement, not always give the artists assistance and, on the event of his funeral, not tini put forward many issues raised by the subsidy they’re worthy of, and that are in- even one representative of the Republic authori- Gonzaga Duque, who is regarded as the dispensable for their lives. major Brazilian critic of the 19th century. ties was present, of that same Republic which The State, when spending some, is always Among the frequent statements are the had been the direct consequence of the abolition moved by political spirit and for pledges. [of the slavery]...33 importance of studying in the perfect- ing of the artist and the little favorable There’s a permanent crisis that obligates the conditions met in Brazil. On the fol- artists to abandon their ideals, to travel as ped- Agostini and the Art Criticism lowing excerpt by Gonzaga Duque, dlers and to take care of works for commission 36 The criticism Angelo Agostini made highlighted by Chiarelli in the Intro- instead of works of art. through the caricatures and text shows duction of A arte brasileira, this connec- It’s interesting to observe that the us the great uneasiness of the artist to- tion is clear: “... In a country under the analysis of the situation doesn’t ignore wards the fine arts. His political con- same circumstances in which Brazil is the public sphere, essential for an en- cerns permeate all of his work and give at present, only a long period of studies largement of the art market. Perhaps the tone of his opinions. Something and much meditation can make the art- that’s the reason why Agostini was so that as never been noticed before in ist rise up to his deserved place of giving careful in divulging works of art on the this work by Agostini is, precisely, his him the elements for his independence magazine, in order to make them reach political militancy, his not-exemption. of thought and action”.34 the largest number of people. The way The politics was a constitutive part In Agostini’s statements it’s com- in which Agostini presents his criticism of everything Agostini did. Even tough mon to observe his disillusion with is also a way of educating the gaze and he never assumed an institutional polit- Brazilian artistic environment, which is the opinion of the public. The critic ical position, he expressed through his considered very poor, and his constant teaches them ways to see art. work clear anti-empire and anti-slav- exhortation to the artists to study and He also analyses the role of the gov- ery beliefs. Therefore, the institutions perfect themselves in order to produce ernment, rendered as modest, but the linked to the Empire or that defended independently, away from the Academy. single one, and yet conducted by in- the actions of the government weren’t The critic always mentioned to the art- terests beyond the artistic field. That’s

RHAA 6 241 Traduções/Translations the reason why such a little number of always enforced the idea that an art- of an artist, the one who should be artists could engage themselves in a ists education required a great deal of followed, was for the critic the sculp- promising career. study and, to accomplish that, he rec- tor Rodolpho Bernardelli, who had his As it must be clear at this point, the ommended art centers such as Italy, image associated with true art, with the greatest target of Agostini’s criticism regarding the IAFA a completely in- most sublime production of an artist. was the Academy of Fine Arts and all capable teaching facility. However, if Bernardelli was the “great genius artist” it represented. According to the critic, it it is the study that prepares the artist, for Agostini. was a vicious, corrupt and reactionary how was it possible that there were It’s certain that there was a great institution. Its problems ranged from the some individuals rendered incapable friendship between both of them, what teaching staff, regarded as weak and un- do exercise that job? Would be a “gift” could justify, in part, the promotion of prepared, passing through the teaching be needed in order to be lapidated by the artist’s image. But it’s certainly a methods employed to the organizational studying? How would it be possible, relationship that surpasses the purely and physical structure of the institution. then, to determine who might possess personal sphere, since Bernardelli has such a “gift”? Agostini even claims that anyone who been elected by the critic as an alterna- truly wanted to learn should run away According to the critic, the fine-arts tive to the Academy of Fine Arts, as from the academy or never would man- had already reached such a complicated its greatest counterpoint, an example age to become a real artist. and difficult stage that a wide and radi- endowed with all the virtues of a great cal reformulation would be required. artist. During the period when Agostini Agostini’s criticism, besides target- had been ahead of the Revista Illustrada, ing the academy, also touched the issue ... But it is necessary, indispensable a com- the sculptor had his entire trajectory of the art criticism of that moment, as plete reform, a replacement of the teaching fac- followed and divulged, in images and well as the artists and their produc- ulty; because whenever the students have paint- in text. tion. His opinions vary form a certain ing professors who don’t understand drawing, humor, occasionally permeated by ac- landscape professors that don’t understand na- Until today, however, the sculpture has only ridness and great freedom to mention ture, sculpture professors that have no notion of given signs of life in countries filled with artistic artists and pieces he may or not have art and architecture professors that are retired tradition, where the cultivation of beauty passes liked, besides his great irony. masons, the academic teaching will be forcibly from generation to generation through a phe- harmful, corruptive and fatal to the arts.37 nomenon of hereditariness, where it’s possible to Regarding art criticism, Agostini’s Agostini has also used the pages of say that’s a component of the popular blood. opinion was very severe. According to his Revista Illustrada to call the attention We didn’t know of any young country, disor- him, the criticism was not constructive. to pieces of art and artist he considered ganized, in a thrilling evolution which suddenly, It was made either to unconditionally valuable and talented, creating a coun- as in a bold answer to those that rendered the praise the artists, or, on the contrary, to terpoint to the official artists as Pedro holy art as a monopoly of the ancient nations, destroy the possibilities around them. Américo and, mostly, Victor Meirelles could reach out its arms to Greece or Italy. This In short, it was a criticism without – who was the greatest representative honorable originality belongs to us, so may it measure or limits of good sense. of the official art. Not only Meireles come, at least, to compensate the patriotism of Concerning the works of art, his never had a single note of appraisal by so many disappointments!39 criticism consisted in either appreciat- the critic from the Illustrada, but, on The portrait by Bernardelli was ing them or not; however, he always the contrary, has been the target of the also the one who received the greatest considered the artist’s trajectory in his most caustic comments, as we can see attention among so many others di- evaluation. He usually made a comment in Agostini’s opinion about Meirelles vulged by the magazine. His figure, in on how the artist had made some good project of making a landscape of Rio de the form of a bust, was printed among pieces, but didn’t succeed in that partic- Janeiro. “We make vows, then, that this some of his most expressive works ular case. Or, on the contrary, that the unfortunate and panoramic idea doesn’t until that date (1885): A faceira, Santo artist had made progress and had a great go any further; we can’t sanction with Estevão, Busto em bronze of the doctor future. There were, still, those who had our support a subscription that demands Montenovesi and the Christo e a mulher always been considered great artists and a fabulous amount for the execution of adultera. The lithography takes up the whose every new piece only added to one of the greatest foolishness possible, two central pages of the magazine. their talent, and also those considered and that might only serve to expose us Furthermore, a series of three articles 38 incapable of the artist’s role. to ridiculousness overseas”. bearing the name of the sculptor as Here we face another paradox in As opposed to what is noticed about the title was dedicated to him, besides Agostini’s reflections. The critic has Victor Meirelles, the greatest example many other notes and quotes.

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Although Rodolpho Bernardelli has ied at IAFA, was a student of Zeferino Georg Grimm was remembered been the critic’s most praised and privi- da Costa and Victor Meirelles, among several times by the critic of Illustrada, leged artist, others have also deserved others. He spent some time advancing whether by exhibition’s announce- laudatory notes by the critic, being his studies in Europe, something that ments, by comments on exhibited art among them Firmino Monteiro, Ar- was highly valued by Agostini, who, at pieces or even by the approval of the sênio Silva, Luigi Borgomainerio, Hen- a certain point, said that the artist had artist’s teaching methods, the painting rique Bernardelli and Georg Grimm. great merit in achieving his freedom of landscapes “en plein air”. The quality Borgomainerio was respected by from the precepts of the Academy. The Agostini most valued in Grimm was Angelo Agostini, who recognized in artist took part in a few general exhibi- certainly his activity as a professor. him a master, someone to be followed; tions and was dedicated to the painting Georg Grimm, specialized in land- besides that, the caricaturist, painter of landscapes, historical painting and scapes and founder of the Grimm and drawer had –as well as Agostini painting of genre. In 1882 he had his Group, adopted an innovative posture and his colleague Bordalo Pinheiro – a portrait printed on the first page of the in the teaching of landscapes when he strong anticlerical activity. The work Revista Illustrada. His portrait was made took the students out of the atelier and of these caricaturists was similar in its as a bust with a palette and brushes at his put them to observe nature and paint satiric tone, which they mastered with right and vegetation at the back. “en plein air”. He has also been a profes- great agility. On the same edition of the maga- sor of landscapes at the Academy for a In his História da caricatura no Brasil, zine there’s a text that highlights his short period of time, but sufficient to Herman Lima highlights many quali- work ethics, his great dedication to his win the critic’s support. ties of Borgomainerio, comparing him art, his energy, his confidence and his The prominence of this artist in to Bordalo Pinheiro for his great tech- satisfaction in being an artist. Brazil began in 1882, when more of nical domain of caricature drawing. ... Very much on the contrary of the idle than a hundred of his pieces were ex- “In fact, the Italian caricaturists was habit of the most part of our artists, Mr. hibited at the Society for the Fine Arts distinguished from all others artists of Firmino doesn’t weep for his luck as an artist in Rio de Janeiro (Sociedade Propagadora the genre, who had appeared among us nor complains about the lack of taste of the de Belas Artes). The press reacted in a until that time, not only for the perfec- audience, neither courses the moment he became positive way. According to Carlos Ma- tion and originality of his cartoons,40in ciel Levy: “Even though the landscape a painter... 43 which the lithographic work went side continued a depreciated genre of little by side with the drawing, as in a spe- The temper of the artist was very prestige, it was impossible to ignore cial verve, a satiric tone never seen in valued there. It’s worthy to remember the vigor and the importance of the Brazilian journalism before”.41 that, at that point, he had painted the art work of that German man – so picture Fundação da cidade do Rio de Ja- Borgomainerio has acted in Brazil little known, but of such vibrant and neiro, what is mentioned in the text and for a short period. He arrived here in unexpected qualities for the shy artis- clearly makes reference to Primeira missa 44 1874 to work in the Vida Fluminense tic environment of that time”. by Victor Meirelles. Maybe there is a and eventually passed away in 1876, The Landscape Chair of the Academy questioning about Meirelles work that, already working at the journal O Fí- – whose previous occupant, Leôncio da as mentioned earlier, wasn’t appreciated garo, victim of a yellow fever epidemic Costa Vieira, had prematurely passed by Agostini. – something quite common in Bra- away in September of 1881 – was vacant. zil at the time. The artist had already Arsênio Silva was the introducer Under these circumstances, and facing worked for successful humoristic pa- of the gouache technique, unknown the success accomplished by Grimm, pers in Europe, such as Spirito Folleto or not employed in Brazil until that the press started to draw on the need and Mefistófeles from Naples, Pasquinho moment. This had granted him great of appointing a new professor to the from Turin and Fischieto from Milan. prestige, although later the artist has vacant chair, and who would be a better He had an excellent control over the died, almost forgotten. candidate than Grimm? Although the drawing technique and has even been It’s precisely on the year of his death Academy had opposed to his hiring, it compared to Gavarni42 by the Gazeta that the photographer Insley Pacheco has eventually happened – according to de Notícias, such was the recognition of promoted an exhibition of Arsênio’s Levy, as an imposition of the Ministry his work by the press. artwork, an occasion in which the critic of Business of the Empire. Agostini has observed and recognized of the Illustrada rendered him homage Henrique Bernardelli had his talent Firmino Monteiro’s trajectory. Monteiro and recognized the initiative of Pa- recognized by Agostini and, besides that, was born in Rio de Janeiro in 1855, stud- checo’s work. was the center of one of the greatest dis-

RHAA 6 243 Traduções/Translations cussions of the criticism of the 19th cen- ...- with a sense of popularization of the tury, between Gonzaga Duque Estrada If the illustrious critic had the trouble to art pieces, since the memorization of a and Angelo Agostini. At first, Agostini think, he would see that the figures and the cartoon, for its comical effect, is easier dissatisfactions towards the critics as a landscapes made en plein air can’t avoid par- than remembering an art piece. In the hole, which wouldn’t have acknowledged ticipating in the blue of the sky: since it is blue, same way, the caricaturist may be able Henrique’s talent and, as a consequence, all the parts that are not illuminated by the to interpret the meaning of the popular his exhibition wouldn’t have reached its sun shall be inevitably blue, especially in the appreciation of the art works. deserved success. Agostini claimed that most distant plans.46 Angelo Agostini has also created his Brazilian criticism wasn’t capable of rec- Angelo Agostini has also praised, own “caricature salons”. Some of its ognizing a great artist. The critics would commented and criticized several other characteristics, as its form, its humor, have said that Henrique was a “hope”, a its drawing and subtitles are similar artists in their caricature salons, an ar- term with which Agostini has disagreed. to the French genre, but Agostini had tistic genre very developed in France, How would it be possible that Henrique, his own singularities. The identifica- or better, a Parisian peculiarity, whose who took care of his formation in Italy, tion of the names of the artist and the origins are in the 18th century. At that who had a good production, could rep- piece of work is the trade mark of his time some publications employed irony resent only a “hope”? He was already production, in contrast to the French and humor rather than serious criticism a consolidated artist. Thus, when the case, where the names were rarely to comment on the art works exhibited article signed by Alfredo Palheta at A present. His comments had to be di- in the official Parisian salons. At the Semana questions technical issues in the rectly addressed to the authors, after painting by Henrique Bernardelli, Ago- beginning, little illustration has been all, the critic aimed to either establish stini, under the pseudonym X, responds used. “Il s’agit lá d’un genre, en effet, a dialogue with them, or to reach their with harsh words: “But we couldn’t let d’une formule spéciale de compte rendu greatest target: the official institution 47 through so much nonsense and pedanti- humoristique par l’image...” and its production. cism on the part of an individual who These caricature salons have been His caricature tracings lacked the has the petulance of whishing to pass published on the pages of contempo- agility and the simplification of the for a specialist to the eyes of the audi- rary journals or in single albums. Since tracings observed in some French ence, when, in fact, he is nothing but the decade of 1840 they’ve started to journals specialized on this technique. 45 an ignorant”. gain strength. “D’une maniere géné- Even though there are differences be- Agostini contests the technical is- rale, dans en plupart des journaux à tween his work and the work done by sues on the writings of A. Palheta, re- caricatures ou tout simplement à im- the French caricaturists, it’s not neces- futing every observation. As an artist, ages, le salon, textuel ou imagé, est en- sary to consider these differences in a Agostini certainly judged himself to be cadré, pris entre l’autres épisodes de la hierarchical scale that evaluates one in more qualified to make references of vie sociale et culturel”.48 detriment of the other. To reflect on this kind, while Duque Estrada lacked Thus, it’s possible to observe that Agostini’s work allows us to find traces an artistic background and, therefore, these salons are full of reference to of a memory that criticized the politi- competent to make such considera- that society and to its debates. The cal, artistic and social system of Brazil tions. To illustrate this, we reproduce ideas circulated with the images. For during the Second Empire. Therefore, below an excerpt of the critic, being an observer of our times some of these this opens another possibility of con- the first sentence by A. Palheta and the details may pass unnoticed, since it’s frontation of documents and discourses comment by Agostini. difficult to have access to all of the – an essential activity of the historiog- I also notice the excessive use of blue tones codes of a specific society, in a deter- rapher’s work. and violet shadows, already in the figures and mined time and place. However, the also in the landscapes. caricature salons have contributed English version: Daniela Ferreira Araújo Silva

1 Joaquim Nabuco, son of a slave owning fam- politics, and fought for abolition of slavery 2 O Paiz, Rio de Janeiro, 10th of October, 1888, ily, was born in Recife in 1849. From the side by side with José do Patrocínio, Joaquim p. 1. Free translation. beginning, his contact with slavery would Serra and André Rebouças. Although he had 3 Free translation. By the “institution that ‘fortu- have gained his sympathy for the abolition- always remained a monarchist, he acted in nately prevails’ ” the author means the slavery. ist cause. He studied Law in Recife and São the Republic as a diplomat. Nabuco believed O Malho, Rio de Janeiro, year IX, n. 385, Janu- Paulo, and was colleague of Rui Barbosa that slavery was the greatest hindrance in the ary of 1910. and Castro Alves. He followed a career in progress of Brazil. 4 Gazeta Artística, São Paulo, 30th of January of 1910.

244 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

5 Revista Illustrada, Rio de Janeiro, 1876, year I, Daniel Ribeiro in 1988. The interview is in- 23 Flumen Junius, as he was named by Semana n.06. p.2 cluded in the interwier’s master’s thesis as an Ilustrada, besides being a caricaturist, wrote 6 Luigi Borgomainerio was an Italian painter, Appendix: RIBEIRO, Marcus Tadeu Daniel. prose and poetry. His name was Ernesto Au- drawer and caricaturist, who came to Brazil in Revista Illustrada (1876-1898) – “Síntese de uma gusto de Sousa Silva e Rio. He has collabo- 1874, after a short period in Argentina. Being época”. Rio de Janeiro: December of 1988, rated with O Mosquito, Vida Fluminense, Semana an artist very renowned in Italy, he took part UFRJ. Mariana passed away in Brasília in Ilustrada, among others. He was a respected in successful humoristic papers in Europe, as 2002. caricaturist at his time. He passed away in Rio Spirito Foletto. In Brazil, he has worked at the 15 O Cabrião, São Paulo, 1866, n. 13, p. 102. Au- de Janeiro in 1905. Vida Fluminense and, later, at O Fígaro, until thor’s emphasis. 24 Cândido Aragonês de Faria was a brazilian he passed away in 1876, due to the epidemic 16 Sizenando Barreto Nabuco de Araújo was caricaturist. Founder and owner of O Mosquito, of yellow fever that year. On the event of his born in Recife in July 16th of 1842, and died in he also collaborated with O Diabrete, Vida Flu- death, the press, including the Revista Illustrada, March 11th of 1892, in Rio de Janeiro. He was minense, O Zigue-Zague, Pacotilha, Mefistófeles, Gan- paid him several homages. He was known for son of the counselor José Tomas Nabuco de ganelli, O Fígaro and Mequetrefe. It’s important to his intense anticlerical activity, as were his col- Araújo. He graduated from the Law School of note that, according to Herman Lima, Faria leagues Agostini, Bordalo Pinheiro e Faria. São Paulo in 1860. He was a Theater enthusi- would have been one of the few caricaturists His art was very original, of great perfection that were not influenced by Agostini. He died ast, wrote plays, was a deputy in the Provincial and with a satiric tone. He has been renowned in France. Assembly, and general deputy representing the and respected in his time. 25 Province of Pernambuco. He also exercised He was one of the firs caricaturists of the Rafael Augusto Bordalo Pinheiro was a Por- the function of public prosecutor. press. He started his career at the Semana Il- tuguese caricaturist of renowned talent, who ustrada in 1863, then worked in the journals 17 Américo Brasílio de Campos, son of Ber- has illustrated in Brazil between 1875 and O Bazar Volante, Vida Fluminense, O Mundo da nardino José de Campos, was born in Bra- 1879. His style, irreverence and satiric acrid- Lua, among others. His drawings were clear gança, SP, in August 12th of 1835. He gradu- ness granted him great success. He criticized and easily assimilated. It seems his career has ated in Social and Juridical Sciences in the Law the clergy, politics and habits. He began his ended at the Vida Fluminense. School of São Paulo. He has worked at the collaboration in Brazil at O Mosquito. Bordalo 26 Correio Paulistano, São Paulo, 1867-1874, at A Antônio Alves do Vale de Sousa Pinto was has illustrated an entertaining volume about Província, also in São Paulo, printed between born in 1846, in Portugal, and came to Brazil the voyage of D. Pedro II to Europe – who 1875 and 1883, together with Francisco Rangel in 1859. He did landscapes, portraits, draw- remained one of his favorite characters. He Pestana. He was a defender of the liberalism ings, caricatures and lithography. He was a possessed great love for the Theater, due to his and of the liberation of the slaves. brother of the Portuguese painter José Júlio youth aspiration to be an actor. Therefore, this Sousa Pinto. He worked at O Lobisomem, Vida 18 Son of Alexandre Antônio dos Santos, kind of art has always found its space on his Fluminense and Mequetrefe. He had great influ- Antônio Manuel dos Reis was born in São works. As a result of his clear, straight-forward ence of Agostini’s style. and direct activity, he made several enemies, Paulo in 1840. He graduated in Social and 27 SODRÉ, Nelson Werneck. História da Imprensa having suffered two attempts against his life in Juridical Sciences in the Law School of São no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, Rio de Janeiro. He also entailed a long debate Paulo in 1862. He was a catholic, with connec- 1966, p. 255. with Agostini, which was displayed through tions with the Church. He worked for Brasil many pages in the press. Finding himself in Católico and for the Apóstolo. 28 Luís de Andrade was born in Pernambuco, a difficult situation in Brazil, he decided to 19 Cabrião: weekly humoristic publication, edited in November 20th of 1849. He has studied in return to Portugal to continue with his artis- by Angelo Agostini, Américo de Campos and Portugal, but never finished his superior edu- tic work there. He was also a ceramist. The Antônio Manuel dos Reis; 1866-1867 / In- cation. He started his work at the Portuguese Brazilian papers in which he has worked were troduction by Délio Freire dos Santos. 2. ed. press with Bordalo Pinheiro, at the journal Berlinda, Lanterna Magica, Psit, O Besouro. Revised and complemented. São Paulo: Ed. Lanterna Mágica. Andrade was also one of the permanent writers of the Revista Illustrada, un- 7 CAVALCANTI, C. & AYALA, W. (Coord.) Unesp, Imprensa Oficial do Estado, 2000. der the pseudonym of Julio Verim. Dicionário brasileiro de artistas plásticos. 4 v. Rio 20 D. Quixote, Rio de Janeiro, 1900, year VI, n. 113. de Janeiro / Brasília: Instituto Nacional do 29 Information presented in the article by 21 A French artist based in Brazil and thought at Livro, 1973-1980. SILVA, Eduardo. “Camélias da Abolição: as wealthy families’ homes to initiate their chil- flores subversivas do quilombo do Leblon”. 8 VELHO SOBRINHO, João Francisco. Di- dren in the appreciation of Arts. He also did Nossa História. Rio de Janeiro, year I, n. 07, cionário bio-bibliográfico brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro: portraits, landscapes and illustrations, besides May of 2004, p.26-31. [s.n.], 1937. caricatures. He associated political caricature 30 Revista Illustrada. Rio de Janeiro,1888, year 9 CAGNIN, Antonio Luiz. “Agostini, Quadrin- to social caricature in the style of Henrique XIII, n. 518, p. 2. hos Comics Fumetti”. In: R. Italianística, year III, Fleiuss. He has collaborated with Bazar Vol- n. 3, p. 29-55, 1995. ante (1863-67), Ba-ta-clan (1867-68), Mequetrefe 31 Revista Illustrada. Rio de Janeiro,1889, year XIV, n. 573. 10 MELLO E SOUZA, Antonio Candido. Lit- (1875) and O Fígaro (1876). His drawings were eratura e sociedade. São Paulo: T. A. Queiroz; blunt and rough, but had a great satiric tone. 32 In 1898, Agostini took part in the Exposição Publifolha, 2000 (Grandes nomes do pensa- According to Herman Lima, he was one of Geral (General Exhibition) with ten paintings mento brasileiro). p.153 the first to do humoristic parody, followed by and in 1901, with the work Aurora – in exhibi- Agostini. He died in Rio de Janeiro between tion today in the Casa de Cultura Laura Alvim 11 O Cabrião, São Paulo, 1866, n. 2, p. 11. 1879 and 1880. in Rio de Janeiro. In 1904, he has exhibited 12 Idem, n. 3, p. 22. 22 He was a caricaturist whose identity is yet three of his works and in 1907 and 1908, with 13 Idem, ibidem, p.23 to be determined. His work showed strong one work each year. 14 Mariana Alvim, daughter of Laura e Álvaro French influences. He worked at O Arlequim From what we could verify in the catalogues of Alvim, granted an interview to Marcus Tadeu and at the Vida Fluminense. the National Museum of Fine Arts (MNBA),

