EPISCOPALCIIURIIMEN

soUru VAFR[CA Room 1005 * 853 Broadway, New York, N . Y. 10003 • Phone : (212) 477-0066 , —For A free Southern Afilcu ' May 1982 MISSIONS MOVEMENTS

NAMIBIA

'The U .S. 'overnment has become an agent in 's "holy crusade" against Communism . ' - The Rev Dr Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the Council of Churches in , THE NEW YORK TIMES, 25 April 1982. It was a . mission of frustration and a harsh learning experience . Four Namibian churchmen made a month-long visit to Western nations to express their feelings about the unending, agonizing occupation of their country by the South African regime and the fruitless talks on a Namibian settlement which the .Western Contact Group - the USA, Britain, ,West Germany and - has staged for five long years . Anglican Bishop James Kauluma, presi- dent of the Council of Churches in Namibia ; Bishop Kleopas Du neni of the Evangelical Luth- eran Ovambokavango Church ; Pastor Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the CCN ;, and the, assistant to Bishop D,mmeni, Pastor Absalom Hasheela, were accompanied by a representative of the South African Council of Churches and the general secretary of the All Africa Coun- cil of Oburches which sponsored the trip . They visited France, Sweden, Britain and Canada, end terminated their journey in the United States . It was here that pilgrims encountered the steely disregard for Namibian aspirations by functionaries of a major power mapped up in its geopolitical stratagems. They met with Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester .Crocker, whose time is primarily devoted to pursuing the mirage of a Pretorian agreement to the settlement plan for Namibia . The Namibians told him - as they told others in and out of government - that South Africa relentlessly builds up its military personnel and fortifica- tions in the International Territory, that Pretoria continues to impose its selected and illegal - governmental structures inside Namibia, that the Western Five's negotiations are making no progress whatsoever . They felt the latest contortion devised by the Five on the original UN plan - one Namibian's vote would ,be counted twice, . for a candidate in a consti- tuency and again for a party on a proportional representation basis - had as a motive the entrenching of ethnic divisions favoring the white minority and' pro-Pretoria blacks . The American officials did not want to hear any criticism of their scheme . Crocker is known to have expressed annoyance and anger with these meddlesome priests. Hard upon the Namibian churchmen's heels came Dirk Mudge, chairman of the South African- compiled Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, the internal shadow government in Namibia which is undergoing increasingly frequent defections . Mudge saw Crocker, whose own , prestige aryd . . very job are imperiled by the intractable forces in Southern Africa . . The' chunky Afrikaner farmer-turned-politico went off to Texas to look at cattle, it is said, . and he was seen leaving the US Mission across First Avenue from the United Nations before flying off to London to see the Foreign Office in the midst of the South Atlantic war crisis. It regains to be seen how the Namibian church leaders' message is acted upon by their peers in the Western nations they visited . - Most people - in and out of churich - who have to deal with the issue of Namibia appear still to be mesmerized by the Contact Group's negotiations,, These Five, who in April 1977 vowed to deliver Pretoria's agreement to an internationally ., eceptable settlement on Namibia, have produced no Pretoria and operate fran a script vast:. :afferent from the UN plan approved in 1978 . (continued)

L4IBIA (continued)

Urgent regard crust be paid to an analysis by Elizabeth Landis, foremost authority on the iT .mi.bia issue . Dr Landis, a lawyer who for six years was senior political officer to the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia and is a long-tame researcher-writer on laws as applied in South Africa and Namibia, explains: S.Juth Africa has occupied Namibia illegally, just as the Nazis occupied Western Europe, since 1966 . In that year, the United Nations, by a resolution supported by the United States government,revoked South Africa's League of Nations mandate over the Internation- al Territory of Namibia because of Pretoria's gross maladministration of '', as it was then }mown . The UN Security Council, in its resolution 385 of 1976, set out South Africa's obligations regarding Namibia . South Africa was required to end its many discriminatory and repressive laws and practices, to discontinue its '' (ethnic homelands) policy, and to quit the Territory forthwith . The Security Council al- so mandated one--person,one-vote elections to be held in the Territory as a single polit- ical entity under the 'supervision and control' of the UN - that is, the world organiza- tion was to decide an appropriate electoral system, register voters,prevent intimidation, directly control nation-wide election day proceedings, count the ballots, etc.

