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4 October 1985
other prices on page 2 MPC plans UK foreign office BY GWEN LISTER PLANS HAVE REACHED an advanced stage to open an office with an undisclosed status in London to promote the interim government abroad. The Head of the Department of Interstate Relations, Mr Carl von Bach, and the new co· ordinator of the London venture, Mr Sean Cleary, have ar· rived in london to prepare for the new operation. The interim government's Minister of Justice and Information, Mr Fanuel Kozonguizi, has confirmed that the London office will be elevat ed to a new status, but the interim Cabinet must still take a final de cision on the modalities of the new campaign. It was not yet cl ear whether Mr Cleary will be permanently stationed in London. 'It is up to him' Mr Kozo nguizi said. He added that the 'extern~ l poli cy' o f the interim admini stration till had to be established. At this stage they would no~be.~eeking 'inter.na tional recognition', Mr Kozonguizi said. A fo rmer So uth African diplo mat, Mr Sean Cleary took over from Mr Billy Marais as Public Relations Consultant fo r the interim govern POLICE WATCH burning barricades in Athlone, Cape Town, the scene of continuing vio ment on October 1. In that position this week. he will be controlling public relations See inside today for the story of dramatic protests at the University of the Western Cape. MR SEAN CLEA RY - interim (Photograph by Dave Hartman of Afrapix). government's 'rovi ng ambassador'. Continued on page 3 Ministers may boycott Council BIG SPRING BY GWEN LISTER net, the participation of two vote in a Cabinet meeting ofSep COMPETITION groups in the Constitutional tember 11. -
IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-920095-02-0 Debie LeBeau 9781920 095024 Edith Dima Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 i MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 iii MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA BY DEBIE LEBEAU EDITH DIMA 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-920095-02-0 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 v CONTENTS List of acronyms viii Acknowledgements x Preface xi 1. Background to multiparty democracy in Namibia 1 Historical background 1 The electoral system and its impact on gender 2 The ‘characters’ of the multiparty system 5 2. -
An Analysis of Racial Stereotyping in South African Broadcasting
1 Introduction Outline of Arguments, Theoretical Moves, and Research Sources A theoretically-informed analysis of stereotyping in advertising is a largely unchartered territory. Coupled to this problem is a complexity deriving from the fact that a variety of instruments (be they administrative. technological, ideological. or theoretical) when enacted in the South African context, often lead to counter- intuitive results. Tints, regressive ethnic stereotypes may have been “good” in certain South African contexts and progressive ones “bad” in others. The incorporation of “black” ethnicity in advertising in the West is held to be largely symbolic and masks the lack of real incorporation. Yet in South Africa, in certain circumstances, it prefigures black incorporation given the rise of the black consumer. A discourse geared towards stereotypes of minorities in a dominant ethnicity context, which sees them as bad, may be functional in a multiracial and multicultural context. Instances such as these are symptomatic of a more general problem encountered in the application of theories from First World contexts to the South African context (Muller and Tomaselli 1990: Louw, 1991). Third World countries might not always follow the same patterns or even stages of development that have previously occurred in the advanced industrial states. Third World countries will be profoundly affected by current development theories and policies practised in advanced industrial or post- industrial states. From a globalisation point of view, technological developments that have rendered certain modes of production and their attenuating labour reproduction requirements obsolete, inevitably hear influence upon Third World countries. While not underestimating the level of South African sophistication in industrialisation and business management, these observations must to some extent hold true about future development of the South African social formation, Care should therefore be exercised in the application of theories and concepts from abroad. -
The Church in Namibia: Political Handmaiden Or a Force for Justice and Unity? Christo Botha*
Journal of Namibian Studies, 20 (2016): 7 – 36 ISSN: 2197-5523 (online) The church in Namibia: political handmaiden or a force for justice and unity? Christo Botha* Abstract The role of churches in Namibia had investigated by researchers who aimed to docu- ment the history of various churches, as well as those who highlighted the role of black churches in particular, as mouthpieces for the disenfranchised majority in the struggle against apartheid. This article aims to shed light on a matter that had received relatively little attention, namely the church as an instrument of social justice and peace. An assessment of the role of various churches reveal to what extent these institutions were handicapped by ethnocentric concerns, which militated against the promotion of ecumenical cooperation. Except for a brief period in the 1970s and 1980s when the Council of Churches in Namibia served as an instrument for inter- church cooperation and promotion of social justice projects, little had arguably been achieved in establishing workable, enduring ecumenical ties. An attempt will be made to account for this state of affairs. Introduction Much is often made of the fact that Namibia is a largely Christian country, with about 90% of the population belonging to various Christian denominations. However, what strikes one when looking at the history of Christianity in the country and the role of the church, is the absence of evidence to support any claims that religion was a potent force for promoting the cause of human rights and mutual understanding and for eliminating ethnic divisions. In assessing the role of religion and the church in Namibian society, this article is concerned with three issues. -