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the artist never presented the same work twice 33 O Malho, Rio de Janeiro, year IX, n. 385, Janu- French caricaturist and lithographer of the 19th in none of these exhibitions – what gets us ary of 1910 (text published on the event of century, who worked at the Charivari. He was closer to the hypothesis that at the end of his Agostini’s death). also an aquarellist and an illustrator of books. life he has dedicated himself more to paint- 34 DUQUE ESTRADA, Luiz Gonzaga. A arte He lived in London between 1847 and 1851 ing. Brasileira. Introduction and notes by Tadeu where, touched by the miserable life conditions At the Casa de Cultura Laura Alvim, we have Chiarelli. Campinas (SP): Mercado das Let- of the poor classes, he employed his talent to call the attention to the social problems. found eight canvases attributed to Ângelo ras, 1995, p. 29. 43 Agostini. Only four of them are in exposition, 35 Revista Illustrada, Rio de Janeiro, 1887, year Revista Illustrada, Rio de Janeiro, 1882, year and only two of the later are signed. XII, n. 459, p. 6 e 7. VII, n. 297, p. 2. 44 Unfortunately, some of the canvases are in a 36 Ibid., p. 2. LEVY, Carlo Roberto Maciel. O Grupo Grimm: paisagismo brasileiro no século XIX. Rio de Ja- desolate condition, and it’s almost impossible 37 Revista Illustrada, Rio de Janeiro, 1879, year neiro: Pinakotheke, 1980, p.25. to identify what has been painted. Further- IV, n. 187, p. 2. more, the paintings are not maintained un- 45 Revista Illustrada, Rio de Janeiro, 1886, year 38 der adequate storage conditions, what impairs Ibid., 1885, year X, n. 419, p. 3. XI, n. 444, p.3 e 6. 39 even more their state of conservation. Ibid., 1885, year X, n.420, p. 2. 46 Ibid., p. 3 e 6. 40 The institution lacks registries of origin of the Note of the translator: The original article fea- 47 CHADEFAUX, Marie-Claude. “Le Salon car- paintings, as well as dates, titles or any other ture the word “charges”, which in Portuguese icatural de 1846 et les autres salons caricatu- information besides the size and the descrip- may refer either to gag cartoons or to political raux”. In: La Gazette des Beaux-Arts, March, tion of the paintings. (or editorial) cartoons. 1968, p. 161. 41 It’s deplorable that these works are left forsaken, LIMA, Herman. História da Caricatura no Brasil. 48 CHABANNE, Thierry. Les salons caricaturaux. without the chance of being known, identi- Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio Ed., 1963. 3 vol. Les dossiers du Musée D’Orsay. Paris: Édi- fied and studied, completely abandoned by our p.872 tions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, competent political institutions. 42 Guillaume Sulpice Chevalier (1804-1866), was a 1990, p. 8.

The formation of the sculptor artists tried to renovate art in the coun- the relief Priamus begging for Hector’s body Rodolfo Bernardelli in Italy try by trying to break away from some (Príamo implorando o corpo de Hei- (1877-1885): an analysis of his canons of academic tradition. The un- tor). Between 1877 and 1885, he was derstanding both of this questioning sojourner in the Academy of Rome. In trajectory from primary sources. and of the new propositions made then, this period, the artist studied with the Maria do Carmo Couto da Silva will allow us to better know the char- sculptor Giulio Monteverde (1837-1917) acteristics of Brazilian art production, and got acquainted with Achille D’Orsi PhD student of History of Art, IFCH/Unicamp related to AIBA, during the end of the (1845-1922) and Eugenio Maccagnani 19th century. We will also understand (1852-1930), among others. its possibilities of change and rupture. The trajectory of Rodolfo Ber- This article is the result of a research Bernardelli entered the Academy nardelli, in this period, was recov- about the formation of the sculptor Ro- in 1870. He had as professor of sculp- ered through the analysis of primary dolfo Bernardelli (Guadalajara, Mexico, ture Francisco Manoel Chaves Pin- sources, data that, for its most part, had 1852 - Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1931), made heiro (1822-1884). In 1874, Bernardelli remained not studied. This analysis let during the production of our masters naturalized Brazilian. He received a us form a novel vision about his Italian dissertation in the Instituto de Filosofia prize in The International Exposi- experience.3 A specially relevant fac- e Ciências Humanas from the Univer- tion of Philadelphia, in 1876, with the tor used during our masters research, sidade Estadual de Campinas (Institute sculptures Missing the tribe (Saudades that helped immensely our work, is of Philosophy and Human Sciences of da tribo) (1874) and Prying (À espreita) the existence of a group of letters4, the Campinas State University), com- (1875), both related to the Indianist official documents and manuscripts pleted in 2005.1 Bernardelli, along the theme. Still in 1876, he received the from Bernardelli himself. With these painters Rodolfo Amoedo (1857-1941) First Gold Medal in the 24th General it was possible, for instance, to better and Henrique Bernardelli (1858-1936), Exposition of Fine Arts with Davi, win- understand the elaboration process of belongs to a generation of students of ner over Golias (Davi, vencedor de Go- what is considered Bernardelli’s main the Academia Imperial de Belas Artes lias) (1873), a piece of work “within piece of work in this period: Christ and - AIBA (Imperial Academy of Arts), the Classical spirit which dominated the adulterous woman (Cristo e a mulher located in Rio de Janeiro. During the the Academy”.2 He also received the adúltera) (1881-1884) (Fig. 1). As our re- decades of the 1870’s and 1880’s, these Prize of Foreign Trip from AIBA, with search has shown, this piece represents

246 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations the first monumental marble group to expressed in his physiognomy, and in all the tor Giovanni Duprè (1817-1882). Celita enter the Academy collection, and it fibers of his still young body. In this supreme Vaccani emphasizes that the artist had represented a great investment made trance he rolls his eyes to heaven, with a gaze known foreign pieces of work, in this by the Institute for Bernardelli’s for- surpassed by the most excruciated agony, and period, through newspapers and maga- mation. This is so not only because of the physical pain, and the (unreadable) hope zines.7 Abel was a work made by Duprè the material itself which was used, but of glory, which is drawn, is rare perfection, all in the beginnings of his career, and was also because the artist’s sojourn abroad over this statue, from the disheveled hair in his derived from his studies with Lorenzo was extended. Similarly, we could ana- head to the contracted toes of his feet. This ex- Bartolini (1777-1850). Its a natural size lyze, through the survey of the texts pression, way too realistic, here substitutes that statue, that renowned Duprè with the published then, the reception of the ascetic sentiment which should prevail in the title of “verism pioneer”, even though, works made in Italy, when they were Christian martyrs souls and, specially in the later in his production, this tendency exhibited in the artist’s first personal Saint’s, chosen by the sojourner because he was became softer. According to Jason8, show, at AIBA, in 1885. the first to shed his blood as Christ’s confessor. what shocked and fascinated the audi- Before he made Christ and the In the Section of Sculptor’s opinion this is the ence about this work was the artist’s adulterous woman, Bernardelli had natural and almost unavoidable result of the carelessness, he did not dissimulate the produced, in Italy, two other religious sojourner’s attachment to the Realist School. anatomical consequences of death in the related works: the bas-relief Fabiola This school is not accepted by the actual Con- character’s physiognomy, that showed (Fabíola) (1878) (Fig. 2) and the sculp- gregation of the Academia Imperial de Belas empty eyes and an open mouth. It is ture Saint Stephen (Santo Estevão) (1879) Artes, because it is the faithful guardian of the not a simple image of the dead Abel, for (Fig. 3). In Coquettish (Faceira) (1880) good Classical Arts tradition, which was given the author represented, there, a corpse 5 (Fig. 4) he returned to the national- to it by its talented founders. abandoned in the desert. Through the istic theme, the Indianist subject, but The Coquettish sculpture is de- figure of Achilles, in Bernardelli’s relief, presented it using a new formal treat- scribed in the same document and it is possible to perceive that the sculptor, ment. Besides, in Italy the artist made constitutes the most praised piece by even before he traveled to Europe, had a series of busts, when he made repre- the professors. Nevertheless, in our already as reference a polemic statue, due 9 sentations of well known people, for view, its good acceptance is due to the to its strong naturalism. instance Czech (Checa) (1877) or Monten- fact that it was considered a gender In a manuscript from 1877, Ber- ovesi (Montenovesi) (c. 1882), where he sculpture, where greater innovations nardelli defined his contact with Re- displayed great technical control. were allowed. Despite the restrictions, alism: Among other documents, the sen- the woman’s naturalistic body and its Having I just introduced myself to the tences passed by the professors of AIBA provocative posture were noted, as is study of sculptor art, although I had obtained turned out to be essential sources for possible to conclude from the reading a bronze medal in the Universal Exhibition the understanding of how Bernardelli’s of the document: of Philadelphia, I found this art in a latent Italian works were received in the Insti- This statue of natural grandeur is a very state of transition, since the Romantic School tute. For instance, in the sentence passed beautiful woman figure of the American race, was almost dead, Realism was beginning its by the Sculptor Section, presented in a lubricous and provocative. The movement is domination over the new spirits. A year be- Congregation session of 11/9/1882, in gracious, the proportions were well observed, fore, the greatest sculptor so far had passed the part regarding the sculpture Saint the modeling was done with knowledge. This away, Carpeaux. Regarding artistic sculpture Stephen, we can perceive the Academy statue belongs, due to its subject, to the Gen- evolution there was almost nothing going on. disapproval of the saint’s too realistic ex- der Sculpture, and so the Realist School which Realism had as its program the attentive study pression. But at the same time, through the sojourner has adopted, here, is admissible, of nature and life. The Romantic theory, with the extremely detailed manner in which nevertheless, if the peregrine talent that has the fall of the Empire (in) 1870 was fading the piece is described in this official doc- conceived and made it, with so much courage, away, Zola succeeded Balzac and he was the ument, we come to the conclusion that had focused on the Idealist School, it could have first to start Realist Art.10 6 the professors realized that the piece was produced a master piece. The artist mentioned Carpeaux very well made, in a way that it passed on Rodolfo Bernardelli, possibly, already (1827-75), the important French sculp- sentiments through the way the saint’s left Brazil with some knowledge of Real- tor that had caused polemics with two body was represented: ism. In the relief which granted him the works from de 1860’s: Ugolino and his The protomartyr of Jesus Christ’s religion is “trip prize” he may have found inspi- sons and, mainly, the group The dance, moribund, the excessively hard pains inflicted ration, for its main figure, in the work made for the Opera of Paris. We do on him through the martyrdom is perfectly Dead Abel (1842), from the Tuscan sculp- not know, for sure, what did Bernardelli

RHAA 6 247 Traduções/Translations know about Carpeaux, but, with cer- critics of professors and colleagues re- I do not understand why he declares himself tainty, he already had heard of his po- garding this option. In a letter addressed to be my enemy now! I have never done any- lemic works. We believe that, besides to Maximiano Mafra, Bernardelli com- thing to him (…..) I will always remember the sculpture- Tarcisius Martyr Chretien ments that his school had attracted to him as my first master. As to him finding (1868), from Falguière (1831-1900), him antipathy and that his works had everything I do as bad is his right, the artist Bernardelli could have found inspira- been compared, by some students in the is, unfortunately, open to this, and should not tion for his Saint Stephen sculpture in Academy, to “cast puppets, like the ones get surprised, nor try to persuade himself that Carpeaux’s figure of one of the young the Italians sell on the streets”.13 what he does is all good. The continuous and Ugolino’s sons. Nevertheless, the ex- From what we were able to perceive, conscientious work kills and throws down all acerbated Realism that characterized Bernardelli had a quarrel with his sculp- the obstacles, I will get there, if God helps me, Italian Art, in those years, surprised ture professor, Chaves Pinheiro, in the certainly it will not be Mr. Chaves who will 18 the young artist when he arrived: very first years in Rome, most probably take away from me what should be mine. I visited the B (unreadable) Academy, the due to the Realist tendency that he had However, it is possible to notice that modern works, and I got disillusioned with been presenting in his works. But the in minor works, which were not part of myself due to my ignorance of the psychological young sculptor had the support of the the sojourner duty, Bernardelli would aspect of the artistic movement. The sculptures, Emperor. In a letter addressed to the present more freedom in his execution. then, tried their best to imitate the natural Count of Gobineau, Peter II wrote en- In some busts, made in the following form, I saw some heads of old women laughing, quiring about an artist “born in Brazil, years, for instance in the portrait of with all the sores of the old skin, the only thing but from Italian family, that studies in the painter Modesto Brocos (1883), the missing was that they had hair implants, I did the ‘atelier’ of the sculptor Monteverde. sculptor reveals formal proximity with not like it and I told Prof. P. Amº (Pedro I believe him to be very talented”.14 The some portraits of Vincenzo Gemito, for Américo) so, who told me that this was the Count, that was in Rome in 1878, an- example Michetti’s portrait (1873). Another Modern School.11 swered the monarch: “I got informed of Bernardelli’s work, Head of Capri is- In Italy, Bernardelli got acquainted about the young sculptor Bernardelli, of land’s villager, without date, reminds us with sculptors and painters that made whom your majesty talks about. I saw in some aspects of Neapolitan sculpture works of art with a very innovator char- his home a big bas-relief which is being of those years. In this work, the art- acter. This relationship can be perceived made for the Academy in Rio: the mar- ist keeps a dialogue with Head of Sailor in the pieces that he makes in that period tyrdom of Saint Sebastian. There is a lot (c.1878), from Achille D’Orsi. Lamberti and, also, in his later Brazilian produc- of talent in the work and Mr. Bernardelli points out19 that D’Orsi’s sculpture cor- tion. In a letter dating from 1929, already showed himself to be a hard working responds to the taste for the sketch, re- a senior man, he regrets the death of man with a very distinct spirit”.15 Pe- lated to Verism, of a close relationship some artists he met in Italy, possibly ter II, then, thanked him for the news between folklore research and scientific during his Italian sojourn: (….) there, “about little Bernardelli”.16 This situa- classification. The junction of pictur- in Italy, several friends of mine, as old tion can also be seen in the report of the esque and the faithful documentation of as I, have left. That’s how it goes, one painter José de Medeiros (1849-1926), uses and types of the Neapolitan world leaves and others come, these that left, in a letter addressed to Henrique Ber- became a commercial hit in this period. however, were very prominent: Gemito, nardelli, from 6/20/1881. In the letter, Lamberti alerts for D’Orsi’s careful por- D’Orsi and Michetti, and will not be re- Medeiros comments that Chaves Pin- trait of the bonnet, the earrings and the placed any sooner, most probably only heiro had just made a “puppet”, with apotropaic medal of the character. We by the Futurists.12 In this document, the name of Saint Sebastian. According can find a similar reference in the paint- we can see how relevant, it was to him, to Medeiros, Peter II, while visiting the ings of Francesco Paolo Michetti (1851- the production of those Italian artists, Academy, turning himself toward Ro- 1929) and in sculptures by Gemito. Later Vincenzo Gemito (1852-1929), Achille dolfo Bernardelli’s work, had said: “The works of Rodolfo Bernardelli, made D’Orsi (1845-1929) and Francesco Paolo eyes of this one, this one has life inside in Brazil, for instance Baiana (Baiana) Michetti (1815-1929), in comparison with it, that other one is dead”. Medeiros (c.1886)20, where he depicted common the works of the Italian vanguard. goes on: “My colleague Chaves Pinheiro people, probably represented a renova- Nevertheless, the choice for the Real- almost set the Academy on fire”.17 The tion in the country’s gender sculptor, ist School was not an easy one for the quarrels with Professor Chaves Pinheiro and they can also indicate a taste for artist. In the sentences passed by the go on while Christ and the adulterous woman this kind of sculpture. Academy, and even in his personal corre- was being made. About this, Bernardelli On the bust The artist’s employee in spondence, we observe, many times, the wrote, in 1882: Rome (O empregado do artista em

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Roma) (1881), Bernardelli shows inter- figure in the artist’s production, present drawings, we can see that Bernardelli est in the representation of Ancient in tomb pieces and small statuettes. studied the position of the hair around Rome’s characters, getting closer, by The cast sketch of the piece also Christ’s face. Regarding the mantle, this, to the works Achille D’Orsi made belongs to the collection of the Mu- which appears in one of the selected in the end of the 1870’s. seu Nacional de Belas Artes, in Rio drawings, it is possible to perceive that Some of the pieces made by Ber- de Janeiro, and was approved by the the artist was concerned with working nardelli in his Italian sojourn were Congregation of Professors of AIBA, the right texture of the tissue and the sold by the artist himself, after they in 1882. In the cast, the artist had not draping of the mantle. had been displayed in local shows, as yet projected the realistic effect of the Regarding the formal models used a way of complementing the money mantle, one of the recognized qualities for the sculpture Christ and the adulterous sent by AIBA, which he shared with of this sculpture. In a letter to Maximi- woman, one of them could have been his brother Henrique. This is seen in a ano Mafra, Bernardelli affirms that he a engraving about the same subject, a letter of 8/21/1881: still would have to make many changes, Bible illustration done by Gustave Doré In the Popolo Exhibition, which takes place that Christ’s tunic will not be that same (1832-1883) [Fig. 5]. As it is pointed annually, I displayed two terracotta heads, one, “at least [I] was promised, after I out by Luciano Migliaccio, at the sketch from which I believe I sent you some pictures, had finished the work, to be sent a real made for the painting Christ in Cafarnaum they are named Furba and Gigetto.…. all the tunic, that is, a Hebrew one, which, If (Cristo em Cafarnaum), by Rodolfo newspapers cited (them) as among the best, and I am not mistaken does not have such Amoedo, at the Pinacoteca do Estado 23 some wrote things, the best for me, was to sell large sleeves, like the one I made”. de São Paulo, the figure of a “static and them, I am obliged to do so, I have to sell Christ’s head also changes enormously. furious Christ, circled by a light halo”26 because AIBA’s money is not enough, as you In the beginning, it had been portrayed goes back to Doré’s Bible illustrations. very well know, we are two....21 wearing a skullcap, with both hair and Knowing the affinities between the beard molded in a different way. On two artists, we believe that both could In another letter to João Maximiano the other hand, the adulterous charac- Mafra, Bernardelli writes: “I have [an have used a similar source. Migliaccio ter is the one closest to its final result, also points out that, in the picture, we idea of making] a small group, which I with only some small differences, like intend to send to the next Salon, what have a “reading of Christ’s life done the woman’s dorsum, which is partially by Renan, who renovates Domenico holds me back is the question of time, dressed up in the cast, whereas in the it would otherwise be an actual sub- Morelli’s religious iconography in Italy, marble piece it appears nude. Also her in those years”.27 Thus, we would have ject (name of the work is unreadable) legs, covered in the cast, can be seen 22 another point of contact between the something to sell”. We can conclude in between the open parts of her dress that, regarding those small sized works, sculptor and the painting, the use of in the marble piece. In this way, the Renan’s writings. There are many for- the artist would choose contemporary character gains sensuality. themes, making, most probably, gender mal similarities between Doré’s engrav- This sculpture began to be produced statuettes, which were easier to sell. It ing, regarding this Bible passage, and around March, 1883, when the marble is important to notice that Bernardelli Bernardelli’s sculpture: in Christ’s at- began to be roughed-hew by three tried to mingle with the Roman artistic titude, who protects, with his body, the stonemasons, who worked every day.24 atmosphere. Since 1877, he belonged to adulterous woman; in the long mantle In July, the sculpture had not been con- the International Artistic Association of that falls up to his feet; and also, in the cluded yet, being that, according to the Rome and he tried to send pieces for way the woman, recoiled behind Christ, artist, “there were huge difficulties to the annual shows of the city. Some of protects herself with her arms held in be conquered”.25 Most probably, it be- these works, as he himself reports in the front of her. According to the biblical gan to be made by Bernardelli from the quoted fragment, were commented in a text, Jesus, while was being enquired, second semester of 1883 onwards. positive manner in the local newspapers. wrote in the ground using his finger. In the many drawings that the art- This inscription appears in the engrav- ist made, while studying the image of ing, and also can be seen at the base of The marble execution of Christ and Christ, we can perceive a special care the sculpture, in Hebrew. In a similar the adulterous woman (1881-1884) towards the anatomy and, also, towards way, on the marble pedestal, worked in The piece Christ and the adulterous precision of movements of both arms geometric shapes, we can propose a ref- woman was made by Rodolfo Bernardelli and legs. The study of the character, erence to the column which can be seen in Rome, between 1881 and 1884. From initially nude, and then, dressed up, was in the back, in the engraving. One thing this work on, Christ became a recurrent made in different positions. In some to be noted, otherwise, is that each piece