Since 1976, the Western Powers have undercut first one, then another, provision of reso- lution 385, at first in the name of implementing it,but now simply to reassure Pretoria that will not threaten its control of the Territory . The 1978 West- ern Plan - put together by the Contact Group : the United States, Britain, France,Canada and West Germany - left the in existence ;many discriminatory and repressive laws and practices in effect, if not Ftrengthened ; and South African administrators, po- lice and some military in Namibia throughout the elections,with those officials empower - ed to run the elections,subject only to monitoring by the UN, which would have no power :~ .3 correct errors or prevent intimidation . Even this watered-down Western Plan, codified n Security Council resolution 435, has been subject to changes since 1978 - all of them -'oncessions to the occupying Pretorians, who have no legal right at all to be in Namibia. :among the concessions made by SWAPO since 1978 has been an agreement that SWAPO soldiers would be kept in monitored bases outside Namibia although 1500 South African troops would remain in Namibia throughout the election . SWAPO also agreed to the inclusion of certain provisions in the future Namibian constitution even though every UN resolution since 1967 had provided that only the delegates elected by all the Namibian people in free and fair elections should determine the fundamental law under which they would subsequently live. It even agreed to a South African/Western demand that the constitution had to be adopted by a two-thirds vote instead of by a simple majority.

Originally SWAPO and the other political parties assumed that the election would be held under a system of proportional representation which would accurately reflect the voters' preferences Territory-wide .But the West and South Africa objected that there must be rep- resentation for minorities too small to win a seat even if this required underrepresenting major political groups . They insisted on grafting exotic complications, involving dual vot- ing or dual counting, onto the basic proportional representation system - which, inciden- tal].y, had been good enough for the South Africans in the election they ran illegally in 1978 . The extra vote or count would require the establishment of single-member constit- uencies throughout Namibia. Under South African law in Namibia (South West Africa Consti- tution Act, no . 39 of 1968, sec . 10 (4) and (5) ) these constituencies, while preferably equal in size, could in fact be as much as 15% over the norm or 15% under,thus allowing a difference of 30% between smallest and largest . A justification for over - or under - rep- resentation is 'community or diversity of interests' - South African short-hand for ethnic considerations, i .e ., exactly those considerations which are destructive of national unity and territorial integrity. SWAPO has rejected the Contact Group's dual count voting scheme and is being labeled the obstructionist . The Frontline African states - , , , , and , plus Nigeria and Kenya - support the SWAPO stand as does the UN Coun- cil for Namibia. They also support SWAPO's call for a conference between itself and South Africa under UN auspices . After five long years of ' delicate negotiations' and sham, the agonizing issue of Namibia must get back to fundamentals . Freedom for the Namibian people is too long overdue. Their suffering must end, their nationhood assured . "NAMIBIA - A NATION WRONGED"

In November 1981, a four-person delegation from the British Council of Churches traveled to Namibia at the invitation of the Council of Churches in Namibia . They were Anglican Bishop Stanley Booth-Clibborn of Manchester ; the Rev John Johansen--Berg, former Moderator of the United Reformed Church ; Sister Catherine Hughes, Provincial Superior of the Congre- gation of Notre Dame, a Roman Catholic ; and the Rev Jim Wilkie, secretary of the Confer- ence for World Mission of the BCC, a Minister of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Following are excerpts from their 40-page report:

