Constitutional Democracy in Namibia
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The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
The Constitutional Court of South Africa: Rights Interpretation and Comparative Constitutional Law
THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA: RIGHTS INTERPRETATION AND COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW Hoyt Webb- I do hereby swear that I will in my capacity asJudge of the Constitu- tional Court of the Republic of South Africa uphold and protect the Constitution of the Republic and the fundamental rights entrenched therein and in so doing administerjustice to all persons alike with- out fear,favour or prejudice, in accordance with the Constitution and the Law of the Republic. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Schedule 3 (Oaths of Office and Solemn Affirmations), Act No. 200, 1993. I swear that, asJudge of the ConstitutionalCourt, I will be faithful to the Republic of South Africa, will uphold and protect the Consti- tution and the human rights entrenched in it, and will administer justice to all persons alike withwut fear,favour or prejudice, in ac- cordancewith the Constitution and the Law. So help me God. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, Schedule 2 (Oaths and Solemn Affirmations), Act 108 of 1996. I. INTRODUCTION In 1993, South Africa adopted a transitional or interim Constitu- tion (also referred to as the "IC"), enshrining a non-racial, multiparty democracy, based on respect for universal rights.' This uras a monu- mental achievement considering the complex and often horrific his- tory of the Republic and the increasing racial, ethnic and religious tensions worldwide.2 A new society, however, could not be created by Hoyt Webb is an associate at Brown and Wood, LLP in NewYork City and a term member of the Council on Foreign Relations. -
COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE in Connection with Consideration of Second Periodic Report by Namibia
SPECIAL SHADOW REPORT SUDMITTED TO: COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE In Connection With Consideration of Second Periodic Report by Namibia NAMIBIA AS A TORTURE EMPTIRE WINDHOEK NAMIBIA OCTOBER 11 2016 ABOUT NAMRIGHTS INC Formerly known as National Society for Human Rights (“NSHR”), NamRights Inc (hereinafter “NamRights”) is a private, independent, non-partisan and non-profit making human rights monitoring and advocacy organization. Founded on December 1 1989 by concerned citizens, the Organization envisages a world free of human rights violations. Its mission is to stop human rights violations in Namibia and the rest of the world. NamRights bases its legal existence on the provisions of Article 21(1) (e) of the Namibian Constitution as well as Article 71 of the UN Charter, read with Economic and Social Council Resolutions 1296 (XLIV) and E/1996/31. The Organization is lawfully registered in terms of Section 21(a) of the Companies Act 1973 (Act 61 of 1973), as amended, as an association incorporated not for gain. Both African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights of African Union (in 1993) and UN Economic and Social Council (in 1997) recognize NamRights as a bona fide human rights organization truly concerned with matters in their respective competence. The organization can be reached via this address: NamRights Liberty Center 116 John Meinert Street Windhoek-West P. O. Box 23592 Windhoek Namibia Tel: +264 61 236 183/+264 61 253 447/+264 61 238 711 Fax: +264 88 640 669/+264 61 234 286 Mobile: +264 811 406 888 E-mail1: [email protected] E-mail2: [email protected] Web: www.nshr.org.na 2 I. -
Appointments to South Africa's Constitutional Court Since 1994
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 15 July 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Johnson, Rachel E. (2014) 'Women as a sign of the new? Appointments to the South Africa's Constitutional Court since 1994.', Politics gender., 10 (4). pp. 595-621. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000439 Publisher's copyright statement: c Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American 2014. This paper has been published in a revised form, subsequent to editorial input by Cambridge University Press in 'Politics gender' (10: 4 (2014) 595-621) http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PAG Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Rachel E. Johnson, Politics & Gender, Vol. 10, Issue 4 (2014), pp 595-621. Women as a Sign of the New? Appointments to South Africa’s Constitutional Court since 1994. -
Episcopalciiuriimen