RHAA 6 249 Traduções/Translations differs from the other regarding the ex- the figure’s position which, standing izing theme, allied to the realism in the pressiveness of the characters. Christ’s up, holds with one hand an oil lamp representation of the bodies. extended arm, in the sculpture, with his and with the other inclines himself to- In a similar way, by the use of the open hand in front of him, is closer to a wards her in a gesture of supplication. inscriptions and, essentially, through the preaching gesture, and that makes him The critic Vincenzo Marchese points production of the base in the sculpture, a more emphatic figure. On the other out the Monteverde’s fortunate choice Bernardelli keeps on a dialogue with hand, the adulterous woman posture, when he chose to expose the evangeli- some of Achille D’Orsi’s pieces. In the with her face facing down and being cal concept using but two figures. That representation of an arid floor, contrast- held by one of her hands, gives us the allowed him to clearly show the moral ing with the softness of the characters impression of a much more inner atti- sense of the work through the contrast flesh or with the texture of the tissues, tude, if compared to the one presented of the bodies: the Judicious Virgin, no- the artist keeps an affinity with the Nea- in the engraving. ble and delicate, and the Fool Virgin, politan sculptor. For instance, with Re- According to Millicent Rose28, the massive and plebeian. ligion at the desert (1872) or with Proximus Bible edition illustrated by Doré gained The body of the Fool Virgin shows Tuus (1880). The base is incorporated success in the 1860’s, because it was evident naturalistic accents, and also to the rest of the scene, amplifying the the work of a single artist. According a sense of earthly life. It is also said, realistic effect of the composition. to this researcher, Doré’s engravings talking about her, that the artist over- It is important to observe that, in the pleased a large public, because, besides did himself, because the biblical text Turin Exhibition of 1880, the Italian not following the traditional iconogra- describes her as inadvertent, but not sculptor Ettore Ximenes (1855-1926), phy of the subject, in them, he tried to lascivious or regretful. Going on with admirer of the works of art made by transmit a unique realism to the sacred this analysis, Marchese asks if the artist Domenico Morelli and D’Orsi, pre- story. As Rose points out, for instance, would have tried to express the easi- sented a sculpture with the name Christ when Doré drew the story of Israel in ness with which an imprudent soul can and the adulterous woman. Rodolfo Ber- Egypt, he did it based on the Egyptian sin when it is deprived of the light of nardelli, probably, must have visited collection in the Louvre. He used both reason. For the researcher, this teach- this exhibition because, as it was possible modern archaeological knowledge and ing can be similar to that old one, of to perceive, the artist had the concern psychological realism, depicting the Love and Psyche. It would show on of following the art shows in Italy and men in a way that a contemporary of Monteverde’s sculpture as the Christian even in France. We do not know if the the great novelists and of the new pho- psyche opposed to the pagan psyche: knowledge of the existence of this work tographers would have done. Besides, celestial love confrontig earthly love. influenced Bernardelli’s sculpture, since the artist manifested, in his numerous In the article addressed here, Franc- it was not possible to obtain an image drawings, a greater interest for Christ’s 31 esco Prian points out that we can of that piece. At the Turin Exhibition personality, rather than for the charac- already see the particular way through of 1884, Ximenes presented Judas kiss ter symbolized by him. He gave more which Monteverde will, in the future, (c. 1884), work in which the image of attention to the individual than to the model the human body in his cemetery Christ is very close to the one that ap- divinity. This can, probably, be traced works. For instance, as it happens with pears at the cast of Bernardelli’s Christ to his contact with Renan’s writings, some of his angels, like the one at the and the adulterous woman. The similarities which, at the time, made Christ’s im- Oneto tomb, in the Staglieno cemetery can be seen in the great tunic wore by ages compromise to the novel demands in Genoa, which has a very beautiful Christ and in the use of the skullcap. It is of realism and exactitude.29 and provocative body. In this piece, the important to stress that, at this same ex- Another thematic and formal model naturalistic aspect contrasts with the hibition, the Brazilian sculptor presents, used for Bernardelli’s sculpture Christ metaphysical concept that was planned for the first time, his marble sculpture. and the adulterous woman may have been to be shown. The researcher also af- Giulio Monteverde’s Judicious Virgin and firms that the ethical intent is almost Fool Virgin (1866), which was, according always present in this sculptor’s works. Art critic and Bernardelli’s 1885 to Francesco Prian, a work that the art- For instance, the sculpture Edoardo exhibition ist, as pensioner of the academy Ligus- Jenner tries in his own son the inoculation of In September of 1885, Rodolfo Ber- tica, made during his first year of bet- the vaccine (1873). In this way, we could nardelli returned to Brazil. In October, terment studies in Rome, to be sent to think that the sculpture Judicious Virgin the 16th, an individual exhibition of Genoa.30 Formally wise the two pieces and Fool Virgin would have in common, the artist was opened at the Academia have many similarities. For instance, with Bernardelli’s sculpture, the moral- Imperial de Belas Artes. It showed a

250 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations group of sculptures made in Rome. The shows off the most about the pieces that given to other Brazilian artists, who next day, he was nominated professor were exhibited is the sculpture Christ and only through his influence were able of statuary at this institution. We can the adulterous woman. Both figures are to to appear in Italian exhibitions. The perceive the reception the works re- be admired, Christ with the left hand author of the article also affirms that ceived at that moment because of the protecting the woman and with the the sculpture provokes an intense and large press that surrounded the exhibi- right one defying the lapidaries with profound impression upon the specta- tion. It was commented many times at no guilt, and the adulterous, who tries tor, even when it is located in a room the first pages of the main periodicals to hide herself among the folds of his with dim light. He also points out that, of Rio de Janeiro, for instance, Jornal tunic. At the characters bodies blood for the first time, he feels dominated by do Commercio, Gazeta de Notícias, Gazeta seems to run. The text ends with an af- national art: “if national can be called da Tarde and also in the Revista Illustrada firmation that Bernardelli is a complete a Brazilian educated in Italy paid by and the O Mequetrefe, among others. artist, in the full sense of the word, and, Brazil”.36 Next, he describes the sculp- The exhibition received, also, the visit asks if the country is “large enough a ture, and he stresses the magnificence of Don Pedro II. The newspapers also theatre for this artist to run his notable of the figure of Christ, “that speaks up mentioned, on a daily basis, informa- talent and wisdom”.34 and moves and imposes in such a way, tion about the visiting public. In another article, also not signed, that any man get subjugated to that self- Through the analysis of the critic, published at O Paiz, in October, the reliant expression, noble and distinct”. made during our research, we could 16th, a summary of the sculptor’s career The figure of the adulterous woman is perceive a concern by the authors of is presented. His prizing in the Phila- also noted as having a physiognomy of 37 those texts of not only pointing out delphia Exhibition, with Missing the tribe “scare, shame and confidence”. The the artist’s trajectory, since his ingress and Prying 35, his prizes given by the Republic text goes on: at AIBA, but also in describing the of Venezuela are also mentioned, where he re- Ways of academic tradition and conventions sculptures and some formal details. For ceived the Bolívar medal, and the badge of honor of statuary despised, this sculpture has, beyond instance, in a text with no authorship, in Turin, for Christ and the adulterous woman. all, color and movement, life and heat. The published at the Jornal do Commercio, Ber- The author also observes that the sculp- same marble gets modified under the target and nardelli is presented as “one of the rare tor had received no prizes in Brazil and transforms itself in different tissues and in flesh artistic talents that could be found in affirms that, on the other hand, he re- of various tons. The vests undulate and the any country”.32 The author affirms that ceived distinctions from a country that figures are human bodies with the details of some of the pieces that were exhibited dedicates all its care to the arts: he had human nature.38 were already known to the public, like been praised by Giulio Monteverde, In this article it is also mentioned Fabiola, because when it was exhibited who is quoted as the author of Colum- an event39 that can be understood as for the first time it caused great impact. bus, Franklin Genius and Jenner, and had another element of the creation of a About Coquettish, the journalist affirms been saluted by Maccagnani, who im- myth about Bernardelli, related to an that this late piece is a mist of correc- mortalized himself with the sculpture old Greek story: the director of AIBA, tion and lasciviousness, maybe a exceed- Gladiators and was producing, back then, a man used to the statuary, when he saw ingly 19th century product, where, due the statue of Garibaldi, to be sent to Bernardelli’s sculpture, got closer to the to the sculpture’s perfection and charm, Brescia. In the text it is also noted that figure of Christ to look at the feet and, the free and daring conception of the Bernardelli had gained respect from with one of his hands, tried to lift the sculptor is forgiven. Next, he comments other famous Italian sculptors, like the tunic, only then remembering that he that Greek art would not allow the ex- Italians Girolamo Masini (1840-1885), had in front of him the cold marble. The pression of feeling and physiognomy, and D’Orsi (assigned as the author text ends mentioning that Bernardelli because it was not dignifying for the of Proximus Tuus), and also the British had been nominated as professor of the gods. The copies of the Venuses that sculptor Alfredo Gilbert (1854-1934), Academy, but points out that there was Bernardelli made in Rome are excellent who studied in Rome those years. We not a place, there, for statuary classes. works, as well as “the reproduction of would like to point out that Gilbert is In this way, the artist would not leave two jewelries of classical art although considered by the researchers as a reno- his atelier, what, according to the text, we may judge that school not able to vator of British sculpture, mainly with would give him profit in order to “take acclimatize to our century, because their works like Icarus, where he resumes Re- care, seriously, of something that our absolute and complex beauties are to- nascence models. In the O Paiz article government never assumed seriously”.40 tally ideal qualities, they do not exist in it is noted that Bernardelli could have In some articles published back then, nature”.33 For the author, the thing that passed away the homages that were besides praising the artist, there is a po-

RHAA 6 251 Traduções/Translations litical opposition against the imperial He began to dream. party in homage to the sculptor. Among government, for instance in “Ésthetica And in those dreams, like Columbus, catch- the ones present at the event were the Imperial” (“Imperial Aesthetics”), pub- ing a glimpse of America beyond the Atlantic, main representatives of the press: Dr. 41 lished in the Gazeta da Tarde. he also saw his ideal through the ocean. Ferreira de Araújo, from the Gazeta de Notícias; França Júnior, from O Paiz; A text from França Júnior about His artistic instincts took him immediately Arthur de Azevedo, from the Diário Bernardelli’s exhibition, published in a to Italy.43 newspaper of that period, praises the de Notícias; Valentim Magalhães, from The author goes on talking about success of the contemporary Italian art A Semana; and Angelo Agostini, from Bernardelli’s work and its connection in Paris, through the Realist School and the Revista Illustrada. Mr. Laet, from the with Modern Art: the gender sculpture: Jornal do Commercio, was not able to at- Modern Art, on the other hand, should have tend the party. The group of artists was What is Italy, statuary wise, could be ob- as motto “it is only beautiful what is real” - it formed by professors and colleagues served in 1873 in the Exhibition of Vienna, could not nor it would be licit to park, like a from AIBA: Zeferino da Costa (1840 Austria, and in the last Universal Exhibition Sahara pyramid, on the old Olympic fantasies. - 1915), José de Medeiros, Belmiro de in Paris. Modern Art proclaimed the revolution. Almeida (1858 - 1935), Décio Villares The name Monteverde alone was enough to And from this revolution emerged the school (1851 - 1931), Felix Bernardelli (1866 - glorify it, in the sumptuous artistic tournament 1905), Pedro Peres (1850 - 1923) and of Prater! to which Bernardelli is affiliated, and that was his dream. Augusto Duarte (1848 - 1888). Through The famous Fisherman by Gemito and the this note, and along our study, it was gracious Tufolina by [Odoardo] Tabacchi were The grandiose marble representing Christ possible to perceive the relationship be- the major successes of the Trocadero! and the adulterous woman, nowadays in ex- tween men of the press and this genera- hibition at the Academia de Belas Artes is an With a brilliant pleiad of sculptors, among tion of artists, and also the existence of eloquent proof of what was said. whom we have, besides the ones mentioned, a debate about the modernization of the Dorsi, Masini, Maccagnoni and Donato The artist amazes us, above all, because he arts in the country. Bracaglia, Italy, this sublime revolutionary, knew how to use truth to shape the two figures In our research, we are able to con- 44 transformed completely the Plastic Arts.42 of the group in all their details. clude that the qualities to which the França Júnior, who knew Bernardelli The critic Julio Verim presents in the critic gave more attention are the ones for a long time, shows in this text an Revista Illustrada some comments on the related to the expression of the figures, extensive contact with the works of role of sculpture in that contemporary the beauty of the forms, the ability de- the artists that the sculptor met in his moment. The author affirms that, after manded from the artist to make the period abroad. Besides, because of the a long period of unjust condemnation, work of art and, mainly, to the rela- friendship that united the two Brazil- where sculpture was judged as an art tion of his works with contemporary ians, he could describe with certainty that was only historic, unfit for the Italian sculpture. It is our belief that the ideals of the artist in his youth: transformations that happen through Rodolfo Bernardelli’s modern proposi- time, and, “unable to reproduce the pas- tions, both thematic and formal, conse- About ancient sculptor the young artist knew sions, the dramas and the epopees of crated the artist among the intellectuals already, more or less, the excellence of some of the modern world”45, it began to be un- of that period. Bernardelli’s production the copies in cast from our Pinacotheca. derstood as “as rich in expression as its in Italy showed a tendency of present- The Greek statues, on the other hand, did two congeners, it has been used, admi- ing a delicate balance, which allowed not satisfy his ideal aspirations. Those Anti- rably, for the representation of heroism, him to be accepted by the congregation noos, marvelously beautiful, but with a beauty of despair, of love or piety. The point of professors, being a student, and to drawn by severe and absolute laws, that could is that those feelings should be inspired be promoted by the academic institu- not be transgressed, running the risk of excom- by those who comprehend them!”.46 In tion. At the same time, he tried to make munication; those Gladiators, with exuberant the same number, the Revista Illustrada works that were coherent with the new muscles, exhaling the last sigh in academic posi- presents, in double page, an illustration ideas that begun to appear in Brazil at tions, the Venuses, the Apollos, the Bacchuses, showing the main works of Bernardelli the end of the 19th century. the Dianas, the Fauns, all that looked like and a portrait of the artist. In a later edi- convention, school. tion, on the same magazine, a note com- English version: His young ardent nature felt bad in that ments the meeting between artists and Maria Cristina Nicolau Kormikiari Passos atmosphere. men of letters in order to offer a dinner [email protected]

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1 SILVA, M. do C. C. A obra Cristo e a mulher ideologia: monumentos comemorativos de Rodolpho 24 Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João Max- adúltera e a formação italiana do escultor Rodolfo Bernardelli no Rio de Janeiro. Dissertation (Mas- imiano Mafra, Rome, April, 1883. Historical Bernardelli. Dissertation (Masters in History) ters in Art Hirtory) – Rio de Janeiro: Escola Archive of the Museu Dom João VI. – Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, de Belas Artes, Universidade Federal do Rio 25 Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Advisor de Janeiro, 1996, p. 58. Maximiano Mafra, Rome, July, the 17th, – Prof. Luciano Migliaccio. Campinas, 2005, 11 Ibidem. 1883. Historical Archive of the Museu Dom 271 p. 12 Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to Benjamin João VI. 2 MORALES DE LOS RIOS FILHO, A. “Sub- Victor de Mendonça. Rio de Janeiro, April, the 26 MIGLIACCIO, L. “Rodolfo Amoedo. O mes- sídios para a história da escultura, gravura e 12th, 1929. Private Collection, São Paulo. tre, deveríamos acrescentar”. In: MARQUES, desenho do Rio de Janeiro (1889-1930)”. Revista 13 Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João Max- L. (ed.). 30 mestres da pintura no Brasil. São Paulo: do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro. Rio de imiano Mafra, Rome, August, the 2nd. 1881. Masp, 2001, p. 35. Janeiro: Departamento de Imprensa Nacional, Author’s underscore. 27 1973, v. 296, jul.-set.1972, p. 197. Ibidem. p. 35. 14 GOBINEAU, A. D. Pedro II e o conde de Gob- 28 3 In order to make the transcriptions easier, ROSE, M. “Introduction to the Dover Edi- ineau: correspondencias ineditas. São Paulo: Com- the writing of the manuscript documents was tion”. In: The Doré Bible illustrations. New York: panhia Editora Nacional, 1938, p. 235. brought up to date. Regarding the articles of Dover Publications, 1974, p. v-ix. the magazines published back then, the or- 15 Ibidem, p. 244. 29 DORE, G. La vie et l’oeuvre de Gustave Dore. thography, the paragraphs and the printing 16 Ibidem, p. 248. Paris : ACR, c. 1983. errors were kept as in the originals. 17 Letter from José de Medeiros to Henrique 30 PRIAN, F. Giulio Monteverde, scultore. Genova: 4 For instance, an important group of photocop- Bernardelli, Rio de Janeiro, June, the 20th, Universitá degli studi di Genova . Facoltá di Lettere ies of typed letters, written by Bernardelli and 1881. Historical Archive of the Museu Na- e Filosofia, 1975-1976, v. 2, p. 88. addressed to João Maximiano Mafra (1823- cional de Belas Artes. APO 68. 31 Ibidem, p. 13-4 1908), secretary of the Academia Imperial de 18 Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João 32 BERNARDELLI, R. Jornal do Commercio. Rio de Belas Artes, which bring inedited data about Maximiano Mafra, Rome, March, the 17th, Janeiro, year 63, n. 288, p. 1, Oct., the 16th, 1885. Bernardelli’s stay in Italy. 1882. Historical Archive of the Museu Dom 33 Ibidem. 5 Sentence passed by the Sculpture Section João VI. 34 Ibidem. over Rodolfo Bernadelli’s works, while he 19 LAMBERTI. M. “Aporie dell’arte sociale: il studied in Rome, January, the 13th, 1882. caso Proximus Tuus”. In: Annali della Scuola 35 BERNARDELLI, R. O Paiz. Rio de Janeiro, Historical Archive of the Museu Nacional Normale Superiore di Pisa. Pisa, série III, v. year 2, n. 287, p. 2, Oct., the 16th, 1885 de Belas Artes/ Personal Archive of Rodolfo XIII, 4, p. 1088. 36 Ibidem. and Henrique Bernardelli. APO 196. Mine 20 37 underscores. Gonzaga Duque refers to a sculpture by Ber- Ibidem. nardelli titled Hue!, which represents “a negro 38 6 Ibidem. Ibidem. Mine underscores. crioula from Bahia, holding a small basket of 39 7 VACCANI, C. Rodolpho Bernardelli. Rio de Ja- fruits, and that speaks up those words using a The same account was given in an article neiro: [s.n], 1949, p.53. gracious antic”, exhibited in the Faro & Nunes by Somel. SOMEL.” Grupo em mármore: Christo e a Adultera (impressões)“. Gazeta da 8 JANSON, H. W. Nineteenth Century Sculpture. Bookstore, in 1886. DUQUE-ESTRADA, L. Tarde. Rio de Janeiro, year 6, n. 248, p. 2, Oct., London: Thames and Hudson, [c. 1985], p. 85-7. G. Impressões de um amador / textos esparsos de crítica (1882-1909). Belo Horizonte: Editora the 28th, 1885. 9 According to Carlo del Bravo, the cast which UFMG / Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Casa de 40 BERNARDELLI, R. O Paiz. Rio de Janeiro, was exhibited at the Academia, in the autumn Rui Barbosa, 2001, p. 111-2. year 2, n. 287, p. 2, Oct., the 16th, 1885. of that same year (1842), provoked a scandal 21 because it was believed to be a decal of the Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João 41 “Esthetica Imperial”. Gazeta da Tarde. Rio de model. Dupré tells that the model, Antonio Maximiano Mafra, Rome, August, the 2nd, Janeiro, year 6, n. 237, p. 1, Oct., the 15th, 1885. Petrai, was even denuded in order to, through 1881. Historical Archive of the Museu Dom 42 FRANÇA J. Folhetins. 4th. ed. Rio de Janeiro: comparison, prove it was a mistake. BRAVO, João VI. Santos, 1926, p. 556. 22 C. del. “Il bozzeto dell’Abele di Giovanni Du- Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João Max- 43 Ibidem, p. 555. pré”. Paragone. Florence, 23, n. 271, p. 69-78. imiano Mafra, Rome, November, the 24th, 44 Set. 1972. 1879. Historical Archive of the Museu Dom Ibidem, p. 557. 45 10 BERNARDELLI, R. [Manuscript]. Historical João VI. VERIM, J. “Rodolpho Bernardelli”. Revista Archive of the Museu Nacional de Belas Artes 23 Letter from Rodolfo Bernardelli to João Illustrada. Rio de Janeiro, year 10, n. 420, p. 2, / Personal Archive of Rodolfo e Henrique Maximiano Mafra, Rome, August, the 2nd, 4-5. Oct., the 31st, 1885. Bernardelli. APO 188. Author’s underscore. 1881. Historical Archive of the Museu Dom 46 BERNARDELLI, R. Revista Illustrada. Rio de Mentioned in: WEISZ, S. de G. Estatuária e João VI. Janeiro, year 10, n. 421, p. 6.