'We heard that political and trade union activities are closely controlled by the'South African Security under AG9 and AG26 . Some people arrested under the former are never seen again. Anyone detained can be kept for thirty days incosivnunicado and this can be extended indefinitely. Thus while internal SWAPO is technically free to organise,in fact its leaders are under great pressure ; some have been detained and on release are restrict- ed to certain areas like Katutura (the black township near ) . Many blacks are now being conscripted into the security forces with little training . Some of these are re- sponsible for great cruelty inflicted upon the civilian population . Since this force is used by the government to fight its internal war with SWAPO many young blacks feel they are being compelled by the whites to fight against their brothers and sisters . Whereas formerly young people slipped away to join SWAPO in . exile without their parents knowing, now they go with the connivance and consent of their parents .' In the north, in the''operational area' . .'We discussed SWAPO and the Security Forces with most black Africans to whom we spoke . The attitudes and responses were unanimous, only the examples were different . Far from being 'Marxist terrorists' coming in from outside, the SWAPO 'amati' (friends) were children of the people : "SWAPO is the people and the people are SWAPO" we were told . Many of the SWAPO leaders are Christians . SWAPO guerrillas op- erated in areas where they were known, they explained their actions to the local people, and thus what they did was predictable and understood . . .On the other hand the Security Forces maintain a reign of arbitrary terror against which the local people have now no redress . . . . Church leaders told us that even when their members were willing to be iden- tified as those complaining about Security Force atrocities there was no guarantee that they would be properly heard. These churchmen have full details which they would have re- leased if proper action had been promised, but their representations were ignored .Again and again we were told, "These people are supposed to be protecting us . Against whom do we need to be protected? Would to God someone would protect us against these so-called protectors!' . . . .A particularly objectionable practice of the Security Forces is to drag through the villages behind their vehicles the corpses of those killed whom they allege to have been "terrorists" . The bodies of the young men are exhibited to their parents,to villagers, and even to young children in school .'

'A great deal of political reflection goes on in the area and some of those who were at home in English shared their thinking with the team . There is very great suspicion of the activities of the "contact group" . Blacks feel it has no mandate to speak or act for them. For them the key parties are SWAPO and South Africa and they wish them to deal with 'each other within the context of UN Resolution 435 . The Western Powers were felt to be involving themselves to secure their own interests vis-a-vis South Africa: "We count'for nothing to them because we are black men . If it were not that you people from Britain come from the churches we would not have agreed to talk to you ."' Among the Recommendations of the British Council of Churches delegation are: 'That all possible support be given by British Christians to the CCN and to the small band of dedicated church leaders who comprise its executive; 'That the widespread Christian support for SWAPO in Namibia indicates that British Christians should relate officially to the organisation and through it establish links with Christians in its membership in exile; 'That the CCN and the church leaders in Namibia be regarded as the West's primary dia- logue-partners in evaluating that society .` ecsa may 82