EPISCOPALCIIURIIMEN soUru VAFR[CA Room 1005 * 853 Broadway, New York, N . Y. 10003 • Phone : (212) 477-0066 , —For A free Southern Afilcu ' May 1982 MISSIONS MOVEMENTS NAMIBIA 'The U .S. 'overnment has become an agent in South Africa's "holy crusade" against Communism . ' - The Rev Dr Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the Council of Churches in Namibia, THE NEW YORK TIMES, 25 April 1982. It was a . mission of frustration and a harsh learning experience . Four Namibian churchmen made a month-long visit to Western nations to express their feelings about the unending, agonizing occupation of their country by the South African regime and the fruitless talks on a Namibian settlement which the .Western Contact Group - the USA, Britain, France ,West Germany and Canada - has staged for five long years . Anglican Bishop James Kauluma, presi- dent of the Council of Churches in Namibia ; Bishop Kleopas Du neni of the Evangelical Luth- eran Ovambokavango Church ; Pastor Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the CCN ;, and the, assistant to Bishop D,mmeni, Pastor Absalom Hasheela, were accompanied by a representative of the South African Council of Churches and the general secretary of the All Africa Coun- cil of Oburches which sponsored the trip . They visited France, Sweden, Britain and Canada, end terminated their journey in the United States . It was here that the Namibian pilgrims encountered the steely disregard for Namibian aspirations by functionaries of a major power mapped up in its geopolitical stratagems. They met with Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester .Crocker, whose time is primarily devoted to pursuing the mirage of a Pretorian agreement to the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia . -
Namibia Legal Environment Assessment of HIV and AIDS
Namibia Legal Environment Assessment Of HIV and AIDS Consultants AIDS and Rights Alliance for Southern Africa: International Consultant Legal Assistance Centre: National Consultant Final Report March 2016 1 | P a g e Table of Contents Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................. 5 Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... 6 Part I ......................................................................................................................................... 10 Introduction and Background .............................................................................................. 10 Aims and Objectives ............................................................................................................ 11 Aim .................................................................................................................................. 11 Specific objectives ........................................................................................................... 11 Key Deliverables .............................................................................................................. 12 Implementation Modalities .................................................................................................. 12 Technical Approach ........................................................................................................ -
FW De Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution
FW de Klerk Foundation Conference on Uniting Behind the Constitution 2nd February 2013 DR HOLGER DIX, RESIDENT Representative OF THE KONRAD Adenauer Foundation FOR SOUTH Africa, AND FORMER PRESIDENT FW DE KLERK. On Saturday, 2 February 2013, the FW de Klerk Foundation hosted a successful conference at the Protea Hotel President in Bantry Bay, Cape Town. Themed “Uniting Behind the Constitution” and held in conjunction with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the conference was well attended by members of the public and a large press contingent. The speakers included thought leaders from civil society, business, academia and politics. This publication is a compendium of speeches presented on the day (speeches were transcribed from recordings), each relating to an important facet of the South African Constitution. Each speech was followed by a lively panel discussion, and panelists included: Dr Lucky Mathebula (board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), John Kane-Berman (CEO of the South African Institute for Race Relations), Adv Paul Hoffman (Director of the Southern African Institute for Accountability), Adv Johan Kruger (Director of the Centre for Constitutional Rights), Dr Theuns Eloff (Vice-Chancellor of North-West University), Adv Johan Kruger SC (Acting Judge and board member of the FW de Klerk Foundation), Michael Bagraim (President of the Cape Chamber of Commerce), Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi (Leader of the IFP) and Paul Graham (Executive Director of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa). UpholdingCelebrating Diversity South -
IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-920095-02-0 Debie LeBeau 9781920 095024 Edith Dima Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 i MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 iii MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA BY DEBIE LEBEAU EDITH DIMA 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-920095-02-0 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 v CONTENTS List of acronyms viii Acknowledgements x Preface xi 1. Background to multiparty democracy in Namibia 1 Historical background 1 The electoral system and its impact on gender 2 The ‘characters’ of the multiparty system 5 2. -
Politics and Judicial Decision-Making in Namibia: Separate Or Connected Realms? Peter Vondoepp1