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Between the origin and the deg- biggest concern of Pietro Maria Bardi7, ering. As with Pietro Bardi,12 Lina did radation: the first rehabilitation MASP’s founder and director, was to not believe that the leaks came from of the building of the São Paulo protect the works art and ensure they the exposed concrete, but from faulty did not suffer damages. Considering waterproofing. Art Museum that the building was newly completed, Subsequent rains would generate Alex Miyoshi the problem was quite an awkward sur- 14 points of water infiltration, neces- PhD student of History of Art, prise. In Bardi’s view, the installation sitating the removal of four works of IFCH/Unicamp of the concrete flagstone waterproof- art from the exhibition hall. To make 8 ing was certainly badly executed. He City Hall or the construction company believed this was due to the fact that The São Paulo Art Museum was solve the problem, Pietro Bardi again the final finishings were hurried, so as threatened to close the museum and founded in 1947, and during its early not to delay the museum inauguration. years it did not have its own dedicated explain to the public the reason for The director alerted the construction doing so.13 This tactic, however, did structure. It was primarily housed in company of the problem immediately. the building of the Daily Associates of not work and the museum continued While each party awaited a solution, publisher Assis Chateaubriand1. For the normal operations. the leak reached and damaged a paint- museum to have its own headquarters Lina came back from a European ing.9 Furious, Bardi contacted the party was a dream: with it, the museum could trip expecting to find the building “fin- he considered responsible for the “true improve and extend its activities. ished.”14 In contrast, everything was disaster,” the company that installed “falling to pieces due to mismanage- The construction of the proper the waterproofing: building for the São Paulo Art Museum ment by City Hall.” Beyond the existing Independent of any action to be taken by (MASP) took eight years of intense leaks, dirt-bottomed reflecting pools City Hall, in order to address this problem work. The persistence of the architect and a viaduct were constructed next to and end this outrageous incident, we request Lina Bo Bardi2 and the engineer José the museum. The architect expressed that you immediately solve the waterproofing Carlos de Figueiredo Ferraz3 were fun- her dissatisfaction and again she asked failure. We must inform you that if a new damental to its completion. Both had for remedies, strengthening her in- leak appears, we will have to close the Museum been faithfully dedicated to the project sistence that the exposed concrete be to public visitation, and consequently inform of the new headquarters, working unrec- kept as designed. This time, however, the press of the cause of the closing and the ompensed. The result was the opening she mentioned addressing “the pillar responsible parties. of a museum constructed with “meat, leaks,” not the beam leaks. 4 The waterproofing company de- bone and blood,” raised in rude and I also want to solve the pillar leakage, to find fended itself, insisting that its service exposed concrete, enveloped by large a decent solution that doesn’t damage the concrete was “perfect.”10 It had also sent a re- glass sheets. It is extraordinary to note as a painting can, even an invisible coating. That port to the construction contractor and that the structure’s pillars stand 81 yards type of workmanship would even further demor- City Hall, where it reaffirmed a previ- apart – a world-wide record, according alize the building. With the ‘dirt-lakes’ and the ous comment, “that the longitudinal to the literature. The museum would be pretty newness of the viaduct it’ll be soon one of beams must also be waterproofed – that the property of the City of São Paulo, the prettiest “nastinesses” of São Paulo. they were left untreated was the actual which financed its construction, and it cause of the water seepage and leak.” Indeed, the points of water entry would be yielded in commodatum to the City Hall requested a budget for the were not restricted to the roof of con- museum. Both City Hall and the MASP waterproofing of the beams, which was crete flagstone – they were also present would share maintenance costs. Before approved and authorized by the con- in the pillars. Once again we see Lina this arrangement, expenses had been struction company. concerned with both the resolution of paid by Chateaubriand. After his death, Just as this process was set to begin, the problem and the preservation of few months before the inauguration of the exposed concrete, which was cru- the new MASP, the Daily Associates architect Lina Bo Bardi intervened to 11 cial to the integrity of the building’s ceased funding the museum5. stop it. She explained to City Hall that the procedure would alter “the natural architecture. appearance of the concrete,” causing In order to seal the leaks in the flag- Leaks “serious aesthetic problems.” Such con- stone, in 1973 small portions of the Shortly before its scheduled open- sequences, to her, were unacceptable. original waterproofing were removed ing, the museum experienced its first The concrete had to be “absolutely kept and these sites were treated with a new leaks – in the main exhibition hall.6 The as projected,” that is, without any cov- application of sealant. That is, almost

254 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations the entire original waterproofing was mum load the flagstone supported, so rusted; and cracks had developed in kept, for two reasons – the water was as not to put laborers and materials the flagstones of the street-level plaza. infiltrating only at specific points, and above the capacity of the flagstone on The building had gotten to the point patching specific spots would greatly the roof. Bardi kept the tone: “This is a that not only could the works of art reduce the expense, which was paid hard city – everybody has something to be damaged, but the utility of the directly by the museum.15 This serv- say. For eight years I have had to make structure itself had become precari- ice would be guaranteed for a period repairs to the flagstone. I would like to ous. The image of the solid institution, of five years, and would expire at the catch fifty of these imbeciles and put strengthened by its architecture, was same time as the guarantee of the first them up there to fall down.” compromised by the appearance of waterproofing, which had been assured His irritation had good reason: it was precocious ruin. The imposing struc- for ten years. The price proposed by the the museum’s reputation which would ture was, for the first time, fragile and waterproofing company was considered suffer from accusations of irresponsi- threatened. fair, and its proposal was accepted by bility. Certainly, Bardi’s annoyance was Among all its tribulations, however, 16 the museum. directed more to the negative repercus- the leaks in the exhibition hall were the However, the problem persisted. In sions of the matter than to the poor most vexing. 1978, at the end of both guarantee peri- engineer. To Bardi, City Hall was the In 1985, two engineers had been ods, a new and complete waterproofing party mainly responsible for the prob- called specifically to evaluate the state would be made, this time paid for by lem. When it did not act, he himself of the roof.20 During their inspection, City Hall. According to an engineer at took care of the waterproofing. Accord- they had observed that the waterproof City Hall, the waterproofing had failed ing to Bardi, at the time of construc- thickness reached almost eight inches 17 with the passage of time. The contrac- tion, Lina had expressly recommended – well beyond the normal limits.21 The tion and dilatation of the concrete flag- the services of a particular company explanation was simple: throughout stone had resulted in cracks – apertures whom she judged to be the most com- the years, trying to plug the leaks, the where the rain water had penetrated. petent. Due to fiscal constraints, City museum applied successive, overlap- To adequately address the problem, Hall selected another company based ping layers of waterproofing without it would be necessary to remove the on a more competitive bid. Soon after it removing the previous coats. With this, material until reaching the underlying completed its service, the first leaks ap- the building structure was overloaded concrete, and then apply a new coat of peared. The company responsible was with weight, reaching the equivalent of waterproofing. called to provide the repairs, but it had 200 pounds/square yard. This overload The matter was published in the gone into bankruptcy. Thus, the mu- contributed to the extreme deformation press with the title: Humidity, a danger seum, with its short resources, started of the flagstone, resulting in a “pool” of to the works of art of the MASP. Exposed to undertake and perform its annual water six inches deep on the roof. This to the public, this put the museum in repairs on its own. increased not only the risk of leaks, but an uncomfortable situation, particu- These in-house repairs, however, did also the weight on the roof and strain larly embarrassing its director, Pietro not stop the leaks. In order to properly on the structure. Bardi. In a reply to the article, Bardi address the problem, City Hall would The engineers had concluded that the affirmed that a problem with humid- need to finance a professional water- waterproofing had to be completely re- ity didn’t exist and whoever argued to proofing.19 In the meantime, the leaks moved, and new waterproofing applied. the contrary was “a perfect imbecile.”18 continued, as the museum’s appeals to The MASP did not have the necessary He stated that there was just “one or City Hall went unanswered. The mu- resources for this procedure. City Hall two little leaks that appear only dur- seum would continue functioning un- did not even supply the museum with ing strong rains,” and that those leaks der these conditions until it reached its sufficient amounts of money for regular were equivalent to “thousandths of breaking point. maintenance; what it did provide was a degree of the imbecile’s humidity.” managed frugally by Bardi.22 Dona- To the director, eventual temperature tions to the museum only helped fund and humidity fluctuations would be More leaks its normal activities and operations. corrected by the air conditioning and The second half of the 1980s was Beyond this, entry to the museum was ventilation system. the most critical period for the MASP. free for all, with the exception of some In order to safely begin the service, Its problems were not restricted to events at the museum’s theatres. Thus, the City Hall engineer asked for perti- the roof: cracks and spots in the con- the question was: how to obtain the nent information, including the maxi- crete had appeared; the windows had financing for the rehabilitation?

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Clearly, the in-house repairs of the its own volition. There are many pos- To obtain the necessary funds for concrete flagstone were ineffective sible reasons: resistance to considering the rehabilitation, Bardi would attack and actually harmful to the building. the MASP as an institution belonging to on two fronts: he began a donation However, there was another problem: City Hall; the attrition of personnel with campaign to industry and business the exposed concrete of the pillars de- successive administrations since the con- leaders,30 and requested a complemen- veloped rust spots, resulting from the struction of the museum; a misunder- tary amount of money from City Hall. infiltration of water which reached the standing of the gravity of the situation; In the first case, his careful devotion internal and exposed metal supports. interpersonal or political relationships; would yield good results31. Bardi had This was to due to flaws and imper- the bureaucracy; etc. The most probable high hopes for his request to City Hall, fections in the construction process. cause, however, is that Bardi’s requests as it had recently approved the reha- To cure this pathology (and probably for repairs were perceived as orders or bilitation of the old Municipal Thea- distrusting that the museum adminis- commands, which were not appreciated tre, and surely the MASP deserved the tration could act effectively by itself, as by the Department of Civil Works. This same attention. in the case of the waterproofing) the explains why Civil Works charged itself After much insistence on the part engineering office of Figueiredo Fer- with providing an inspection report, but of Bardi, Mayor Jânio Quadros finally 27 raz recommended a set of prophylaxis not a waterproofing service. This is an turned his attention to the museum. 23 procedures to address the damages. example of the habitual tension between In order to begin the most urgent step The instructions were very clear. Fique- the museum and City Hall, seen in each – the roof waterproofing – City Hall iredo was unremunerated – the assess- step of the repair process. ordered two new reports on the matter. ment was a donation from him to the With the report in hand, Bardi de- The contracted offices were the same MASP. While the museum didn’t have tailed the scope of what would be ones that had inspected the building in the funds to contract a specialized com- done: 1985: the offices of Dirceu Franco de pany, the solution was pragmatic: the [...] a large and complete reform and restora- Almeida and Figueiredo Ferraz.32 employees of the museum could refur- tion of the building structure, of all aluminum Both the reports had recommended bish the exposed concrete. It wasn’t the frames of the immense glass panes, the floor at essentially the same measures, but with best solution, but at least the repairs the ground level, which forms the square, to one important difference. The first re- were done in a professional manner, increase the security against fire by expanding port, that done by Dirceu Franco de avoiding mishaps such as those that the water reservoir, the refurbishment of the Almeida, was produced by an inde- had occurred in the flagstone. Eve- electrical installation that has already aged 19 pendent professional, with no ties to rybody was tired of waiting for City years [...] All these services and many others, the museum. He suggested the instal- Hall to address the issues. The pallia- including the most delicate ones, are not only lation of metallic roofing tiles on the tive attitude of the museum followed for conservation or maintenance, but to rehabili- covering, maintaining (with drawings desperately from the negligence of the 28 tate, restore and recover the building. and specifications) that the structure of successive city governments. Bardi didn’t specify everything the building would support the light Throughout the first part of 1986, at that was in the inspection report – he load of this new element and that it least three letters had been sent from didn’t need to. But there was a signifi- would not modify the architecture of the museum to the Department of Civil cant omission. The report indicated the the building. The other report, written Works at City Hall, requesting support “general treatment with an application by the office of Figueiredo Ferraz, did for the urgent building rehabilitation. of protective coating” on the “pillars, not mention this procedure. In con- 24 The letters received no reply, so Bardi flagstone, beams and walls.”29 That is, trast, Ferraz himself criticized the idea personally appealed to the Cultural Sec- it recommended covering the exposed of the roofing tiles, recommending the retary, Jorge Antonio Miguel Yunes, concrete. Certainly, Bardi deliberately solution of the original project: simply asking for his intervention in the mat- ignored this recommendation. Perhaps the waterproofed flagstone. Ferraz dis- 25 ter. This had positive results: the Sec- the covering did not interest him at that approved of measures “that burden the retary requested that Civil Works send moment due to the other urgent items. structure with unacceptable additional a commission of engineers to inspect The museum prioritized the problems loads or that compromise the architec- 26 the building immediately. related directly to preservation of the tural forms.” He emphasized that he It is hard to understand why the De- works of art and minimized all others. was contacting Lina Bo “to search for partment of Civil Works, accustomed to To stanch the water infiltration was the a solution affording both the necessity receiving requests to repair buildings, most important thing. The remaining of a good waterproofing, and respect didn’t help the MASP immediately, of repairs were secondary. for the aesthetic requirements.”33

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If we consider that the “architectural were large enough to allow the entry of ambiance was discernibly dampened forms” would change very little with people. Thus, a window of access into for the museum employees. the installation of the metallic roofing the interior of the beam was opened to The MASP operated this way for tiles (simply because not many peo- observe the state of the steel handles. more than year, expecting the immi- ple would ever see the building from The technician entered there and found nent rehabilitation. Meanwhile, the above) and that their weight would not, some unexpected inhabitants – ter- building agonized. The reasons for the in fact, put the structure at risk, then mites, which had found in the beams an delay were the accounts of City Hall: it becomes clear that the pride of the ideal habitat: a humid environment and exhausted as always. report’s author was more salient than plentiful food. This was yet one more his sense. Engineer Figueiredo Ferraz’s problem to be dealt with. Additional position was that of an artist (holding windows had to be opened inside the Wrap Up the integrity and purity of his work- beams, enabling both a chemical treat- The rehabilitation would finally be- manship above all else) rather than that ment to exterminate the insects and the gin in the middle of 1988. of a technician (searching for the best removal of all the “lost boxes.”38 More It was not advantageous to wait, but solution to a practical problem). Clearly, sums of money were necessary and the the result was better than anticipated. his intransigency regarding the preser- rehabilitation seemed unending. City Hall opted to fund not only the in- vation of the architecture was a natural itial foreseen work, but also the inspec- reaction for one who conceives of his Waiting tion of the ventilation/air conditioning solution as being the ideal. Ferraz cor- system44 and the waterproofing of the Although the negotiations were pro- rectly observed that the flagstone wa- reflecting pools on the plaza level.45 ductive, the beginning of the actual terproofing was “a routine measure to Before this, however, it was a prior- 34 work was delayed. In the meantime, be taken at least every five years.” But approximately 40 leaks appeared in ity to repair the waterproofing of the he didn’t consider the financial difficul- the ceiling of the main exhibition hall.39 roof, clean the concrete by sand blasting ties of the museum (financed almost ex- To prevent the water from reaching the and repair the windows. These improve- clusively with public resources), which works of art, initially it was enough to re- ments would be responsible for what be- would be vastly alleviated with the in- locate them slightly. Basins were placed came the visual landmark of the reform: expensive and simple maintenance of below the leaks, and around these were a mounted metallic scaffolding raised the aluminum roofing tiles. In the end, erected temporary white wooden walls around the building, serving as truss of course, the proposal of Figueiredo which also served to support the re- to the laborers, and which supported Ferraz won the competition. located pictures.40 This improvisation, a large blue nylon blanket that would Beyond the flagstone waterproof- however, didn’t work for long, and the protect the pedestrians and the glass of ing, another alarming problem showed art pieces would soon have to leave the the windows against accidents, as well itself: the atypical deformation of the main exhibition hall. as containing the solid particles expelled during the cleaning of the concrete. structure. The large water puddles on Part of the solution to this dilemma the roof were only one indication of was proposed by Bardi – to negotiate The blue canvas was so impressive this problem. Many more cracks had the loan of the museum’s Impressionist that comparisons to the works of art of 46 appeared in the flagstone, and the steel masterpieces to the Milan Royal Palace. Christo had been inevitable. In fact, handles that supported the first floor This would be of great benefit to the the presentation was reminiscent of showed considerable differences in ten- MASP – beyond preserving the works some of his interventions. Lina appreci- sion – some were very slack and others of art, it would also receive a donation ated the new visual of the building, but very strained.35 The solution would be of funds in exchange.41 The comple- she didn’t foresee the failure of City Hall 47 to add new steal handles to the longitu- mentary solution was to transfer the to pay the construction company. This dinal beams.36 To do this, it was neces- other works of art to the first floor, caused the discontinuation of the reha- 48 sary to inspect them internally.37 The some to the temporary exhibition hall bilitation, and eventually postponed beams were hollow inside, having been and the others to the museum store- – for almost one year – the removal of filled with large empty wooden boxes to house.42 The main exhibition hall was the “art installation” a la Christo. Once make them lighter without altering their empty, waiting for the rehabilitation, more, delays in the rehabilitation of the structural behavior. These boxes are not and the other areas of the museum – its museum were caused by City Hall. removed after the drying process of the administrative area, the restaurant, the A funding campaign was sponsored concrete – and thus they were dubbed theatres and the library – continued by a bank49 with the intention of form- the “lost boxes.” These “lost boxes” functioning,43 although the museum’s ing a group of partners to support the