BRUTE FORCE : SOUTH AFRICA'S STRANGLEHOLD ON NAMIBIA General Magnus Malan g the South African Defence Minister, and other Pretoria officials are fond of saying their regime's war against the tide of African liberation - 'marxist subver- sion' and 'terrorism' in their doubletalk - is 80% political, 20% military . The astronoma.- cal growth of the South African defense budget calls the lie to this claim . In 1971, the South African Defence Force was allocated 257 million Rand . Its share for 1982/83,in legis- lation now before parliament, is 2,668 million Rand .out of the grand total national budget of 18,000 million Rand . The Department of Law and Order (the police) are to get 481,632, 000 Rand. There are the intelligence services and hidden items in other accounts .Ma.11ions of Rand do go to political servicing - funding propaganda, shoring up the bantustans, sup- port of puppet groups like the Democratic Thrnhalle Alliance in occupied Namibia,other uses that are secret - but Pretoria's political ambitions 5 repression and aggression de- pend in .-the final analysis on its armed might. The South African regime is at war - against its own population,by launching assaults upon independent African states and financing, equipping and directing subversive units claim- ing to be,'freedom fighters' against those states, by practicing economic warfare through the manipulation of food, transport, finance, trade . Pretoria's major theatre of war is the 'operational area', a region encompassing the entire northern tier of Namibia and an increasingly widening belt in adjacent southern Angola . A.member of Angola's defense staff stated recently that the South . Africans occupy 50,000 square miles of his nation's land. The, South African Defence Force has up to 100,000 people in Namibia and Angola . Legisla- tion introduced in parliament in March 1982 aims to extend the military call-up to' white males between the ages of 17 and 60, to draw into Pretoria's active armed forces and home guard some 800,000 men who have never done military service. All this is evidence that South Africa has no intention of relinquishing control over the International Territory of Namibia . It is instructive to read what is being written in Namibia. An editorial .in THE WINDHOEK OBSERVER of 8 April 1982 says: 'Sooner or later, even Pretoria will arrive at a point where she will be forced to say the die is cast . It will no longer be possible at that stage, for her to conceal her true mo- tives, because she is bent upon the preservation of her people and the safeguarding *of ob- jectives which she believes can be attained, in order to create'a South African Con- wealth of Nations . . . .our country, South West Africa, plays the principal role in her long- term planning . She has no South West Africa policy, other than the strategic factor our country constitutes in her grand military design.

'This week again saw a Western delegation arriving in Windhoek . It is time that the West wakes up to realities . They are being held in contempt by the overwhelming number of South West Africans - especially the blacks . They have no credibility any longer, and as far as black-thinking goes, they are in cahoots with South Africa . Anyone who by virtue of his position keeps a close watch on developments, knows how futile these Western ef- forts are . While they talk in Windhoek and try to soft-soap each and every member, no matter from what political delegation, the earth-moving machinery is growling in the hills of the great North West, building yet another great military base at the cost of millions and millions of Rand ; South of the Steilrand Mountains, there is emerging yet another enormous runway that can take any military jet, in fact can handle the take-off of several fighter interceptors at the same time 'What counts, and that is the harsh reality, is how military base after military base is being constructed, an almost endless shield running from the Great West to the Great East over Southern Africa, because our country's north has one of the longest borderlines in the world . . .She (Pretoria) is building them and preparing - then for the great war she must one day fight, because she will be fighting a great war within a quarter of a century and she knows it .' i. ii * * * * .',

S YY J. lY 1~ l ~ lY J,J~ ~ ~~~"1~,V ~ ~ ~I,~ l'~ ~~ YG ~~ ~~zcAl~ C~L~~~~ '"' sUT

~.e Cif south Africa's greatest heroes ~ ~,,~ ~~ ; ~<: :~.~ Ma1'lde~,. ::~ . : ~'l ~~ .af has been awarded ~n ~~~ ~;

~~nar~~y~,g~~~'of Doctor o~ ~s b~ ~w `~ averfflrd Co13 .eg~ outside ~ad~lph~a . ~~ .: .. ;~ ~. she has ~ i~y~;ted ..to. ~c~nne .~o ~~he U to rece~.ve this honor ~~ ccan~nex~c~t e~~er~ises on ~.7 M~ 1Q ~2 . ~,it ~ ,~-- ~ _ dc~.a ~ri.~l.l not be tie The South ,~'~- , ~:;_ ► ~r rl+~an: ule. ~''~'.ises to ~Ve ~1'' a

passport . .: The p~r~:sadent of v~erford 3 ~~{~~~ ~ ,- ~ ~~ ~y ~~ ~.ib~~ra~. arts c~l~.e~ e founded ~b t ..'r,.:,k~~ ,~r^,. ~~ +~.~~kers in 18~ 3 , twice w,rc~te the south ~ ~~.