Politics and judicial decision-making in Namibia: Separate or connected realms? Peter VonDoepp1 Introduction To what extent can we detect the infl uence of political factors in decision-making at Namibia’s High and Supreme Courts? The question goes to the heart of a key issue for the democratic dispensation in the country. As most observers readily acknowledge, independent and assertive judicial institutions are critical for democratic consolidation. Yet, to what extent are Namibia’s judicial institutions independent, such that they are willing to assert their authority vis-à-vis other branches of government?2 To investigate this question at the heart of the study, I undertook a statistical analysis of nearly 250 decisions made by judges of the High and Supreme Courts since the country’s independence in 1990. The analysis examines whether and how certain political factors have affected the patterns of decision-making that have been witnessed. Have judges, for instance, deferred to government when faced with rendering decisions in important political cases? Have all judges been equal in terms of their tendencies to side with or against the government? And have judges altered or adjusted their decision-making in light of pressures and threats from the elected branches and other political actors? The study indicates that, as a whole, the judiciary has performed quite admirably in terms of independence from the other branches. The extent of deference to the executive has been minimal. This is true regardless of the period during which decisions have been taken, and regardless of the type of case being decided. This said, the analysis tentatively suggests that one category of judges – foreign judges appointed in the mid-1990s – has displayed a modest tendency to side with government. -
Giving Force to Fundamental Principles in Africa
Constitutional Environmental Law: Giving Force to Fundamental Principles in Africa Copyright © 2007 Environmental Law Institute® United Nations Environment Programme® Constitutional Environmental Law: Giving Force to Fundamental Principles in Africa Copyright © 2007 ISBN: 978-1-58576-104-3 Environmental Law Institute® 2000 L St. NW Washington DC 20036 United Nations Environment Programme® All rights reserved. ELI Project Nos. 990101, 991501, 043105. ELI Order No.: 3821. (Environmental Law Institute®, The Environmental Forum®, ELI®, and the Environ- mental Law Reporter® are registered trademarks of the Environmental Law Institute.) Acknowledgments This publication was originally authored by Carl Bruch (Senior Attorney and Co-Director of International Programs at the Environmental Law Institute (ELI)), Wole Coker (former ELI Visiting Scholar), and Chris VanArsdale (President of GreenHOME). Anne Angwenyi, Hank Kessler, Maggie Kolb, Christine Nanyonjo, and Sarah Burt provided supporting research; Jay Austin, Elissa Parker, Bruce Myers, Jessica Troell, Heidi Hallman, James Shepherd, Suellen Keiner, Elizabeth Maruma Mrema, and Robert Wabunoha reviewed and commented on drafts. Resources for initial research conducted under this project were provided by the World Resources Institute’s (WRI’s) Institutions and Governance Program. Additional support was provided by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). The Partnership for Development of Environmental Law and Institutions in Africa (PADELIA) of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) provided support for this 2007 update, as well as the accompanying CD-ROM containing copies of constitutions of African states. This publication does not necessarily represent the views of the WRI, USAID, or UNEP, and no official endorsement should be inferred. Portions of this report were published as a policy brief by WRI, Washing- ton, D.C. -
Namibia After 26 Years
On the other side of the picture are elements in the police and to devote their energies instead to making the force who are not neutral, or are trigger-happy, or are country ungovernable. Such lessons are more easily both. They may well be covert rightwingers trying to learnt than forgotten. Ungovernability down there, where sabotage reform. Other rightwingers seem set on making the necklace lies in wait for non-conformists, and the the mining town of Welkom a no-go area for Blacks. They incentive to learn has been largely lost, presents the ANC may not stop there. with a major problem. For Mr De Klerk it certainly makes his task of persuading Whites to accept a future in a non- More disturbing than any of this has been the resurrection racial democracy a thousand times more difficult. of the dreaded "necklace", surely one of the most despicable and dehumanising methods over conceived So what has to be done if what is threatening to become a for dealing with people you think might not be on your lost generation is to be saved, and if something like the side. The leaders of the liberation movement who failed, Namibian miracle is to be made to happen here? for whatever reason, to put a stop to this ghastly practice when it first reared its head amongst their supporters all People need to be given something they feel is important those years ago, may well live to rue that day. Only and constructive to do. What better than building a new Desmond Tutu and a few other brave individuals ever society? risked their own lives to stop it.