RHAA 6 257 Traduções/Translations museum. However, in five months only The MASP obtained the comple- correct. Bardi’s comment in 1978 now the half of the capital to be invested mentary funding. Once more it col- gained full meaning64 – the leaks had was collected. An events company laborated with the office of Figueiredo appeared only when the rain was strong; contrived another campaign, “Save the Ferraz,57 which provided its services for that is, when the pressure of the wind al- MASP,” that never got off the drawing the project without remuneration.58 The lowed the water to penetrate the beams. 50 board. This effort would raise funds same arrangement had been made with We saw that the idea of covering the with a toll in the avenue in front of the the CBPO, the Brazilian Company of concrete was refused by the architect 59 MASP, where donators would receive Projects and Workmanships, and because it would cause “serious aesthetic a sticker and a coupon entering them several other partners. In exchange, of problems.” At the end of construction, into a drawing for a new car. course, the collaborators’ contributions Lina not only opted to retain the ex- The need for resources put Bardi in an would be noted in plaques in front of posed concrete, but also defended her the building.60 extreme predicament. If necessary, the decision against the argument that the museum would sell one of its precious The rehabilitation ended and the beams needed to be waterproofed. The works of art, Baigneuse s’essuyant la jambe, main exhibition hall would be ready for architect believed the exposed concrete 61 by Renoir.51 The painting was valued at reopening in the first week of 1990. was fundamental to the architectural approximately 5 million dollars, enough Only repairs in the doors and blinds, expression of the building – a com- to pay for the rehabilitation (estimated at work on the electric installations, the mon option in the 1960s and 1970s65 2 million dollars) with funds left over. painting of the ceiling and general – and she didn’t expect such a choice This possibility generated much discus- cleaning remained to be done. Moreo- to compromise the museum. After all sion and many reactions, most of them ver, a study to increase the illumination of the problems throughout the years, 62 against the idea of the sale. In general, points was prepared. The rehabilita- finally coating the structural beams the consensus understood Bardi’s posi- tion of the main exhibition hall seemed would mean recognizing a serious flaw tion but disagreed with it. One of the finally finished. in the project. The reputations of the most vehement arguments was voiced museum, the building, the engineer and by the actor Umberto Magnani: “If a Soft water erodes hard rock the architect would each be blemished. museum needs to sell a work of art, we Alas, the leaks continued. The heroic image of the Brutalist ar- don’t need a museum. It’s like selling a chitecture would be damaged. A good car to buy gasoline.”52 Where was the problem? The water- proofing was carefully executed. What explanation would be necessary to en- The picture, fortunately, was not sold. points remained vulnerable? sure that this did not occur. Certainly, Bardi was more interested in The only way to find them was to the repercussions of the issue than in conduct a test.63 Thus, the roof’s drains Fire engine red the loss of a relic. The MASP was able were blocked and the cells of the flag- to reach an agreement with the new ad- An ink company that knew what stones were totally filled with water, ministration of Mayor Luiza Erundina was happening at the MASP presented one at a time, creating immense pud- at City Hall, which had led to the re- a proposal to participate in the “re- dles on the waterproofed surface. The sumption of the rehabilitation.53 To do newal of the façade of the building,” result was surprising: there were no it, the scope of the repair was reduced donating products “applied for decades leaks. The waterproofing was perfect. to the minimum necessary. City Hall world-wide to protect exposed concrete would provide funds to clean and treat However, when it rained and the against deterioration, the attack of indus- 66 the concrete and repair the windows. wind blew, the leaks continued. trial gases and microorganisms.” The The remaining work (waterproofing the So, the workmen decided to conduct “aesthetic and original characteristics of roof and reflecting pools, and repairing another test: submitting one of the the exposed concrete” could be kept, or, the building interior) would have to be great concrete beams to water spurts if preferred, color and brightness could 67 directly financed by the private initia- under high pressure. be applied. Wisely, the initiative would tive54 and executed by companies con- After doing this, the cause finally was be kept secret until the conclusion of tracted by the MASP.55 The release of identified: the water passed through the the negotiations and it was certain that 68 resources by City Hall was conditional exposed concrete beam, a highly porous the work would be carried out. Also, on the MASP securing complementary material that facilitated the penetration wisely, the proposal was directed to the resources, which it was committed to do and the percolation of water. The diag- architect Lina Bo Bardi. from the state and federal governments nosis of the company who did the first The MASP accepted the proposal,69 and leaders in industry and business.56 flagstone waterproofing in 1968 was but instead of opting for a colorless

258 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations coating, an expressive color would be first drawings, the gargoyles of the roof as we know, was a communist. Fur- applied – a red – in order to further were red;75 in a perspective, the dark ash thermore, the facts were never totally distinguish the structure of the build- of the flagstone is presented against a clarified, and were only partially ex- ing.70 Some color tests were done until a sky dyed in red; the “stairs-slopes” in plained, with distortions. For instance, tone was reached and selected by Lina: the museum’s civic hall had always been “infiltration problems” did not only fire engine red. red;76 and, moreover, Lina had, in fact, persist “for the three years of the build- The choice was a perfect one for the thought about painting the structure ing’s restoration,” as the article claims, ink company’s strategy, which put the red, as indicated in a sketch probably but since before its inauguration – for 77 problem of the MASP as “a cultural done at the end of the 1950s. more than twenty years. But this was event” in a project involving architecture However, it had been the conclusive a delicate moment for the museum: and memory.71 The project was “created orientation of the architect to keep the the honor of the MASP could not be to stimulate the employ of colored inks concrete free of any painting or cove- besmirched beyond what was done by in buildings, to humanize the large city ring. This is clearly shown in the corres- the rehabilitation itself. The reluctance environments.” Moreover, it aimed to pondence between her, the contractors to assume responsibility for the error “reverse the trend of using inks in white and City Hall. The presence of red ele- was based on a desire to preserve the and ice colors,” which represented 70% ments in the early project didn’t matter. reputations of the museum, the build- of the national ink consumption.72 What mattered is how the justification ing, the engineer and the architect as heroes, not villains, of history. This was For the museum, it was an excellent for the red painting was presented to a defensive attitude that, as Georges chance not only to solve the unend- the public. Duby recalls, “obviously exaggerates ing problem of the leaks, but also to In general, the press published ac- the merits, concentrating all the light recoup and fortify the credibility of counts along these lines: on them, and keeps in the shadows the institution. The change in the ap- If the project of Lina Bo Bardi was consid- what was less glorious – even erasing pearance of the building would be a ered audacious in 1968, when the São Paulo that which could tarnish the image.”79 turning point – a milestone. It was at Art Museum was inaugurated, its impact this time that Globo Net, the biggest would have been even larger if the four great Brazilian television network, and Itaú, a beams of suspension had displayed the red color A significant change occurred at the prestigious bank, promoted a campaign they now do. The original and vanguardist idea same time as the visual transformation to choose the architectural symbol of of the architect was retaken to solve water infil- of the building: Bardi yielded the direc- 73 São Paulo. Even the MASP was not tration problems that have persisted for the three torship of the museum to Fábio Magal- chosen, the campaign would publicize years of the building’s restoration. As Lina’s hães, who had assisted him for months its new appearance. staff architect, Marcelo Ferraz, remembers, the before, especially with the problems There remained the need to present painting fulfilled a dual purpose: to its technical during the rehabilitation. The nonage- a justification for the red painting. In function was added an aesthetic one.78 narian professore declined the offer to be fact, it was a technical matter – it was The red color as the “original idea” the museum’s honorary president. He necessary to waterproof the beams. But was incorporated into the mythic ori- led the museum for more than forty why had they not been waterproofed gin of the building: the glorious history years, doing more good than harm. He before? of the MASP resurfaces in postponed deserved to rest. One stage was end- The solution was in the building’s triumph. The painting was discarded ing and another beginning, renewing history. According to the architect, the in 1968 because “its impact would have insistent hopes for a better MASP. idea to use the color red was an old been even larger” – perhaps because one.74 It appeared in some early ele- the Brazilian military dictatorship saw Translation: Alex Miyoshi ments of the architectural project: in the the color red as subversive; and Lina, Revision: Todd Malpass

1 Francisco de Assis Chateaubriand Bandeira de For further details of his life, see MORAIS, Among her noted works is her residence, the Melo was born in Umbuzeiro, State of Paraíba, Fernando. Chatô, o rei do Brasil. São Paulo: Cia Glass House – the current headquarters of Brazil in 1892, and died in São Paulo, in 1968. das Letras, 1994. the Lina Bo and Pietro Maria Bardi Institute He was proprietor of an immense net of media 2 Lina Bo Bardi was born in Rome in 1914 – and the SESC-Pompéia building, both in outlets in Brazil, and actively participated in and died in São Paulo in 1992. The wife São Paulo. For more details of her life, see the cultural and political life of the country. of Pietro Maria Bardi, she was Editor of FERRAZ, Marcelo Carvalho (org.). Lina Bo He conceived and established the São Paulo Habitat magazine. She designed buildings, Bardi. São Paulo: Instituto Lina Bo e P. M. Art Museum, which today takes his name. teatral scenes, furniture, jewels and objects. Bardi, 1993.

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3 Figueiredo Ferraz was born in 1918 and died 17 “Humidity, a danger to the works of art of the 33 Letter from Figueiredo Ferraz to Pietro Maria in 1994, in São Paulo. In 1941, he established MASP.” Folha de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, Bardi, signed by José Carlos de Figueiredo his office that still stands today with his name, July 26, 1978. MASP Library. Ferraz. MASP Library. developing projects in the sectors of transporta- 18 “Bardi: the MASP does not have humidity.” 34 Letter from Figueiredo Ferraz to Edmundo tion, energy, sanitation, industry and the envi- Folha de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, August Monteiro, signed by José Carlos de Figueir- ronment, among others. He was Mayor of São 1, 1978. MASP Library. edo Ferraz. São Paulo, March 23, 1987. MASP Paulo in the decade of the 1970s. Further infor- 19 Library. mation is available in: . Accessed May 26, 2006. S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, August 2, 1978. MASP Library. September 8, 2005. 4 COELHO, Neusa Pinheiro. “Museum con- 20 36 The addition of new steel handles was com- structed with meat, bone and blood”. Diario da Typed document. Register of the visit of En- pleted later, in 1999. Report of the Experi- Noite - Edição Nacional (Journal). São Paulo, Sep- gineer Nelson Zahr (from the office of Figue- mental Engineering Office. November, 1999. tember 6, 1968. São Paulo. MASP Library. iredo Ferraz) and Dirceu Franco de Almeida, Civil Works Pathologist. May 21, 1985. MASP Figueiredo Ferraz Library. 5 Interview with Luiz Hossaka, September 8, Library. 37 Interview with Engineer Nelson Zahr, May 2005. 21 26, 2006. 6 Interview with Engineer Nelson Zahr, May Letter from the MASP, signed by P.M. Bardi, 25, 2006. 38 Letter from Tecnomad to the MASP, signed to Mr. Maury de Freitas Julião, the City Hall 22 “Bardi ‘rains in the wet spot.’ And he de- by Director Pedro Antonio Zanotto. São Civil Works Director. São Paulo, October 25, Paulo, May 5, 1987. MASP Library. 1968. MASP Library. nounces.” O Estado S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, July 16, 1987, p. 7. MASP Library. 39 “The challenge of the museum.” Op. Cit. 7 P. M. Bardi was born in La Spezia, Italy in 23 BCDMASP. 1900, and died in São Paulo in 1999. He was SÃO PAULO ART MUSEUM BUILDING 40 a journalist, historian, collector and marchand - PROCEDURES FOR THE RECOVERY “Dribbling the leak.” AfinalMagazine. São of art. After World War II he settled in São OF THE DAMAGED CONCRETE. Typed Paulo, March 1, 1988, p. 17. MASP Library. Paulo, becoming an important figure in the document from the office of Figueiredo Fer- 41 It was not the first time something similar Brazilian arts scene. He helped the publisher raz to the MASP. July 5, 1985 (date written by occurred. In 1973, some works of art were Assis Chateaubriand to create the São Paulo hand). MASP Library. loaned to the Tokio Occidental Art Museum, Art Museum. For further details of his life, see 24 “The challenge of the museum.” A Construção which forwarded USD$100,000 to the MASP. TENTORI, Francesco. P. M. Bardi. São Paulo: em São Paulo Magazine. São Paulo, July 20, 1987, GONÇALVES FILHO, Antonio. “MASP Instituto Lina Bo e P. M. Bardi, 2000. #2058, p. 1. MASP Library. sends pictures to Italy.” Folha de S. Paulo (Jour- nal). São Paulo, 23 de abril de 1987. MASP 8 Letter from the MASP, signed by P.M. Bardi, 25 Letter from the MASP signed by P.M. Bardi Library. to Mr. Aloísio A. D’Andrea Pinto, Heleno & to Mr. Jorge Antonio Miguel Yunes, Cultural 42 Fonseca Building Company Engineer. São Secretary, City Hall, June 18, 1986. MASP “Umbrella.” Afinal Magazine. São Paulo, No- Paulo, January 27, 1969. MASP Library. Library. vember 17, 1987, p. 20. “Leaks divide paint- ers.” O Estado de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, 9 Letter from the MASP, signed by P.M. Bardi, 26 Letter from the MASP signed by P.M. Bardi November 12, 1987, Caderno 2, p. 8. MASP to the Directors of the Reviwa Waterproofing to Engineer José Carlos de Figueiredo Ferraz, Library. Company. São Paulo, April 16, 1969. MASP November 13, 1986. MASP Library. 43 Library. 27 “A trip through the greatest art in São Paulo.” Letter from the MASP signed by P.M. Bardi to Jornal Centro - Centro Empresarial de São Paulo. 10 Letter from Reviwa Waterproofing Com- Edmundo Monteiro, President of the MASP, São Paulo, #17/1988, p. 7. MASP Library. pany to the MASP. São Paulo, April 23, 1969. January 8, 1987. MASP Library. 44 “MASP undergoes rehabilitation to protect MASP Library. 28 Letter from the MASP signed by P.M. Bardi to pictures against leaks.” Folha da Tarde (Journal). 11 Letter signed by Lina Bo Bardi to Mr. Maury Edmundo Monteiro, President of the MASP, São Paulo, April 6, 1988. MASP Library. de Freitas Julião. São Paulo, February 27, 1969. January 7, 1987. MASP Library. 45 GONÇALVES, Heinar. “Twenty years after BCDMASP. 29 Report of the Department of Civil Works, its inauguration, MASP undergoes its first re- 12 Letter from the MASP, signed by P.M. Bardi, City Hall to Jânio Quadros, Mayor of São habilitation.” Gazeta Mercantil (Journal). São to Reviwa Waterproofing Company. São Paulo, Paulo. MASP Library. Paulo, May 5, 1988. MASP Library. April 28, 1969. BCDMASP. 30 Letter from the MASP signed by P.M. Bardi 46 13 “FOR A GIFT - Wrapped up in plastic, the Letter from the MASP, signed by P.M. Bardi, to Mr. Paulo Maluf (Eucatex), Mrs. Carmem MASP gets its first rehabilitation.” Veja SP to Heleno & Fonseca Building Company, the Machline (Sharp S.A.) and Mr. Antonio Er- Magazine. São Paulo, August 10, 1988, p. 110. City Hall Civil Works Department and the mírio de Moraes (Votorantim), May 20, 1987; “MASP in works until the beginning of 1989.” City Hall Education Department. São Paulo, to Mr. Valentim Santos Diniz and Mr. Henry Folha de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, August January 16, 1970. BCDMASP. Maksoud (Hidroservice Engineering), May 31, 1988, p. C-3. MASP Library. 14 Letter signed by Lina Bardi to Mr. Joaquim 26, 1987. MASP Library. 47 The government of Mayor Jânio Quadros would Mario – Heleno & Fonseca Building Com- 31 Letter from the MASP signed by P.M. Bardi to leave his successor, Mayor Luiza Erundina, a pany. São Paulo March 3, 1970. ALBB. Engineer Nelson Zahr, July 30, 1987. MASP debt twice as large as it was left by the preced- 15 Letter from Cyrino Building Company to the Library. ing administration, that of Mayor Mário Covas. MASP. São Paulo, November 5, 1973. MASP 32 Letter from Figueiredo Ferraz to Pietro Maria “Debts and deficit, the inheritance of Jânio.” O Library. Bardi, signed by José Carlos de Figueiredo Fer- Estado de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, Decem- 16 Letter from the MASP signed by Engineer raz. REPORT ON THE CURRENT WATER- ber 14, 1988, p. 1. MASP Library. Roberto Rochlitz. São Paulo, November 19, PROOFING CONDITIONS OF THE MASP 48 Veja SP Magazine. São Paulo, March 29, 1989, 1973. MASP Library. BUILDING. March 1987. MASP Library. p. 7. MASP Library.

260 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

49 “HARD DAYS OF THE PACKED MU- leave this month.” Jornal Espigão da Paulista. to Fábio Magalhães (MASP). São Bernardo do SEUM.” Veja SP Magazine. São Paulo, Febru- São Paulo, September 89, #6, year 1, cover. Campo, May 30, 1990. MASP Library. ary 22, 1989, pp. 14-20. MASP Library. MASP Library. 69 Letter from Fábio Magalhães to Roberto Gou- 50 Project “Save the MASP,” by Grottera & Cia. 60 Interview with Engineer Nelson Zahr, May lart (Glasurit), May 2, 1990. MASP Library. First semester of 1989. MASP Library. 26, 2006. 70 “Museum gains red beams and flagstones.” 51 A similar matter occurred when the building 61 In fact, the main exhibition hall would be Projeto Magazine. São Paulo, #134, 1990. MASP was in construction. The need for money led reopened March 19, 1990, with the President Library. the museum to pledge and resell a picture back of Portugal, Mário Soares, present – at the 71 Letter from Glasurit do Brasil Ltda., signed to its original owner – Gauguin’s “Joseph and same time that some works of art were re- by Arnaldo Hauptmann and Roberto Goulart the Putifar’s wife.” “THE ROYAL INAUGU- turning from expositions around the world. to Fábio Magalhães (MASP). São Bernardo do RATION OF A NEW MUSEUM.” Jornal do “From Rafael to Picasso, the MASP works Campo, May 15, 1990. MASP Library. Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, October 31, 1968. Cad- of art return to the nest.” Jornal da Tarde. São 72 “Glasurit paints the MASP.” Química Indus- erno b, p. 6. MASP Library. Paulo, March 19, 1990. MASP Library. trial-SP Magazine. São Paulo, August 1990, pp. 52 Beyond Magnani, actress Esther Góes and art 62 Letter from the MASP, signed by Fábio 10-11. MASP Library. critic Sabato Magaldi had also disagreed with Magalhães, to Mrs. Maria do Carmo. Decem- 73 Letter signed by Fábio Magalhães to Rob- the sale. “YOU CAN LOSE THIS RENOIR.” ber 19, 1989. MASP Library. erto Goulart (Glasurit), May 29, 1990. MASP Jornal Espigão da Paulista. São Paulo, March 17 63 Interview with Engineer Nelson Zahr, May Library. to 30, 1989, #1, p. 1. MASP Library. 25, 2006. 74 “MASP employs three thousand liters of ink 53 Letter from City Hall to the MASP, signed by 64 Bardi stated that there was just “one or two lit- to paint pilasters red.” Folha de S. Paulo (Jour- architect Mayumi Watanabe de Souza Lima, tle leaks that appear only during strong rains.” nal). São Paulo, August 17, 1990. Caderno EDIF Director, to Fábio Magalhães. São “Bardi: MASP does not have humidity.” Folha Ilustrada, p. E-3. MASP Library. Paulo, June 23, 1989. MASP Library. de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, August 1, 75 54 Lina Bo Bardi’s drawing, September 18, 1965. ANDERÁOS, Ricardo. “City Hall frees 1978. MASP Library. Instituto Lina Bo e Pietro Maria Bardi. resources to restart the rehabilitation of the 65 Some architects in Brazil have works noted 76 MASP.” Folha de S. Paulo (Journal). São Paulo, In the drawing, in the ceiling of the plaza of for the use of this material – for example: João July 4, 1989, p. E-3. MASP Library. the museum, there are two significant words Batista Vilanova Artigas and Paulo Mendes 55 in mirrors: “LIBERDADE” (freedom) and Letter from City Hall to the MASP, signed da Rocha. KAMITA, João Masao. Vilanova “SOLIDÃO” (solitude). L’ombra della sera. Lina by José Eduardo Martins Cardozo, to Ed- Artigas. São Paulo: Cosac & Naify Edições. Bo Bardi’s drawing, November 5, 1965. Insti- mundo Monteiro. São Paulo, September 29, 2000. ARTIGAS, Rosa (org.). Paulo Mendes tuto Lina Bo e Pietro Maria Bardi. 1989. MASP Library. da Rocha. São Paulo: Cosac & Naify; Associ- 77 “più bello – struttura cemento armado dipinta rossa” 56 ação Brasil 500 Anos Artes Visuais; Fundação PROTOCOL OF INTENTIONS. Minutes of (prettier – red painted concrete structure). meeting, May 3, 1989. MASP Library. The Bra- Bienal de São Paulo, 2000. Lina Bo Bardi’s drawing, no date. Instituto desco Bank donated almost all of the neces- 66 The ink company contacted the museum some Lina Bo e Pietro Maria Bardi. sary sums for the rehabilitation. BRADESCO years before, when Bardi searched for sup- 78 CONTRIBUTES TO THE REOPENING OF “The color of passion.” AU Magazine. São port to do the flagstone waterproofing. Letter Paulo, Oct./Nov. 1990, #32, p. 23, Ed. Pini. THE MASP. July 6, 1989. MASP Library. signed by P.M. Bardi to José Carlos de Figue- 79 This is a direct translation from the Brazil- 57 Workmanship: MASP – ROOF WATER- iredo Ferraz, May 20, 1987. BCDMASP. ian version of the original French of Georges PROOFING. Technical report from the office 67 Letter from Bayer do Brasil S.A. to Lina Bo Duby’s work, Guillaume le Maréchal ou le meiller of Figueiredo Ferraz. MASP Library. Bardi, signed by R. Hilkemeyer; Th. Engbert. chevalier du monde (Librarie Arthème Fayard, 58 Interview with Engineer Nelson Zahr, May July 20, 1989. MASP Library. 1984). There are several English versions. One 26, 2006. 68 Letter from Glasurit do Brasil Ltda., signed of them is William Marshal: the Flower of 59 “Work restarted at the MASP: the truss will by Arnaldo Hauptmann and Ricardo Botelho, Chivalry. New York: Pantheon Books, 1986.

A reflection on the situation of change. Anyway, what certainly will not edge to fully understand our Cultural Cultural Heritage in Portugal1 change is the notion of the importance Heritage. of protecting that same Heritage. Portugal was not indifferent to the Lucília Belchior According to the chronological passage of time and to the change of Master in “Architectonical and Landscape time or to the country, the idea of concepts related to this theme. The Heritage Recovery”, University of Évora Heritage has also changed, having as inevitableness of protecting the Her- its fundamental points of change, the itage of our country soon appeared As all concepts, the present concept society, politics, economy, philosophy and it was due to His Highness João of Cultural Heritage (and those con- and the religion each civilization had. V that one of the first legislative texts nected to this area: conservation, resto- But this change of concepts, according on the protection of monuments ap- ration, remodelling, among others) will to a certain era, is the key of knowl- peared (1721).