African ~ t~3m~+assddor 1n wasr~x~gtt,~n, and `~~ 5 ~ ~'` ~Ag ra can Assistant~ Secretary off' stag :~~ ~`: ~or +' icon ,Affairs Chester. Choe1~ er ``~~ "± as~g their he1.p in obtaining a ~. passport for N1s ~~.ndela . As of May 5 Crocker had not replied : 4n the s~~r►e , day a s~a,ff p~san a:F ~ e~ssy ~n wash~~~ton w te~.ephoned sad©r sole's c~~z~t message:

'The a~n~x~ssador des nofi see any prasp~ct of Mrs =~nde~~a's :receiving a passport N.frs N~~ndela ~ s mov+~rat is restricted at the m~~~~ar~t ~~d only lifted an h;.m~ani- t avian grounds . Recei~ra.~g an h~no~r deg~~ee does not fall rota th~.s categax~r. x

s ~~~a. . has asked Ms ~,Ade~.~ide Tarribo, w~.fe of Q~.:iver Tom, President Gene~a~, cif the A~fr~.ca~a rational ~Sar~~s of South_ A~raca, to cue fra~n I.~ndon There she 1ive~ in e~~~e to accept heir award for der . ~ ~ . .~

w~.nnie M~ie1a is ~~e ~:fe of African ~ Natior~ .1. C~oness leader Nelson M~~ndela ~ has bee~~ ,~.~~ pr~.son for 1~ years a is serv~g ,~ ~.ife sentence unposed bar the ap~~rthe~.d re~u~e . ~~e and Mr 'T~~o' are for~ne~► law p~~bners , i~r ~s~del~ was moves last tenth f ram Robbers xsl~ pr~.sa~" o~lon~r to Fo~.lor prison in gape Toy . Pe had :~ too ~ d~~ e u~~ence a ~ over ~40Q fel~.~r polit~.cal prisoners an the Ts~~.az, a_ ~e~tin~ a ~cir~d of '~1ela ~~n~.versity' of the liberation ~s~rc~ggle .

'~'h~ mouth A~r,~can reg ime has conducted an obsess ive and . mean~s~pu~~ited ~endetta~ against ~i~ie Mandela for ~ 2 Q ye~~rs . The 4 7--year~~ld mother ~:~1 grancther has been b~~nned , de~a,aned and brought tc trim . since ~9Q~ . 5~~~ has r.►at bee~~ convict. ~n count of any ', thing but b~^earhes of s~~ of Pretoria's ~~~~ur~ .dical police decrees . She was sezzed at ~n ~n 1~7fi at her 5oweto l,e by the secur~ .ty police .and carted. off into banishn~~t ~.n a xte~ cow~#:ry town . In ~ecer x.91, t~js sec+arity police served her with a renew a~, of her .b~~~.ng order - for a~ot~.er f~.ve yearL~ . I deli. ~.ives ender ~cons~a~nt polac surveillance . the mar rco~.ve ~in her h~a~ne only one per~sor~ a~ a fiu~e , and then ori1 :y hey lawyer ~ her doctor, h~~r przest . of .the Ang~ i cari chu~h . Afi the end of Apra. she .was again given spec:sal. , p+e~~ssion t® pay ~ a smart va.s~.~ with, her ~~u~hand at Po~.l~or.

Ms M~~ndela' ~ citation f~:~n ~~averford reads ,' . , ,for co~rrage, ~~ken sp~.rit and detexm~.~- nation in the fight against a}~~rtheid , in spite of personal. ~r~br~~, u~~be~,iev~.ble cruelfiy acid loss of :~`reedom' . .