25 October 1985
other prices on page 3 Manure 'bomb' and missing invitation THE EDITORIAL STAFF of The Namibian were not invited to at Apparently all the local press, with the exception of The Namibian, tend the Administrator General's annual 'garden party' on Wednes were in attendance, and a message was left at the gate to 'let us in' day, which - accordin2 to those present - was a lavish affair with if we chose to arrive. the Windhoek 'Who's Who' all there. Whether the invitation 'oversight' was an omission or deliberate, the fact is that it never arrived, and neither was there any explanation from Some of those who attended expressed surprise that The Namibian Mr Pienaar's office regarding the snub. had not been invited, but officials claimed it had not been a snub and A 'bomb scare' preceded the function, but the mysterious parcel that Mr Louis Pienaar was 'not one to bear grudges'. side the front gates of SW A House turned out to be manure. BY GWEN LISTER THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT Cabinet was deeply divided today after an eleventh hour settlement which will mean setting aside the appointment of Mr Pieter van der Byl as a Judge. The deal struck last night avoided a bitter and costly courtroom clash between Cabinet Ministers. And the settlement is a blow to the fincH throes of asettlement , but Finance Minister Mr Dirk Mudge there are loose ends to be tied up'. who supported the appointment of a South African Justice Depart Asked about the 'Constitution ment official as a Judge of the al Council', he said: 'We must now Supreme Court and Chairman of find a chairman' . -
L'identité Politique Et Culturelle Des Allemands De Namibie Face À L
L’identité politique et culturelle des Allemands de Namibie face à l’Indépendance Catherine Robert To cite this version: Catherine Robert. L’identité politique et culturelle des Allemands de Namibie face à l’Indépendance. Histoire. 1991. dumas-01297904 HAL Id: dumas-01297904 https://dumas.ccsd.cnrs.fr/dumas-01297904 Submitted on 5 Apr 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. treue tZiibloOt! 2 Remerciements je tiens a exprimer ma plus vive reconnaissance au C.R.E.D.U. de Nairobi. à M. K.Hess, directeur de la Deutsch - Namibische Vereinigung e.V. IFRA 610110111% 97°43°° W NAM P 3 Introduction. o Le 21 mars 19 -jour anniversaire du massacre de Sharpeville, banlieue noire du :Tr.nsvI en Afrique du Sud- la Namibie, derniere colonie en Afrique, si l'on excepte Melilla et Ceuta, accede a l'independance. Cette independance intervient apres la liberation, au debut de Palm& 1990, de Nelson Mandela, leader de l'A.N.C. et dans un contexte de détente internationale lie l'ebranlement des pays de l'Est. La transformation des rapports entre les deux blocs ayant des consequences directes sur la situation de l'Afrique australe, elle contribue a mettre un terme a trente ans de controverses et d'affrontements entre la Republique Sud-Africaine, ses voisins socialistes, l'O.N.U. -
The Contribution of the Arts Association to Theatre
THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ARTS ASSOCIATION TO THEATRE IN THE THEN SOUTH WEST AFRICA, 1947 - 1967 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NAMIBIA BY S.A. VAN DER SMIT 8451443 DECEMBER 2018 MAIN SUPERVISOR: PROF. CHRISTO BOTHA CO – SUPERVISOR: PROF. JAIROS KANGIRA ABSTRACT This dissertation offers a comprehensive account of the origin, nature and development of theatre under the auspices of the Arts Association as a cultural activity in South West Africa as it was called until 1968. In 1947 a branch of the South African Association of Arts, a Fine Arts organisation in South Africa was established in Windhoek, South West Africa. The association organised and developed the Performing Arts in addition to the Visual Arts. The Arts Association saw theatre as a neutral area where they could foster closer mutual relationships between the different European language groups. The biggest achievement of the Arts Association was undoubtedly the sustained development of theatre in Windhoek, which culminated in the erection of the Arts Theatre (1960) and the Art Centre and Gallery (1965). The research revealed that the Arts Association practiced theatre similar to that of South Africa, e.g., the South West Africa theatre practitioners relied heavily on South African playwrights for available texts. Data for this research was gathered from the available primary sources in the archives and newspapers. The significance of this investigative research lies in the fact that this study marks a beginning in the historiography of Namibian theatre, setting up an official database for a portion of Namibian theatre history. -
NAM \ BIAN Ll BE RATION