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However, it was only in 1985 that Could we assert that, concerning To worsen the matter, both organ- the first Law of Portuguese Cultural the competences of each organism, the isms depend on different ministries, Heritage emerged (264 years after laws are not sufficiently clear yet? At with their own groups of pressure. one of the first legislative texts and the moment, we have three great or- Concerning the IPA-IPPAR, even 84 years after the proclamation of the ganisms responsible for the protection though the competences are well de- assessment criteria for immobiles that of the Portuguese Heritage, namely fined, the fact is that the issues related to should be considered to be National the General Direction of National Buildings Archaeology are divided between both Monuments, in 1901). Sixteen years and Monuments (Direcção Geral do Ed- of them. That situation and the corre- had passed on the first appearance of ifícios e Monumentos Nacionais), the spondent loss of competences by the IP- the Heritage Law in Portugal, when Portuguese Institute of Architectonical Herit- PAR has, sometimes, caused difficulties the Law of Bases of Politics and Regi- age (Instituto Português do Património of relationship, articulation and coopera- men of Protection and Valuation of Arquitectónico) and the Portuguese Insti- tion between the two Institutes. Cultural Heritage emerged, on Sep- tute of Archaeology (Instituto Português The appearance of Law nr 16 A/2002, tember 8th 2001. de Arqueologia). Legally, these are the organisms in charge of giving one’s which marked the fusion of the IPA Hand in hand with legislation, many with the IPPAR has, once again, raised other organisms appeared with the ob- opinion and/or making interventions in this area. several issues. Which one was the best jective of protecting and managing the solution? To gather everything that We mark out the General Direction of Portuguese Heritage, such as: Junta was related to Archaeology in a single National Buildings and Monuments (Di- Nacional da Educação (JNE) – (Na- Institute (though there could appear recção Geral dos Edifícios e Monu- tional Education Committee); Academia less clear cases, specially those about mentos Nacionais (DGEMN)) since Nacional de Belas-Artes (ANBA)- (Na- monuments with a strong archaeologi- 74 years after its creation (1929), it is tional Academy of Fine Arts); Direcção cal component); or, as it is foreseen, to still working. Notwithstanding the fact Geral dos Edifícios e Monumentos unite the Institutes again (which could that many organisms have been extin- Nacionais (DGEMN)- (General Direc- bring the mitigation of Archaeology tion of National Buildings and Monuments); guished, created or modified over these years, the DGEMN has always man- comparing to the great importance held Comissão Organizadora do Instituto by Architectonical Heritage)? Another de Salvaguarda do Património Cul- aged to impose its vigour and, despite many improvements, most part of its solution was to maintain the present tural e Natural (COISPCN)-(Organiz- model (guaranteeing a real articulation competences in this area have been ing Committee of the Cultural and Natural between both organisms). Heritage Defence Institute); Instituto de maintained. José de Figueiredo-( José de Figueiredo A consequence of this situation is In any way, there are many questions Institute); Instituto Português de Con- the constant “struggle” between the in our mind: Were the organisms act- servação e Restauro (IPCR)-(Portuguese DGEMN and the other organisms that ing correctly, according to their func- Institute of Conservation and Restoration); also have the function of protecting our tion? We can’t forget to point out all Instituto Português do Património Heritage. the work developed by the IPA during these years. Will there be a permanence Cultural (IPPC)-(Portuguese Institute of A good example of that state is of that work after its integration in the Cultural Heritage); Instituto Português the situation occurring between the IPPAR? do Património Arquitectónico e Ar- DGEMN and the IPPAR who have queológico (IPPAR)-(Portuguese Institute always fought for the delimitation of There is no answer for these ques- of Architectonical and Archaeological Herit- the activity areas of each institution. tions right now, but having knowledge age); Instituto Português do Património The position of these organisms has of the course of the organisms related Arquitectónico (IPPAR)-(Portuguese In- been evident until our days. to Heritage in Portugal, we can imag- stitute of Architectonical Heritage); Insti- In this situation the issue of com- ine that, probably, over the next years tuto Português de Arqueologia (IPA)- petences is aggravated mainly when everything might change once again. (Portuguese Institute of Archaeology). we talk about classified immobiles not However, the doubt still remains when There have always been and there are belonging to the IPPAR or to Herit- we talk about the DGEMN that is still still various organisms whose function age inventories, where an overlapping untouchable. is to protect Heritage. However, this of competences might happen. This As a product of this situation, we proliferation of organisms gave rise to complex situation started when the IP- continue with a conflict about the de- an enormous complexity on what their PAR assumed the execution of works, limitation of acting areas that will, no activity on the field is concerned. which did not happen initially. doubt, raise delays and complications

262 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations in the interventions to carry out, even Another question that remains un- [Table 1.1]3 when each organism has its compe- defined is of which Ministry (of Cul- tences legislated and circumscribed. ture, Public Works Department or So, we can stress that the region of The situation is complex. Maybe due Environment) should be responsible Lisbon and Vale do Tejo is at the top of to the fact that the best way to work for the guardianship of Heritage? Find- the list presenting more Museum visi- together was not found yet and, on the ing a solution for this matter seems a tors, followed by the North and Cen- contrary, what stands out, almost always, very complex job, even because of the tre of the country (even so, with less is the competition between organisms. extension of the concept of Heritage, than half the visitors). The southern which has become comprehensive. Still, we must state that all of these regions of the country and the islands Being a question worthy of a serious organisms have contributed in an are the ones that attract fewer visitors. debate without complexes, because it The groups from school, with their 17 unique way to the preservation of Her- has many possible options, we affirm itage in Portugal: the DGEMN shows per cent, reinforce the idea that it is our opinion that the patrimonial mat- essential to implement some actions in the tradition of carrying out works with ters belong, above all, to the scope of this area with the aim of developing a a high level of effectiveness and per- culture, and the other aspects should Heritage consciousness. formance; the IPPAR has assumed a integrate this priority. bigger concern from the heritage point We also observed that the most vis- We also consider that the changes of view in its recovery works; the IPA ited places were the Museums built in must sue the structures that would lead has managed to dignify the Portuguese Monuments (34 per cent). There is no to a change of mentality of the people in Archaeology at an international level doubt that this is an important fact, be- relation to Heritage. Despite being well and has contributed, in an exceptional cause it shows the people’s receptiveness marked in the different Fundamental way, for the inventorying and conse- for monumental buildings. We can de- Laws of the various organisms, the ques- quent diffusion of the Archaeological duct something on what concerns the tion of Heritage divulgation among peo- Portuguese Heritage. way of attracting more visitors to muse- ple has not achieved the intended aim. ums in the future (since their preference Maybe what is fundamental is to find To confirm this statement we can take a is well known). Inherent to this element the best solution from an operational look at some museums or cultural routes is also the place and the way of imple- point of view, that is to say, to imple- (they are in a complete lack of visitors). menting a museum (maybe the answer ment mechanisms that can assure the We have observed, inclusively, that is to build the museum in situ). effective protection of Heritage Proper- many Heritage areas have been ban- As to the Architectonical Heritage, ties integrated in the environment they ished to a second plan, such as the case are set in (urban or rural). the referred study registered 4032 pro- of the ethnographic area. So, we think tected immobiles, 65 per cent belong- The news that we can observe, that maybe it would be more important ing to the category of Public Interest Im- through the different Media, seems to to value actions and solutions in these mobiles and 21 per cent that of National point to a lack of definition concern- areas instead of changing or extinguish- Monuments. ing the functions of the future Herit- ing organisms from times to times. The study proves, once again, that age Institute. The existence of various We will not finish this reflection the region of Lisbon is the one that groups of pressure related to the in- without referring to some data regis- has more protected immobiles (1089), terventions on Heritage, as well as the tered in Portugal about the condition of presenting the other regions a much management of places and monuments our Museums and Architectonical Her- smaller number: Beja (274), Castelo presently depending on the IPPAR, has itage, based on the document “Estatís- Branco (249), Portalegre (272) and Ilha da set the supposition of a possible affec- ticas da Cultura, Desporto e Recreio Madeira (295). tation of some of those monuments to – 2000”2 (Statistics of Culture, Sports and the DGEMN and also to the Portuguese Entertainment). These data reinforce our Institute of Museums (Instituto Português concern mentioned in this thought. [Table 1.2]4 de Museus (IPM)). Relatively to museums, the 201 con- If that transfer really happens, we can sidered in this study registered a total Relatively to the division of Classi- conclude that the capability of interven- of 7,4 million visitors (which means fied Immobiles according to the time ing of the future Heritage Institute may an average of 37 000 people per mu- of building, the statistic study points be extremely affected, because most seum, per year), 1,3 millions belonging out the “Baroque/Rococo/ Pombaline” earnings of today’s IPPAR come from to school groups (about 17 per cent of period as the one with more classified those same monuments and places. all visitors). elements (2323), followed by the “Man-

RHAA 6 263 Traduções/Translations nerist/Renaissant” period (1 398) and the surpassed by the civil architecture (3 All the information collected points “Medieval/Gothic”(1 319). The period of 790), the religious architecture monu- out to a patrimonial politics that has Prehistory is, on the contrary, the one ments compose the biggest part of the to be renewed in various sectors. The with less classified goods (188), such as classified elements, 41 per cent (3 521). diversity of ideas and criteria of actions the Roman Period (272) and the one The military architecture owns 5 per has given origin to different ways of that refers to the New Art (206). cent (395) and the sets have 248 clas- intervening. Those ways have marked sified elements. the difference in terms of quality and quantity, in all the regions of the coun- 5 [Table 1.3] try. The lack of information mecha- 6 [Table 1.4] nisms has also removed people from With respect to the architectonical this area, which belongs to all of us. It typology, the study confirms that the It is the analysis of these data, of the is necessary to stop time erosion, not Monuments with a religious architec- legislative process and course/ action only on monuments but also on men’s ture are the most attractive to the en- of the different organisms that allow mentality. tities associated to Heritage, when we us to make a reflection on the present talk about classification aspects. Only Heritage setting in Portugal. Translated by: Daniela Henriques

1 This reflection is presented in the essay of Lisbon: National Statistics Institute, 2002. 5 Table adapted from: Statistics of Culture, Sports the Mastership thesis, defended in the Uni- 3 Table adapted from: Statistics of Culture, Sports and Entertainmen-2000. Lisbon: National Sta- versity of Évora on April 13th 2004, named and Entertainement-2000. Lisbon: National Sta- tistics Institute, 2002, page 39. “Integration of Archaeological Vestiges in the tistics Institute, 2002, page 32. 6 Table adapted from: Statistics of Culture, Sports Historical Centre of Beja: A contribute for its 4 Table adapted from: Statistics of Culture, Sports and Entertainmen-2000. Lisbon: National Sta- Integrated Conservation”. and Entertainmen-2000. Lisbon: National Sta- tistics Institute, 2002, page 40. 2 Statistics of Culture, Sports and Entertainment- 2000. tistics Institute, 2002, page 38.

264 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

Table 1.1 Museum visitors by region, in 20004 Table 1.3 Division of Classified Immobiles, according to the time of building8 Region From schools Total North 260,575 910,720 Prehistory 188 Centre 156,855 768,981 Roman 272 Lisboa e Medieval/Gothic 1,319 762,442 4,812,348 Vale do Tejo Manueline 755 Alentejo 22,618 126,166 Mannerist/Renaissant 1,398 Algarve 37,745 616,767 Baroque/Rococo/Pombaline 2,323 Azores 5,001 30,595 Romantic/Neoclassical/Revivalistic 792 Madeira 20,685 1,001,999 New Art/Modernist 206 Total 1,265,921 7,367,576 Popular 368 Without information 1,044 Total 8,665

Table 1.2 Inventory of Architectonical Heritage5 Table 1.4 Distribution of Immobiles by Architectonical type12 Region MN6 IIP7 VC8 INP9 VCR/L10 Total Aveiro 14 71 30 372 - 487 Religious Architecture 3,531 Beja 24 64 2 184 - 274 Military Architecture 395 Braga 63 139 19 309 - 530 Civil Architecture 3,790 Bragança 24 108 9 260 - 401 Sets 248 Castelo Sites 586 11 71 22 145 - 249 Branco Without information 115 Coimbra 44 114 30 185 - 373 Total 8,665 Évora 102 99 9 160 - 370 Faro 25 77 20 207 - 329 Guarda 57 166 23 479 - 725 Leiria 27 97 27 263 - 414 Lisboa 116 382 44 547 - 1,089 Portalegre 59 89 9 115 - 272 Porto 76 189 32 346 - 643 Santarém 41 111 81 142 - 375 Setúbal 24 58 21 207 - 310 V. Castelo 54 132 16 306 - 508 Vila Real 25 96 13 273 - 407 Viseu 40 191 27 207 - 465 Azores 1 322 53 30 - 406 Madeira 7 29 25 153 81 295 Total 834 2,605 512 4,890 81 8,922

RHAA 6 265 Traduções/Translations

Archaeological researches in with the development of world Ar- region of the São Paulo State, in Brazil, the central region of São Paulo chaeology, the Brazilian Archaeology to verify the ancient settlements and State – Fapesp Project1 started to deal with the plurality, the their relevance to the constructions of heterogeneity, the conflicts, and with identities,4 as well as to propose a public Pedro Paulo A. Funari social identities. Archaeology initiative in relation to the 5 Professor, IFCH/Unicamp As the archaeological theory became management of that heritage. Associate-coordinator of the Center for Strategic more sophisticated, in the last years a Studies (NEE/Unicamp) Pos-Graduate Professor of Archaeology at growing number of excavators turned The development of the project MAE/USP. themselves to social aspects of the past After reading the specialized litera- day-to-day life. Part of their increased Solange Nunes de O. Schiavetto ture, which was done to deepen the attention with society and with the so- knowledge obtained in the archaeo- Cultural History PhD Candidate, IFCH/Unicamp cial and symbolic meanings emerged Researcher at the CSS/Unicamp and at the logical researches already realized in CEIMAM, Unesp/Araraquara from their growing interest in studying the region, we went to the field, divid- Minas Gerais State University Teacher/Poços the works of scholars from different ing our work into two stages, and we de Caldas academic fields, in order to get new in- surveyed the proposed areas (Middle sights and methods of research. The ar- Jacaré-Guaçu and Upper Mogi), whose Introduction: the epistemological chaeologists that, in the first instance, results will be present short bellow. context withdrew from the schematic and me- Nonetheless, the readings revealed two The present research is part of an chanical approaches and sought inno- realities that are very different from epistemological context that explains vative ways to interpret the daily life, those shown in previous archaeologi- its characteristics and dynamics. The started, in that way, to read regularly cal researches. the works of geographers, sociologists, Brazilian Archaeology shows a long The studied region, known histori- historians, anthropologists and social trajectory, since its beginnings in the cally as the “Hinterland of Araraquara” scientists in order to sharpen their in- nineteenth-century. Archaeology came or “Fields of Araraquara”,6 has archaeo- terpretive abilities and to amplify their to assume the academic features only logical findings that spring out, in some points of view. By adopting more nu- after the Second World War, in great works, from two ceramist traditions.7 anced and multifarious perspectives, part because of the human rights strug- One of those traditions we relate to the many social archaeologists started to gles headed, in the field of Archaeol- Tupi language populations, which the examine the archaeological deposits ogy, by Paulo Duarte. The military op- archaeologists label as the Tupi-Guarani pression would came to obstruct the recognizing the importance of two so- tradition or, more recently, Tupinambá progress of the humanist Archaeology, cio-historical contexts: (i) the one that and Guarani sub-traditions. The other but the restoration of the civic rights was in the past and was experimented one we can relate to the Jê language would allow, since the middle of the by the individuals studied and (ii) the populations, which, by the lack of a 80’s, for the upbringing of a variety of environments in which they, as archae- better specification, we will label, at a approaches and social engagements in ologists, experienced and worked. The first moment, as the Pedra do Caboclo the discipline, which started to interact, growing thought about the importance tradition (we are using a terminology each time more, with the social groups, of the contextualization of the research proposed by Brochado).8 Although and to adopt less elitist attitudes. The itself progressed rapidly the archaeo- these two traditions had already been development of the legislation for the logical interpretation and turned it rel- studied separately, a deeper analysis in protection of the heritage, also a conse- evant, in world scale, to the communi- the region considered, which seems to quence of the democratization process, ties of the descendants of the people be the south frontier of one of them created a notable increase in the field that Archaeology studies. The practice (Aratu sub-tradition of the Pedra do researches and favored the inclusion of of Archaeology, relegated in the past Caboclo tradition), still has not been the interests of natives, quilombolas, to the silent rooms of the universities done. In this first moment of the re- and the common people in general in and to the dusty deposits of museums, search the differences between the dis- the field of preoccupations of Archaeol- was transformed into a discipline with courses from the historical sources and ogy. Archaeology started to be thought a significant engagement in relation to the archaeological works in the region 2 as an activity with social relevance and the public. has called our attention. In the former, as part of the public policies for the in- This research can be inserted in the region is seen as the settlement of clusion and shortening of inequalities. that renewal of world Archaeology,3 by multiple Indian ethnic groups,9 while, in In this new context, and feet-to-feet seeking, by way of a study of a central the last years, the evidences are pointing

266 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations only to two ceramist traditions. How- Calleffo researched the archaeological the shapes of the reconstituted vases ever, the archaeological researches in site from the Monte Alto region, among and the presence of funerary urns, con- the region, from a theoretical point of them the Água Limpa and Anhumas I stitute, in the traditional nomenclature view, are still incipient and there was and II sites, from the Aratu ceramist of Brazilian Archaeology, the Tupi- not, until the moment, a real interest in tradition.13 Although Alves has not done Guarani ceramist tradition. fulfilling the emptiness that this area of researches in the Mogi-Guaçu basin, The five sites detected in the Middle research represents to the study of the but in the Rio do Turvo, an affluent of Mogi by the team of Solange Caldarelli native populations, both through the the Rio Grande, his results are of great can also fit into the Tupi-Guarani tra- archaeological point of view as well as importance for a better understanding dition, for they show the same char- the ethno-historical one. of the regional Archaeology, for they acteristics. The sites of Pitangueiras in There were previous studies of the comprehend an area still not researched a first moment were included in the Mogi-Guaçu, receiving the attention by Brazilian Archaeology. Aratu tradition, for not showing plas- of professional and amateur archaeolo- Manuel Pereira de Godoy, amateur tic decoration and for the extension of gists since the decade of 1940.10 They archaeologist and a great knower of the their villages (perceived through the gave to the researchers a heterogeneous Mogi-Guaçu River, got an interest, in delimitation of its surface distribution). picture in relation to the ceramic sites. the decade of 1940, for the archaeo- However, during the salvage works, In the researched area, five ceramic logical findings in the regions of Pi- some painted fragments were found, sites has already been identified, and rassununga and Rio Claro, having con- which alludes to the Tupi-Guarani tra- four of them had been excavated in tributed with detailed descriptive texts dition, as well as a Tembetá fragment, the 80’s,11 in the Luís Antônio County. of the material culture that he found.14 a labial adornment traditionally linked Moraes proposed and executed a Mas- In 2003, an archaeological survey was to the Tupi Indians, but also found in ters Project where he has re-analyzed done as contract archaeology in the SP Aratu sites.17 these four sites at the Luís Antônio 322 Road, which links Sertãozinho to Although it can be evident that the 12 County. The fifth site, Suzuki, was Bebedouro,15 revealing the existence archaeological traditions can not define found in the Guatapará County in the of two ceramic sites in the area of the the ethnic groups, being only apprehen- phase of contract archaeology done by Pitangueiras stream and in the right sions of the researcher’s point of view, the Scientia Scientific Counseling, from margin of the Mogi-Guaçu. The sites it is possible that the relations between the works of survey executed for the were excavated and the material can native populations from different eth- duplication of the Araraquara-Ribeirão be found in the Araraquara County nic groups or languages (in this case, Preto freeway. Museum, where it received the labora- populations of Jê and Tupi languages) The research in the four sites at Luís torial treatment (washing and numera- had resulted in material culture differ- Antônio only caught a glimpse of the tion of the artifacts, techno-typologi- entiations left by these peoples. Some archaeological potential of the area, for cal analysis). José Luís de Morais,16 also of them are perceptible to the archae- it was not its goal to do a systematic through contract archaeology, detected ologist’s eyes, but the scientific and archaeological survey in that portion of ceramic sites in the area of influence of western context reinterprets them. the Mogi-Guaçu River. The sites were the Mogi-Guaçu Hydroelectric Central, In contrast to the Mogi-Guaçu, the found through oral information when which encompassed the counties of Jacaré-Guaçu River, affluent of the Ti- the researchers were participating of Mogi-Guaçu, Mogi-Mirim and Itapira etê through its right margin, has not the fieldwork phases of the Archaeo- (high Mogi). received systematical study yet under logical Research at the Vale do Rio The Mogi-Guaçu River, up to the archaeological point of view. Nev- Pardo Program, realized in 1981, under where go its archaeological researches, ertheless, the Tietê, by its importance in the coordination of the archaeologists presents a heterogeneous picture in the Brazilian hydrographical scenario, Solange Bezerra Caldarelli and Walter relation to the ceramist sites. In the has already rendered many researches, Alves Neves, from the former Institute established portion at the high Mogi, which points to a great archaeological of Prehistory. the archaeological sites relates to the potential, above all in relation to the ce- The other researches at the Mogi- Tupi-Guarani ceramist tradition, hav- ramist populations related to the Tupi- Guaçu and adjacent regions were done ing been found ceramic fragments with Guarani tradition. The Tietê Project, in areas that the present Project (in painted decoration over white or red which encompassed the low and middle terms of survey) does not enclose, but engobus, and with plastic decoration valleys of this river, initiated in the 70’s they add important data to the develop- presenting the ungulate and corrugated by the construction of the Ilha Solteira ment of future investigations. Alves and motifs, for instance. Such decorations, Hydroelectric Mill in the Paraná River,