Ambassador ~nald B . Sole s~.stant Secretary Chester A. ~~c3cker S~,th African ~nbassy . Dep~~:~nent o f ~ State ~ room ~ 23 ~ ~~51 M~~ssachusetts Avenue, Nw 'as~~on, ~ ~ 2Q~ZQ wa.sh:~x~gton, DC 24Q48 Ms wir~~~.e ~~de1,a 8Q2 Pbat~cahle Townsl~.p Brandfort , o~'S ~~ QQ south Afr~ .ca ec~a m~ THOZAMILE GQWETA, SISA NJIKELANA and SAM KIKINE - president, vice president/national organizer and general secretary, respectively - of the South African Allied Workers Union (SAAWU) were on 6 May charged with unspecified violations of the Terrorism Act. Mr Kikine was detained on 27 November 1981 and Mr Gqweta and Mr Njikelana on 8 Decem- ber. In mid-February, Mr Gqweta was admitted to the psychiatric ward of a hospital ; a week later Mr Kikine was similiarly hospitalized . Both men were suffering from head- aches, depression, loss of memory . Four other detainees had to be taken to hospital with like symptoms . The Detainees' Parents Support Committee has demanded revocation of South Africa's security legislation and accused the security police of anticipating 'success court by extracting statements from detainees after "softening them up" with lengthy interrogation and solitary confinement' . The DPSC listed security police practices inflicted on detainees held incommunicado : continuous interrogation day and night for several days by successive teams ; enforced standing for long periods, includ- ingstanding on bricks, standing on one leg, squatting ; humiliation, by being stripped naked , handcuffed , shouted at , being forced to do vigorous and lengthy exercise , long periods of solitary confinement without interrogation ; physical assault with fists and various objects ; psychological assault, including false reports of the deaths or ill- ness of relatives and friends ; electric shock ; hooding of detainees to the point of suffocation ; hanging by arms or legs for long periods ; alternate immersions in cold and hot water ; subjection to extreme noise. The South African Minister of Justice and the Minister of Law and Order (formerly of Police) rejected the statement of the DPSC . The South African regime considers most of the hospitalized people, including Thozamile Gqweta and Sam Kikine , to have been faking mental illness. The three SAM leaders - heads of one of South Africa's most militant and rapidly- growing trade unions - are remanded in custody until 28 May. On the same date, three are to appear in Johannesburg regional court charged under terms of the Terrorism Act . They are Ms Barbara Hogan, a graduate student at the University of the Witwatersrand ; Alan Fine, an officer of the Witwatersrand Liquor Catering Em- ployees Union ; and Cedric Mayson, former editor of PRO VERITATE, the magazine of the Christian Institute - all three banned in October 1977 . It is likely all six people will be charged by the state for common offenses . Together they comprise what the apartheid state fears most - solidarity across racial lines.

* *;; '' ''' ** '' '' * * * * * *

The editor of SEEK, the Anglican Church of South Africa's magazine, has been charged with printing an article the regime says is favorable to the banned African National Congress . Father Ivor Shapiro, canonically attached to the diocese of Kimberley, is out on one thousand Rand bail . ''' **** ********

Among the Argentinian naval officers assigned as attaches to South Africa was one ALFREDO ASTIZ . His term in apartheid-land was cut short after a year and a half - The Durban SUNDAY TRIBUNE ran a series of articles from October to December 1981 on the four Argentine navy officers, and Astiz went home . Known as 'Blond Angel', 'The Raven' or 'Alfredo the Squire', Astiz was, according to the Madrid newspaper DIARIO 16, in charge of a camp where 'thousands of democrats and leftwing militants were murdered' . He had another pseudonym -'the executioner of Cordoba'. in Captain Astiz surfaced again late in April . He was garrison commander on . After he surrendered he was dined aboard a British warship . The Brits have now released the some 190 Argentinians captured on South Georgia - except for Captain Astiz . The Swedish government want to interrogate him about the 1977 shooting - by Astiz - and kidnapping of a l7-year-old Swedish national, , in . . She was last seen alive in 1978 in prison, lame and handcuffed to her bed . Swedish officials have been unable to get more information . The French government, too, wants to in- terrogate the notorious torturer-killer about the disappearance of two French nuns in Argentina. Her Majesty's Government is thinking these requests over for a few days . THERE IS A SOUTH ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION

So, says one of South Africa's leading newspapers ., . THE SAY' TIMES, with close --ties toT- present and former Pretoria officials , reported ' on 11 April 19 82 t -a- -South Atlantic pact has been in existence for 13 years . 'The treaty - details of which are still top secret -- is believed,to be a South Atlantic equivalent of the NAT&pact .' The newspaper states that the 'signatories of the treaty include South Africa, the Argentine, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Taiwan and Israel' . The arrangement was set up in 1969 at a time when then Prime Minister Balthazar Vorster and the Defence Minister - now the Prime Minister - Pieter Botha were worried about a power vacuum in the region around South Af- rica as the British government was beginning to withdraw from the Simonstown agreement by which the was afforded facilities at South Africa's principal naval base outside Cape Town . Simonstown provides the Pretoria regime with a surveillance and con- trol center over the sea route around the Cape of Good Hope connecting the Atlantic and India . Oceans . Simonstown is also a focal point for access to the Antarctic. THE SUNDAY TIMES on 25 April quotes Foreign Minister Roelof (Pik) Botha as saying on the floor of parliament that there was 'an understanding on military level' between Pretoria and Buenos Aires with 'reciprocal courses and periodic joint naval exercises' . He assert- ed there was no formal military agreement between the two countries on a government level. South Africa has publicly known diplomatic relations with Latin Ameriian nations Argen- tina, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay . In 1966 the Uru- guayan, Paraguayan, Brazilian and Argentinian navies formed a 'coordinating organization to control shipping and maritime defence exercises - and by the-following year "other interested countries" were taking part'. On 18 April, THE SUNDAY TIMES reported that members of the Argentinian armed-forces had received specialist military training. dn South Africa . Sailors had undergone commando courses at a naval college at Muizenberg near the large Silvermine Maritime Command Cen- cer on the Cape Peninsula . Soldiers had been given instruction at the army-air force base at Voortrekkerhoogte near Pretoria . 'Part of the training given to Argentinian service mn by the South African Defence Force included intelligence work .' The Argentine charge d'affaires in Cape Town stated : 'There have always been friendly relations between Argentine and South African defence forces' but denied,there was a tacit or secret defense pact between the two countries . `tie said that reports suggesting a military alliance between his country and South Africa, Taiwan and Israel were . design- ed to discredit Argentina with African, Arab and Asian nations . THE SUNDAY TIMES also reported that 'a South African government source who cannot be identified' confirmed the reality of the 13-year-old treaty. The Johannesburg paper totals a count of 38 generals from the six treaty countries named above who have visited South Africa within the past year. Israeli Defence Min- ister Ariel Sharon several months ago was in South Africa, , andtwas shown the .. .'operation' al area' in northern Namibia-southern Angola . Pretoria's ambassador to Chile is a form- er Defence Force general . A year ago Brigadier Gen . Mario Benjamin Menendez, governor of the Falklands/Malvinas,visited South Africa . The charge d'affaires in Cape Town said of him that he 'like his companions iri arms, is an admirer and friend of South Africa and its peoples' . The March issue of COVERT ACTION INFORMATION BULLETIN and AFRICA NOW of May examine South African-Argentinian cooperation in and murder . A number of Argentinian naval attaches accredited to Pretoria were professional kidnappers, tortur- ers and murderers at a center named La Escuela near Buenos Aires. SATO is a concept far wider than the South African-Argentine cone states plus other Lat- in American nations . North Atlantic and other powers are involved . In addition to use of the sea lanes between the Indian and Atlantic there is access to and control of the vast unexploited resources of the Antarctic, a feature in the present South Atlantic family war. The SATO keystone is South Africa, which with its Namibian colony, occupies the strategic center of such a grand design . On 7 May, General Constand Viljoen, chief of the South African Defence Force, called for a total revision of Western naval policy toward his country because of the deteriorating strategic situation in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans . ecsa may 82 E1SCOPAt tIVRtllME fa ~ IIl~~R1CA Room 1005, 853 Broadway New York, N. Y. 1003

—For A fire Southern Afilca-