NAM \ BIAN Ll BE RATION: 5EL~· D£/FRM!NATIO ~ LAW MD POLITICS ELIZA8ET~ S. LANDIS EPISCOPAL CHUR&liMEN for SOUTH Room 1005 • 853 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 10003 • Phone: (212) 477·0066 -For A Free S1111tbem Alritll- NOVEMBER 1982 NAMIBIAN LIBERATION Independence for Namibia is one of the forenost issues of today's world that cries for solution. The Namibian people have been subjected to bru tal foreign rule and their land exploited by co lonial powers for a century. Their thrust for freedom has intensified since 1966 when SWAPO launched its armed struggle against the illegal South African occupiers of its country. Their cause has been on the agendas of the League of Nations and the United Nations for m:>re than six decades . NCM, after five-and-a-half years of 'delicate negotiations 1 managed by five Western powers , Namibia is no nearer independence. Pretoria is m:>re repressively in oontrol of the Terri torY and uses it as a staging ground for its militarY encroaclunents into Angola and as a fulcrum for its attempt to reverse the tide of liberation in Southern Africa. Yet the talks conducted by the Western Contact Group are dragged on, with the United States gov ernment insisting that Angola denude itself of its CUban allies as a pre-condition for a 1 Namibian settlement" . There is widespread confusion on just where the matter of Namibia stands. This report is designed to penetrate the tangle. This clear, succinct and timely analysis of the Namibian issue by Elizabeth S. landis comes out of the author's yearn of work in the African field and her dedication to the cause of freedom in Southern Africa. -
Republic of Namibia KAS Factbook April 2021 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung E.V
Republic of Namibia KAS Factbook April 2021 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Independence 21 March 1990 (national holiday) 1 Capital Windhoek (about 400,000 inhabitants)0F Government Republic (bicameral system) Member of the Commonwealth of Nations since 1990 Official Language English (until 1990 also Afrikaans and German) Namibia has 13 recognized national languages, including 10 indigenous African languages and 3 Indo- European languages. Most frequent mother tongues are: Oshiwambo (48.9%), Nama/Damara (11.3%), 2 Afrikaans (10.4%).1F Administration 14 regions: Caprivi, Erongo, Hardap, Karas, Kavango, Khomas, Kunene, Ohangwena, Omaheke, Omusati, Oshana, Oshikoto, Otjozondjupa, Zambezi President Dr. Hage Geingob (since 2014) Area 824,292 km2 Geographical Angola (north), Zambia (north-east), Zimbabwe (north- borders east), Botswana (east), South Africa (south), Atlantic Ocean (west) 3 4 Population 2,678,192F inhabitants, 52% urban3F 5 Population growth 1.83%4F rate Unemployment Total: 34% rate Currency NAD (N$) 1 € = N$ 17.82 (22.02.21) 1 City of Windhoek, http://www.windhoekcc.org.na/pdf/Councillor%20Ogranogram%202016.pdf (2016) Other estimates higher number. 2 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 3 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 4 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 5 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). - 2 - www.kas.de/namibia Religion 80% - 90% Christian (at least 50% Lutheran), 10% - 20% indigenous beliefs Contents 1. History – Colonialism and Independence ................................................................... 4 2. State and Politics -
Promoting Democracy and Good Governance
State Formation in Namibia: Promoting Democracy and Good Governance By Hage Gottfried Geingob Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies March 2004 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools. 1 Acknowledgements The last few years have been tumultuous but exciting. Now, the academic atmosphere that provided a valuable anchor, too, must be hauled up for journeys beyond. The end of this most enjoyable academic challenge has arrived, but I cannot look back without a sense of loss - loss of continuous joys of discovery and academic enrichment. I would like to thank my supervisor, Lionel Cliffe, for his incredible support. In addition to going through many drafts and making valuable suggestions, Lionel helped me endure this long journey with his sustained encouragement. I also thank Ray Bush for going through many drafts and making valuable comments. He has an uncanny ability to visualize the final outcome of research effort. -
Searching for Justice – the Pursuit of a Liberal Tradition in Colonial Namibia Christo Botha*
Journal of Namibian Studies, 14 (2013): 7 – 45 ISSN 2197-5523 (online) Searching for justice – the pursuit of a liberal tradition in colonial Namibia Christo Botha* Abstract Despite an inauspicious environment in which to operate, the result of a hostile government and an indifferent white community, a small number of individuals managed to actively pursue ideals of justice and respect for basic human rights. The absence of an organised political or social tradition that could provide the foundation for the realization of these ideals effectively ensured that these individuals had to largely operate in isolation. In the process much resistance had been encountered, both in the pre- and post-independent phases of Namibian history. This raises the question as to whether the commitment to liberal values, as enshrined in the constitution, will survive the test of time. Introduction In an earlier attempt to account for the absence of a liberal political tradition in Namibia, it was found that various constraints conspired to inhibit the development of such a tradition.1 Not the least of these was a profoundly conservative colonial society and a colonial authority markedly hostile to liberal ideas, even during the period of limited, controlled change starting in the mid-1970s. The focus in this paper is on the role played by a small number of white Namibians who embraced the principle of peaceful political change, an undertaking informed by traditional liberal ideas. It should be mentioned at the outset that the political situation in Namibia did not prove to be receptive to liberal ideas. For both the forces of reaction and black nationalism there was a deceptive quality to liberalism: liberals were considered insufficiently dedicated to the maintenance of white hegemony while for black nationalists it signified a lack of commitment to the struggle for liberation.