RHAA 6 267 Traduções/Translations has evidenced a great quantity of ce- tween the Ibitinga and Barra Bonita Hy- vegetation (“Cerrado”), “a complex of ramic and lithic archaeological sites. droelectric Mills, of the Jacaré-Guaçu vegetal formations that shows variable Maranca, Silva & Scabello18 suggest to in its high, middle, and low sections, it physiognomy and flower composition: the region a homogeneous picture in re- is also included the Jacaré-Pepira basin, campestral (open field), savanna (dirty lation to the ceramist populations, hav- another important affluent of the Tietê field, cerrado field and cerrado stricto ing been found many sites with material by its right margin. sensu) and forest (big cerrado), forming 22 culture related to the Tupi populations According to the Report of the São an ecological mosaic”. and only one, in the city of Olímpia Paulo State Institute of Technologi- As to its implantation in the national (Maranata site), linked to the Aratu ce- cal Researches,20 the sub-basin of the space, the cerrado is situated almost to- ramist tradition (generally attributed to Middle Jacaré-Guaçu represents 9% of tally in tropical climate, with the excep- the Jê language populations). the total area of this HRMU, having tion of its south edge, in the São Paulo Our researches in the Jacaré-Guaçu around 1.065,67 Km2. On this sub-ba- and in the south of Minas moderated River could bring to the present archae- sin, the lands of the following counties altitudes (altitudes between 1.000 and ological discussions more information are included: Araraquara, Boa Esper- 1.700 meters), suffering the effect of about the Tietê basin, showing new ce- ança do Sul, Ibaté, Ribeirão Bonito, and soft frost in winter nights. Occurring ramic sites with the aim of comparing São Carlos. mainly in the Central-West region, the them to the others that exist in the area In relation to the geology of the re- cerrado is the second biggest Brazilian of this great river and on the adjacent gion, it spring out in the area of the vegetal formation. In the State of São locations, as in the area of the Middle Tietê / Jacaré hydrographical basin the Paulo, it is “interrupted by other veg- Upper Mogi. “clastic sediments predominantly sandy etal formations, as in the proximities of and the igneous basaltic rocks from Campinas, Ribeirão Preto, Franca and Altinópolis”.23 The region: delimitation and geo- the São Bento group (Mesozoic of the graphical aspects19 Paraná Basin), the sedimentary rocks In the geomorphologic map made The macro-region of the project, from the Bauru group (belonging to by the ITR/FEHIDRO/CBH-TJ, we whose archaeological works done until the Bauru Basin, from the Upper Cre- can observe the following events in the today will be used with the objective of taceous), and the Cenozoic sediments researched region: on the left margin doing comparisons with the material represented by the Itaqueri formation of the Middle Jacaré-Guaçu, between found in the two hydrographical basins and correlated deposits (from the São the Água Preta (Ribeirão Bonito) and chosen for the research, has as it natural Carlos and Santana mountain ranges), Rancho Grande (Boa Esperança do Sul) limits the margins of the rivers Piraci- and by the alluvium deposits associated streams, the altitudes vary from 500 to caba, Tietê, Grande e Paraná. Still, the to the drain net, besides the colluviums 688 meters. There are a predominance waters of the rivers Pardo and Mogi- and eluviums”.21 of ample mounts crosscut by average hills between the left margin of the Guaçu [Fig. 1] cover its areas. In rela- According to Setzer (1966), based in São João stream and the right margin of tion to the physical aspects (geology, the climatic classification proposed by the Ipê stream. In the latter’s margins geomorphology, weather, vegetation), Köeppen, there are two climatic types the festooned slopes predominates. Be- the two micro-regions to be researched in the basin: has very similar characteristics, despite tween the Peixe River and the Rancho 1 – Cwa: It is hot and humid, with dry Grande stream, there are fluvial plains some differences. We will describe their winter, and average temperature su- main aspects in what follow. in a terrain with few declivities on to perior to 22 ºC in the hottest month the Jacaré-Guaçu River, as we could ob- We divided the micro-regions of and inferior to 18 ºC in the coldest serve in the phase of fieldwork survey. the Project into the areas of two hydro- month. graphical basins: The right margin of the Jacaré- 2 – Cwb: There are little areas where Guaçu, in its middle section, shows this type of climate occurs. It is geomorphologic aspects that are dif- Middle Jacaré-Guaçu humid and mild with dry season. ferent from those described above. The Middle Jacaré-Guaçu, affluent of Average temperature in the hottest Since the Ribeirão do Laranjal up to the the Tietê by its right margin, is inserted month is inferior to 22 ºC and, in the Córrego do Tanque, both in the lands in the Tietê/Jacaré hydrographical basin, coldest month, is inferior to 18 ºC. of the Araraquara County, the altitude Hydric Resources Management Unit nº In relation to the vegetation, the re- vary from 500 up to 750 meters. From 13. Of this HRMU, besides the section gion is characterized by the presence of the Ribeirão do Laranjal up to near the of the Tietê River comprehended be- open pasture with patches of stunted Chibarro River, the average hills pre-

268 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations dominate, crosscut by ample hills and er’s bed is constituted by basalt, which sin”.27 In the Middle Upper Mogi, in basaltic plateau. The festooned slopes springs out in several streamlets, as in a specific fashion, the biggest area of predominate from the Chibarro River Salto do Pinhal, Cachoeiras de Cima, native woods are constituted by the big up to near the Córrego do Tanque. Cachoeiras de Baixo, Cachoeira de cerrado, followed by the cerrado and, There happen to occur fluvial plains Emas and Escaramuça”.24 at last, by woods.28. on both margins of the Chibarro River The Mogi basin, in all its extension, and on the Córrego das Cruzes. The is implanted into four geomorphologic The survey in the Jacaré-Guaçu ample hills predominate nearest to the provinces: The Atlantic Upland, the middle course Córrego do Tanque, being its left mar- Peripheral Depression, The Basaltic The first phase of the fieldwork gin the limits of the fieldwork survey. Cuestas and the Western Upland. The survey was done in the Middle Jacaré- Middle Upper Mogi sub-basin has all its Guaçu and it encompassed the areas Middle Upper Mogi extension distributed in the area of the contained in the IBGE charts (scale Western Upland, located more to the The Mogi-Guaçu River sprouts in 1:50.000) of Araraquara and Boa Es- west of the basin. The Western Upland the State of Minas Gerais, in the Bom perança do Sul. In terms of county di- is characterized by a “great uniformity, vision, the survey covered areas of the Repouso County, and its basin com- what makes the relief to be somewhat prehends the southwest regions of that left and right margins of the referred monotonous, with the predominance river that are part of Araraquara, Boa State and the northeast regions of the of short and ample hills, as the Serra State of São Paulo. It was subdivided Esperança do Sul and Ribeirão Bonito. do Jaboticabal. The altitudes oscillate In relation to the city of Araraquara, into economic-ecologic compartments between 400 and 600 meters”.25 together with the Rio Pardo basin. The we had previously known about a According to the Köeppen Interna- area of the present research is included lithic occurrence, near to the Chibarro tional System, in the Mogi basin there in the compartment called Middle Up- River (UTM Coordinates E0782970/ are four climatic divisions, being the per Mogi, of which the following cities N7580116). In Ribeirão Bonito, type Aw the one that predominates in are included: Motuca, Guatapará, Luís through oral information, we had pre- the area of the research, which rep- Antônio, Rincão, Santa Lúcia, Américo viously known about a lithic occurrence resents “a tropical climate with rainy Brasiliense, Descalvado and Santa Rita (actinolite / polished) in Guarapiranga season in the summer and dry season do Passa Quatro. (in the district of Ribeirão Bonito) in the winter. This climatic type oc- and in the Morro da Figura, a place The offspring of the Mogi-Guaçu curs on the north of the Mogi-Guaçu widely known by the city inhabitants River, whose name means “big snake” hydrographical basin. The pluviometric and which, according to them, has in- in Tupi, is located in the Morro do Cur- index varies between 1.100 and 1.300 scriptions on the high banks and on vado, in Bom Repouso, in the Crystal- mm and the dry season in this region the lithic material. In Boa Esperança line Upland. Its average altitude is of occurs between the months of May and do Sul, also through oral information, 1.650 meters. The river runs through September, being July the month where we already knew of the existence of the State of Minas Gerais around 95 it reaches the highest intensity”.26 ceramic material in Pedra Branca, a Km, crossing the Serra da Mantiqueira, According to Brigante & Espíndola, district from where, according to the to run through more 377 Km in the several types of phyto-ecological ter- informants, some igaçabas containing Paulista territory, in the Central Up- ritories represent the vegetal coverage bones were taken in the 60’s. land, to flow into the Rio Pardo. in the Mogi-Guaçu area. They can be The approaching method of the area As for the geological aspects of the defined in the following way: semi-de- chosen for this phase was to gather oral Mogi River, we can say that “through ciduous seasonal forest (sub-caducous information with the rural area inhabit- all the east part sprung the crystalline folia rainforest), dense ombrophilous ants and to visit places where it would rocks from the Gneissic-Migmatite forest (pluvial rainforest), alluvial dense be probable to find archaeological sites, complex and from the Açungui group, ombrophilous forest (cilium forest), as the rocky outcrops (among all sand- with many intrusive granite bodies. The cerrado (savanna), and big cerrado. In stone), gravel beds (near to the rivers) rest of its area corresponds to the ori- the Mogi-Guaçu river basin, “there and the confluences of the affluent with ental part of the Paraná State geological are”, presently, “great part of the cer- the main river. We had previously es- basin and involves a good part of its rado and big cerrado vegetation legally tablished some points on the IBGE stratigraphical series, since the Upper suitable for the cutting of trees, which charts that are 1 Km distant one from Carboniferous up to the Cretaceous. would diminish still further the index the other, which can be found in the Almost the whole totality of the riv- of vegetal coverage in the referred ba- half-hillside. Also, when it was possible,

RHAA 6 269 Traduções/Translations we walked through the margins of the the cutting of the trees. The places that proximately 1.5 Km from the Jacaré- affluent round 2 Km up to the source were most visible to the team were ar- Guaçu River. We evidenced at least of the river, for the ceramic material of eas of pasture with erosion, places for four ceramic concentrations, with which we had previously known in the the cattle’s passage (which leaves the many thick and thin fragments, some Jacaré-Guaçu basin (in Pedra Branca) soil exposed), ploughed land, low and rim and many gauges made of pink are located around 3,5 Km from this medium size sugarcane, little size plan- sandstone [Fig. 2]. There are many river, on the left margin of the Manda- tations, as the peanut, and subsistence slim materials, without decoration, guari stream. plantations. but there are also painted materials, In this phase of work, we did choose In a place near to the Córrego do as, for instance, a thin rim, prob- to do not do a systematic survey, for Pavão, we collected some oral infor- ably from a pot. In this fragment, the ceramic sites are generally located mation to be later verified, for they the decoration was made in white on the surface. Above all, in places of referred to areas that do not belong to and red. We could not evidence frag- culture, where the plough is used, we this phase of the research. For example, ments with plastic decoration (cor- can well observe the material’s distri- an informant told us that, in the Santa rugated, ungulated, and brushed). bution, despite the relative destruction Lourdes farm, near to the Córrego do The ceramic is very fragile, but we caused by the plough. As for the lithic Tamanduá, in Ribeirão Bonito, there could find red and white engobus. In sites, we can also observe them on the are “lighting bolt stones”. Two other the site, there are also lithic materials surface, in gravel beds near to the rivers informants said that, in the Fazenda (sandstone chips, a silex scraper well or in the outcrops of raw material, as das Flores dam, in São Carlos, there finished and sandstone gauges). We the sandstone. are “lighting bolt stones” occurrences. could find a small polished fragment The approach with the inhabitants Some people also said that there were made from broken basalt, possibly of the rural area sought to take into rock inscriptions on the Morro da being a polisher. However, its forms consideration the knowledge that they Figura (Ribeirão Bonito) and on an- suggest the head of a semi lunar axe, have of the archaeological material. other mount, between Boa Esperança a ritual artifact generally attributable Therefore, it is very common for the do Sul and Bocaina, in the Diamante to the Jê populations and, in relation rural people or to those who have pre- farm, near to the Jacaré-Pepira River, to Archaeology, found in sites from viously worked with the land to make another Tietê affluent. We registered the Itararé and Aratu traditions [Fig. reference to the material culture that such informations in order to verify 3]. The site is in an area of sugar- we researched as “the Indian’s vessel” them later. cane culture of three phases, low, (intact ceramic vessels), “ancient dish- We present, in what follows, a sum- medium and high, and a portion is ware” (ceramic potsherds), “lighting mary description of the four ceramic in a pasture area. We could observe bolt stone” or “sparkling stone” (pol- sites found in the phase of survey on on the ceramic mortar the existence ished axe blades), “Indians land” or the Jacaré-Guaçu. The complete list of of slim and bulk sand and fragments “black land” (dark anthropogenic soil the archaeological sites and isolated oc- of vegetal origin (cariapé) as organic generally found in ceramic sites). currences can be found at Table I. additives. During the work, he had some dif- • The right margin of the São João • In the left margin of the Mandaguari ficulties to get to the pre-established stream, in the Ribeirão Bonito stream, near to the rural district of places. The biggest difficulty, which County, is a place with medium and Pedra Branca, belonging to the Boa turned unviable to arrive at certain in- low size sugarcane and little declivity Esperança do Sul County. We had teresting points, was the existence of on to the main river. In the second already known of an archaeologi- many orange plantation farms, where it point of the São João stream, we cal site through oral information. is not allowed to get in, for there is the found ceramic material, character- The inhabitants of Boa Esperança need to control the diseases in the citric izing the São João site (abbreviated and Pedra Branca informed us that, fruits as, for instance, the citrus canker as SJO), a name given in honor to thirty years ago, when they built a and the citrus variegated chlorosis. Be- the stream. The site is located on the little dam in the Mandaguari stream, sides the orange trees, many sugarcane edge of two farms and its biggest they extracted from the place many farms had still not done the cut in the portion is in the lands of Mr. Eu- urns, some of them containing plantations, a fact that, in many cases, rico Fernandes, owner of the Estrela bones. Mr. Nelson Neves, who lived allowed for the observation of the soil Ranch. The archaeological site can in Boa Esperança and who worked only through the cart ways for the traf- be found approximately 450 meters on the place at the time, donated to fic of sugarcane trucks in the epoch of from the São João stream and ap- the Araraquara County Museum,

270 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations

through our mediation, a little ce- concentration; most of it being slim the Jacaré-Guaçu River, in the São ramic bottle gourd, with decoration, sherds (without decoration) and a Manuel farm, the propriety of Mrs. and a polished axe blade that, ac- sherd with corrugated plastic deco- Maria Luiza Travassos. cording to him, were extracted from ration. We also collected a little pol- the place, together with the igaça- ished blade, the base of which was The survey in the middle section bas. Nonetheless, nothing has been probably used as a hammerstone, for of the Mogi-Guaçu (Middle Upper left of these, for they were broken there are in it marks of usage. We Mogi) in many pieces by the tractors. We did not delimitate the site, leaving had labeled this archaeological site this task to a posterior phase. The The second phase of the fieldwork as the Mandaguari (abbreviated as site is located at approximately 250 survey was done on the middle section MDG). The site can be found up meters from the Mandaguari stream of the Mogi-Guaçu and it encompassed to 150 meters from the stream that and at 2,25 Km from the confluence the areas contained on the IBGE charts gave its name and approximately of the Rancho Grande stream with (scale 1:50.000) of Porto Pulador and 3,5 Km from the Jacaré-Guaçu. the Jacaré-Guaçu, on a land with lit- Rincão. Later on, through oral informa- An area of little declivity on to the tle declivity on to the stream. tion gathered at the field, we identified a ceramic archaeological site in the Mo- Mandaguari stream, the actual soil • At a distance of 2,5 Km from the tuca County (IBGE chart of Guariba, occupation is for the sugarcane Barrinha archaeological site, go- scale 1:50.000), amplifying our area of plantation, whose estate lands, the ing downwards in the Mandaguari research. The Motuca region is also São Luís farm, belonging to Mr. stream, which at this section re- part of the area encompassed by the Fernando Tanuri, were rented to ceives the name of Rancho Grande Middle Upper section of the Mogi- the Zanin Mill. In the moment of on the IBGE chart, in the conflu- Guaçu River. the inspection, the north portion of ence area between this stream and the site was occupied with medium the Jacaré-Guaçu River, we found In relation to the county division, sugarcane, while its bigger portion ceramic material in the sugarcane the survey covered the areas of the is in an area where the cutting of cart ways [Fig. 5]. This archaeo- left margin of the referred river that the sugarcane was done a short while logical site was labeled as Rancho are part of the counties of Rincão, São ago. We could observe on the place a Grande (abbreviated as RGR). We Carlos and Motuca. One of the sites is ceramic already much fragmented by could not delimitate the occur- located very far away from the Mogi- the works of plough: some thin and rences, for the sugarcane was high, Guaçu River, in the Anhumas, an af- thick sherds without decoration [Fig. almost in the cutting epoch. None- fluent that run along several counties, 4], a piece of a vessel’s keel (with red theless, the fragments found in the among them the Américo Brasiliense. paintings), a painted fragment (with cart way suggest a high density of ar- The archaeological site (that was la- black, white, and red decoration) and chaeological material. The potsherds beled as Anhumas II) is located in the some red sandstone blocks. We did that we were able to observe do not lands of this county. not do the delimitation of the area have decoration (slim surface). We The survey on the right margin of of the site, leaving this procedure to also found a smoothened pebble, the main river, which encompasses ar- posterior phases. suggesting a ceramic polisher, and eas of the counties of Guatapará and • At a distance of 920 meters from some red sandstone tools. Farther Luís Antônio, was not done in this the Mandaguari archaeological site, on, walking through the cart ways phase. We centered our attention only going downwards on the stream of of the southeast part of the site, on the left margin affluents, for the area the same name in the direction of we could observe a ceramic with to cover in the survey is ample, despite the Jacaré-Guaçu River, we found less evident Indian patterns (for the reduced number of affluents. These another ceramic site, labeled as the instance, the type of burning). The are more distant one from the other Barrinha archaeological site (abbre- laboratory works after the site’s ex- than the ones researched in the phase viated as BRR), for being located cavation and the dating by thermo- of the survey of the Jacaré-Guaçu. On in the homonymous estate. The ar- luminescence will be able to bring us a straight line, the course of the Mogi- chaeological material is located on a subsidies to check the first evidence Guaçu in this section chosen for the re- place of low sugarcane, in the San- that this ceramic could be from the search is of about 20 Km. However, it is tana da Barrinha A site, the propri- epoch of the first contact between worth to highlight that, in this portion ety of Mr. Luís Colin Filho. In the Indians and non-Indians. The site of its course, the Mogi-Guaçu assumes place, we could observe a ceramic can be found at 200 meters from features of a river full of meanders. Ac-

RHAA 6 271 Traduções/Translations cording to the boatman that we found giving the idea that the populations Some oral information gathered in the area, this section between the went upward through the smaller riv- could not be verified due to the available Córrego do Rancho Queimado and the ers searching for a propitious place to time for the research, having in mind Ribeirão das Guabirobas has, as a rule, build their villages every time they had the distance that we should walk yet. 40 Km of navigation. found such topographical situation. However, the informations were regis- Although the approaching method On the other side, sites were found on tered and, even if they have not been had been the same as the Jacaré-Guaçu other places, in which the terrace was verified in this phase of the research, phase (gathering oral information, visi- closer to the bed of the river, without they could serve to future researchers tation to places where it would be prob- a big marsh interposing the two. This that find an interest for the area and for able to find archaeological remains, as is the case of the Santo Antônio site, the amplification of the investigations rocky outcrops, gravel beds, conflu- in Motuca (in the Mogi-Guaçu phase), that we have now started. ences of rivers), we had better results which we will describe later on, and the For instance, in this phase we in- in the gathering of information with Rancho Grande site, in Boa Esperança terviewed Mr. Pedro, who works on a the inhabitants of the rural area. In the do Sul (in the Jacaré-Guaçu phase), pre- place of sand extraction in the lands same manner as in the previous phase, viously described. belonging to Rincão, in the left mar- we established previously some points Although the economic activities gin of the Mogi-Guaçu, near to the SP on the IBGE charts, approximately 1 found in this section of the Mogi-Guaçu 255, the freeway that links Araraquara Km distant one from the other. We also are very noxious to the environment to Ribeirão Preto. Working since a long walked, when it was possible, through and, by extension, to the archaeologi- time in the region, Mr. Pedro gave us the margins of the affluents around 2 cal heritage, they approximate people informations that could evidence the Km on the direction of its source. We from the hydrographical environment. relationship of the people of the place did not choose for the systematic sur- There are many workers’ stories that with the “ancient” things that are vey, with the opening of test-wells, for says that, for extracting sand from the found next to the Mogi-Guaçu River. the area that we could observe is, al- bed of the river, they had already found Even if the informations are not exact, most in its totality, used for the culture many “ancient” things, among them they give us an idea of the places that of sugarcane, what has aided the visu- much archaeological material. The local could receive a better attention later. All alization of the material on the field. inhabitants cited, mainly, the “lighting the places cited by the informant are a We cannot forget also about the areas bolt stones” and the “arrow heads”. little more distant from the flume of whose main economical activities are In this way, likewise the farmers, the Mogi River, what has lead us to do the extraction of sand and clay. these workers give valuable informa- not prioritize the search, since we had We observed some differences in tions on places where we could find established, on the chart, the points to relation to the area surveyed in the archaeological remains. The problem be verified closer to the main drain. Jacaré-Guaçu. In the first place, we faced is that, for coming from the riv- Mr. Pedro cited as places to be had difficulties to find sites that where er’s bed, such remains could have come looked for, in relation to the occurrence closer to the main river, due to the to- from other places. Notwithstanding, of archaeological material or some tal transformation of the landscape by the simple mention to streams and lo- phenomena linked to it, the São João economic activities that causes the deg- calities can help us in the search for farm in the Estação do Ouro (arrow radation of the environment, among all archaeological sites, what in reality hap- head), the Cabaceiras River, an affluent the extraction of sand and clay. The pened with some informants that we of the Mogi-Guaçu by its left margin places that we had access evidenced met during this phase of the survey. A (“fire ball”),29 the Cachangal farm (sen- a destruction of the environment that study of oral History and memory with zala), the Fazenda do Redondo (ancient has being happening, in some cases, these populations who live from several pots) and Morro Chato in the Fazenda for twenty years. In this kind of un- activities related to the Mogi-Guaçu do Redondo (possibly cave art). The dertaking, many archaeological sites River certainly would render precious Morro Chato has already been cited were destroyed, for on many places we informations about the transformations by several inhabitants of the locality, just found only huge craters due to the in the visions about the archaeologi- in previous works that we did for other extraction of sand. cal material. This could be done from researches. However, we had not gone In a section of the Jacaré-Guaçu we the apprehension of this past material to verify the information yet, due to the found the same situation in relation to universe recovered from the river’s bed difficulties of access. the topography. Many sites, in this case, or found in the places of agricultural Other information that we col- were found throughout the affluents, activities. lected refers to a place with clay pots

272 RHAA 6 Traduções/Translations in Motuca, possibly related to the Santo the site caused by the plough. We fragment was very close to a ceramic Antônio archaeological site, also found were able to identify some little site known since the 70’s, which is through oral information. According thick fragments of rim with white the Rapatoni site (left margin of the to Mr. Antônio, owner of the lands engobus and plastic decoration of Ribeirão das Anhumas), which we where we found the Santo Antônio ar- the corrugated style, some vase wall located and registered in the phase chaeological site, this above-mentioned fragments with red painting over of survey of our project and we will place, where we could find another ar- white engobus, as well as fragments describe later on. chaeological site, belongs to the lands without painting and decoration. Still on the right margin of the of the Bem-te-vi Ranch, the propriety We observed all these material in Ribeirão das Anhumas, in lands that of Mr. Mateus Voltarel. It is located in the cart way between the sugarcane belongs to the Santo Antônio farm, in the Córrego do Bem-te-vi, which flows plantations, but we could evidence the Rincão County, which were rent into the Ribeirão do Bonfim, an im- material on the surface also inside to the Santa Cruz Mill for the sugar- portant affluent of the Mogi-Guaçu by the sugarcane plantation. The site is cane culture, we found an archaeologi- its left margin, in the Motuca County. located on the beginning of the ter- cal site that we labeled as Anhumas I When we observed the IBGE chart race, in an area with little declivity site, whose abbreviation is ANH1. The of Guariba, in which are located the on to the Mogi-Guaçu River. There material found were fragments of thick lands of Motuca that are flowed by is, between the location of the site ceramics, a potsherd painted in red and the Mogi-Guaçu river, we realized the and the river, an inundation plain black over white engobus [Fig. 6], being existence of a Bem-te-vi stream that, with 1.750 meters. The distance of the rim of a big pot, another rim frag- nonetheless, flows into the Ribeirão do the site to the Córrego do Rancho ment with decoration that reminds the Lajeado, which by its turn flows into Queimado is of 2.250 meters and, to incisions made with the nails [Fig. 7], the Ribeirão do Bonfim. We recorded the São José stream (the name of the and many other slim potsherds, without the information, waiting for further site comes from it), 1.700 meters. It is plastic or painted decoration. journeys to the field. placed in an area of ample mounds, The archaeological site is located in Mr. Irineu Rapatoni, from Rincão, whose altitude varies from 537 to the area of sugarcane plantation and, also informed us about the existence 553 meters. when of its finding, the land was being of pestle hand in the Japaratuba ranch, • Right margin of the Ribeirão das plough, what facilitated the visualiza- in Motuca, but he did not know how Anhumas: tion of the material. By the dimension to say the exact name of the stream • This stream, by its extension, is of the potsherds visualized on the sur- in which we found this material. We considered an important affluent of face, we believe that this site has, up verified the other oral informations ob- the Mogi-Guaçu River, flowing into to the moment, a much smaller degree tained in this phase of the survey and, the areas of the counties of Rincão, of destruction than the previously de- as we found archaeological material, we Santa Lúcia, Américo Brasiliense scribed (São José site – SJS), what could will summarize them below (the com- and Araraquara. Many informants be interesting to a future excavation. plete list of sites and occurrences can cited the Ribeirão das Anhumas as The Anhumas I site is located at 450 be found at Table II). an interesting area for the occupa- meters from the Ribeirão das Anhu- • In the left margin of the Mogi- tion of native peoples of the past. mas, on its right margin, and at 1.700 Guaçu River, in the lands belong- The main favorable features that meters from the confluence of this ing to the Rincão County, between some informants cited were, above stream with the Mogi-Guaçu. How- the Rancho Queimado and São José all, the hunting and the fishing that ever, on a straight line, the distance streams, we found ceramic material. were, until recently, in the 70’s, still between the site’s place and the Mogi- We labeled the finding as the São abundant. Many of the oral infor- Guaçu is of 1.100 meters. The place is José site, whose abbreviation is SJS. mations that we got, above all those a terrace with little declivity on to the It is an area where the soil is used from Mr. Pedro, above mentioned, Ribeirão das Anhumas, with the pres- for the sugarcane culture, which was are situated in areas that are flowed ence of ample mounds of few altitude, very high and did difficult a better by the Ribeirão das Anhumas and whose closer higher part do not exceed visualization of the remains on the its affluents. In a previous phase of 565 meters. surface. All the ceramic material that the survey (2003), we found a frag- In the left margin of the Ribeirão we could see was very fragmented, ment of Indian ceramics on the right das Anhumas, going upwards in the di- having little material to be observed, margin of the Anhumas. At that rection of its source, in the area of the certainly due to the destruction of moment, we did not know that this Santa Cruz Mill, we found ceramic ma-

RHAA 6 273 Traduções/Translations terial in the sugarcane area. As the sug- farm (ancient propriety of his father, tives. We could not delimitate the area arcane was high, we only could observe Mr. João Rapatoni) when they plough of occurrence for the sugarcane was some very small fragments, giving the for the first time the land. He said also high. According to the owner of the impression of being an archaeological that, when the land was uncultivated Itauarama farm, where the archaeologi- site that has suffered much from the or the plantation was lower, they could cal site is located, he rented the lands works of plough. The delimitation of see, from the top of a mount, the black to the Santa Cruz Mill, for sugarcane the area and the eventual confirmation spots on the land that the researchers plantation. that it really was a destructed site will from the Paulista Museum had told The site is located in a terrace with only be possible in a future phase, when them to be the spots of ancient Indian little declivity on to the Mogi-Guaçu the sugarcane will be already cut. De- huts. Today, unfortunately, it is not pos- River, whose altitude do not exceeds spite the high sugarcane, we observed sible anymore to observe such details, 532 meters. The distance from the Mogi some equally small fragments inside the since the land have being suffering the River is of 1.450 meters. According to plantation. We labeled the place as the action of the plough since that epoch the Porto Pulador chart made by the Anhumas II archaeological site (abbre- (the decade of 1970). IBGE (scale 1:50.000), the site would be viation ANH II). We located, in this way, the site and 150 meters from a small drain, inexist- The ceramic fragments that we labeled it as the Rapatoni archaeological ent today. The access to the place of the found are all slim, without plastic or site (abbreviated as RPT). We could not site is done through the SP 255, which painted decoration. The Anhumas delimitate the area of the site, for the links Ribeirão Preto to Araraquara, in II archaeological site is located in sugarcane was high. The Rapatoni ar- the direction of Ribeirão Preto, enter- the lands of the Américo Brasiliense chaeological site is located on the right ing at the right by the neighboring road County, near to the SP 255 freeway, margin of the Ribeirão das Anhumas, that goes up to the Taquaral district which links Araraquara to Ribeirão in the lands that belongs to the Rincão (belonging to Rincão). The analysis of Preto. It is also near to the Araraquara County, very close to a broken bridge the site’s situation will be possible when Nautical Club, which uses the waters of of the ancient road that linked Ribeirão they cut the sugarcane, for its size did the Ribeirão das Anhumas. It is situ- Preto to Rincão. Today, another road not allow a better visualization of the ated at 150 meters from this stream and was built and it is located more to the material on the surface. approximately 12 Km from the conflu- right of the place of the site. The dis- In a talk with the inhabitants of the ence of the Anhumas with the Mogi- tance from the archaeological site to the rural area near to the Ribeirão das An- Guaçu River. It is situated near to the Ribeirão das Anhumas is of 650 meters, humas, we knew of another place with plain and low area next to the stream, and from the site to the Mogi-Guaçu ceramic archaeological site, in the lands in the beginning of the terrace. River, 2.100 meters. It is situated in an of Motuca. According to an informant, To this phase of the fieldwork in area with average declivity on to the in the ranch of her family they collected the Mogi-Guaçu, we intended to lo- Ribeirão das Anhumas, almost on the in the past, around twenty years ago, cate an archaeological site known since top of the hill, which has 570 meters many ceramic pieces (pots of several the 70’s. There is, in the Araraquara as its maximum altitude. We could ob- sizes), as well as axe blades. We went County Museum, a polychromic funer- serve on this location many ceramic to the place and we found the remains, ary urn [Fig. 8] from this site and, in fragments, all without plastic decora- which we labeled as the Santo Antônio the epoch of its discovery, there was a tion [Fig. 9]. archaeological site (abbreviated as great interest for this material. By be- Going upwards on the Mogi-Guaçu SAT). This site is presently propriety ing the first archaeological site found River, already in the lands of São Car- of Mr. Antônio, who lives in Motuca. in the region, we had the interest of los, in the area between the Ribeirão His estate is divided into an area for the locating it to record it and to follow das Guabirobas and the Ribeirão das breeding of animals (of several species) with archaeological investigations that Araras, we found ceramic material in and a bigger area for the plantation of could come with more information on an archaeological site that we labeled sugarcane, in which the archaeological the material. as Itauarama (abbreviated as ITA). In site is located. We found in the cart We contacted the son of the ancient this site, there are slim ceramics [Fig. ways of the sugarcane plantation (which owner, Mr. Irineu Rapatoni, who gave 10], but we also found a thick frag- was high) a huge quantity of slim ce- us some important informations refer- ment with plastic decoration in the cor- ramic fragments, without plastic or ring to the site and to its discovery. rugated style. We could also note, in painted decoration, whose organic ad- Mr. Irineu told us that the ceramic the walls of another thick ceramic frag- ditives, well visible, are constituted by material was found in the Bom Retiro ment, crushed sherds as organic addi- the cariapé [Fig. 11].

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According to the delimitation of the the actual population, making this past works and the contact with the com- findings on the surface made through as something relevant to the national munity of the region of Araraquara re- walks in the sugarcane cart ways, we society, generally leaved behind,30 and vealed a great research potential in this could realize that the fragments have rethinking the relationship between the sense. To take into consideration the an ample distribution, differently from ethnical and national identities, tradi- discourse that the people of the com- the sites found up to the moment. We tionally seen as opposed things.31 munity utter about the archaeological observed fragments on the surface in The primordial goal of this research, sites can help us in the construction of an area of approximately 250 X 250 heritage education, seeks to act out in a “prehistoric” Indian more connected meters, whose distance from the Mogi- the most different social sectors and to to what we call national History. The Guaçu River is of 450 meters. Near to hit an ample public through lectures, future works or already under way, the the site there is the Ribeirão do Bon- short-courses to teachers, and the as- systematic gathering of material and the laboratorial analyses, conjugated to the fim, at a distance of 350 meters. The semblage of an exhibition, as well as heritage education that comes from the site is, consequently, in an area near to the presentation of partial results to the research proposal seeks this goal. the confluence of this stream with the scientific community in articles, sym- Mogi-Guaçu River. posia and meetings. We also aim at the elaboration of a publication (about the Acknowledgements Going on with the work region’s Indian past) to primary and We would like to say thanks to the The research in process (which had secondary school teachers, and the researchers and students who par- its two first moments presented in this elaboration of a PhD thesis on the ar- ticipated in the survey phases of the article) has as its main goal, through chaeological material of the region. Project accomplished in Araraquara: the elaboration and execution of all the In a theoretical level, we prioritize Robson A. Rodrigues, Dulcelaine traditional phases of the archaeological the study of the role that material cul- Nishikawa, Fábio Húngaro Karam, Ra- work (survey, excavation, laboratory), to ture have in the imaginary of society, fael de Abreu e Souza, Paulo Lima, and create subsidies to the complementa- despite its transformations (myth trans- Thiago Ribeiro Pereira. We would like tion of these previous stages into the formed into beliefs and popular tales). to thank, also, Virgínia C. F. de Gobbi, proposal of heritage education in the How such apprehensions can bring us the Araraquara County Museum direc- Araraquara region. All the work is be- informations, even multifarious, about tor, for the support in all the phases of ing conducted in a way as to turn viable the vision that national society has, to- the research. the transformation of the knowledge of day, of the Indian populations that lived an Indian past and its relationship with in the Araraquara region? The field- English version: Marcelo Hilsdorf Marotta

1 The research was possible due to a FAPESP vista Uniara. Araraquara (SP), 3:13-37, 1998. – Usina Colombo (SP). São Paulo, Scientia, Studentship Grant, Process no. 04/00506-2. 7 It is important to highlight that, in this work, Nov/2003a. CALDARELLI, Solange B. 2 Cf. Pedro Paulo A. Funari, Charles E. Orser Jr, we have used the nomenclature adopted by Projeto: Prospecção Arqueológica na Faixa de Solange Nunes Oliveira Schiavetto. Identidades, the Pronapa (as, for instance, the archaeolo- Duplicação da Rodovia Armando Sales de Oli- discurso e poder: estudos da Arqueologia contemporâ- gical traditions), for a better understanding of veira (SP 322), Km 356 a Km 390 +500. São nea. São Paulo: Annablume / FAPESP, 2005, the archaeological picture seen through such Paulo, Scientia, Nov./2003b. CALDARELLI, FAPESP Process no. 04/05273-6. nomenclature. However, this research do not Solange B. Aldeias Tupi-Guarani no vale do Mogi-Guaçu, estado de São Paulo, Brasil. Re- 3 Cf. Pedro Paulo A. Funari, Andrés] Zarankin, follow the pronapian model and do not have as 5:27-124, 1983. GODOY, Emily Stovel. Global Archaeological Theory, New its aim to discuss the interaction from fossili- vista de Pré-História. York: Kluwer / Fapesp, 2005, FAPESP Pro- zed models of culture that the Brazilian Archa- Manuel P. de. Los extinguidos Painguá de las cess no. 03/12576-2. eology has used in the course of its history. cascadas de Emas. Córdoba. Universidad Na- cional de Córdoba / Instituto Dr. Pablo Car- 4 8 BROCHADO, José P. An ecological model of the Cf. Solange Nunes Oliveira Schiavetto. A rera, Publicação 14, 1946. MORAES, Camila spread of ceramist and agriculture into eastern south Arqueologia guarani: construção e desconstrução A. Reexaminando a “Tradição Tupiguarani” . São Paulo: Annablume America. Chicago: University of Illinois, PhD da identidade indígena no Nordeste do Estado de São Paulo. Anais / FAPESP, 2003, FAPESP Process no. Thesis, 1984. do XIII Congresso de Arqueologia Brasileira. CD 2002/07184-5. 9 MANO, 1998, Op. cit.; MANO, Marcel. Os Rom, Campo Grande, 2005. MORAIS, José 5 Cf. Pedro Paulo A. Funari. “Public archae- campos de Araraquara: um estudo de história indí- L. Salvamento arqueológico na área de influ- ology in Brazil”. In Public Archaeology, edited gena no interior paulista. PhD Thesis, IFCH / ência da PCH Moji-Guaçu. Revista do Museu de by Nick Merriman. London and New York: Unicamp, 2006. Arqueologia e Etnologia. MAE / USP, 5:77-98, Routledge, 2004, 200-12. 10 CALDARELLI, Solange B. Projeto: Pros- 1995. PALLESTRINI, Luciana. Cerâmica há 6 MANO, Marcel. “Os campos de Ara coara: pecção arqueológica na Faixa de Servidão 1.500 anos, Moji-Guaçu. Revista do Museu Pau- um ensaio de perspectiva etno-histórica”. Re- da Linha de Transmissão 138 Kv SE Pirangi lista. 28:115-129, 1981/82.

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11 CALDARELLI, 1983, Op. cit. ção do Plano da Bacia Hidrográfica do Tietê/Jacaré when we observe the Indian myths, above all 12 MORAES, 2005, Op. cit. – Relatório Final. 152 pp. 1999. the Tupi myths described by some travelers 21 13 ALVES, M. A. & CALLEFFO, Myriam V.. IPT 1999, Op. cit. and analyzed by Alfred Métraux (MÉTRAUX, “Sítio Água Limpa, Monte Alto, São Paulo”. 22 IPT 1999, Op. cit. Alfred. A religião dos tupinambás e suas relações com a das demais tribos tupi-guarani. 2. ed, Brasiliana Revista do MAE. n. 6, 1996. 23 IPT 1999, Op. cit., p. 43. 14 267, 1979), we realized that such phenomena GODOY, 1946, Op. cit. 24 BRIGANTE, Janete & ESPÍNDOLA, could have some relation with the archaeolo- 15 CALDARELLI, 2003b, Op. cit. Evaldo L. G. (Eds.). Limnologia fluvial: um es- gical sites of the ceramist peoples. The ancient 16 tudo no rio Mogi-Guaçu. São Carlos (SP): RIMA, MORAIS, 1995, Op. cit. Tupi linked such phenomenon to the legend of 2003, p. 4. 17 BROCHADO, 1984, Op. cit. the baetatá (fire thing or, as it is suggested by 25 BRIGANTE, Janete & ESPÍNDOLA, 18 MARANCA, Sílvia, SILVA, André & SCA- the radical mboi, fire snake, generally occurring Evaldo, 2003, Op. cit., p. 5. BELLO, Ana Maria. “Projeto oeste paulista near to the rivers and places where they buried 26 de Arqueologia do baixo e médio vale do rio CBH-Mogi / CREUPI. Diagnóstico da bacia their relatives). hidrográfica do rio Mogi-Guaçu “Relatório Tietê”. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnolo- 30 FUNARI, Pedro P. A. “Os desafios da des- gia. MAE / USP, 4:223-226, 1994. Zero”. 219 pp. Agosto de 1999. 27 truição e conservação do patrimônio cultural 19 BRIGANTE, Janete & ESPÍNDOLA, On the settlement Archaeology, with discus- no Brasil”. Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia. Evaldo, 2003, Op. cit., p. 9. sion and references, cf. Pedro Paulo A Funari, Porto, 41:23-32, 2001. O sistema de assentamento microregional em 28 CBH-Mogi / CREUPI 1999, Op. cit., p. 52. 31 SCHIAVETTO, Solange N. O. “A questão La Campana em época romana, História, 5/6, 29 In this case, the informant could be referring étnica no discurso arqueológico: afirmação de 85-96, 1987; O assentamento microregional to the natural phenomenon known as the will- em La Campana em época romana, História, 7, of-the-wisp. We had already noted that many uma identidade indígena minoritária ou inser- 47-60, 1988. Letras e coisas: ensaios sobre a cultura people who live in the rural areas and know ção na identidade nacional?” In: FUNARI, romana. Campinas, IFCH/UNICAMP, 2002. archaeological material refer to this kind of Pedro P. A., ORSER Jr., Charles E. & SCHIA- 20 Institute of Technological Researches (IPT). phenomenon generally occurring in the same VETTO, Solange N. O. Identidades, discurso e Diagnóstico da situação atual dos recursos hídricos e place where they describe to have “lighting poder: estudos da Arqueologia contemporânea. Fapesp estabelecimento de diretrizes técnicas para a elabora- bolt stones” and “Indian’s vessels”. In reality, / Annablume, 2005, p. 77-90.

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