The Voices of the Disappeared: Politicide in Argentina and Chile
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
THE VOICES OF THE DISAPPEARED: POLITICIDE IN ARGENTINA AND CHILE A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Evin Hessel December, 2019 i ii ii Thesis written by Evin Hessel Approved by _____________________________________________________________________, Advisor ________________________________________, Chair, Department of Anthropology Accepted by ___________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………...…….....iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………….vi CHAPTERS I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...………1 i. Chile……………………………………………………...………..2 ii. Argentina…………………………………………………………..6 iii. Genocide or Politicide?..................................................................10 iv. Morality…………………………………………………………..12 II. THE ABDUCTED………………………………………………………….…....16 i. Secret Detention Centers……………………..…………….…….19 III. TORTURE……………………………………………………………………….24 i. Medical Involvement…………………………………………….28 ii. Anti-Semitism…………………………………………...……….30 IV. EXECUTION ……………………………………………………………………32 V. DISPOSAL………………………………………………………………………39 i. Mass Graves……………………………………………………...41 ii. Death Flights……………………………………………………..44 iii. Other Methods…………………………………………...………45 VI. THE AFTERMATH……………………………………………………………..48 i. The Fall of Pinochet……………………………………………..48 ii. Videla Steps Down………………………………………………51 iii. Excavations………………………………………………………53 VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………..56 i. Politicide is Genocide……………………………………………61 REFERENCES.. …...........................................................................................................64 APPENDICES A. CHILE TIMELINE…………………………………………………………..72 B. ARGENTINA TIMELINE…………………………………………………..74 C. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS……………………………………………........76 iii iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Throughout this process, many people have asked why I chose this particular topic. My answer is always the same. I chose this topic specifically because it is relatively unknown in American society. It is not taught in high school history classes, yet thousands of people suffered during this time period. Multiple researchers and organizations have dedicated their lives to shattering the silence surrounding this topic. It is my hope that this thesis will, too, help to shatter that silence. I would like to thank Dr. Mazzei for her help with the portion on abductions and providing recommendations on sources. Dr. Mazzei’s specialization in death squads allowed her to provide insight into sources that I had otherwise not considered. She also asked how I was holding up when writing about such depressing things, which meant a lot to me. I would also like to thank Dr. Stumpf-Carome for her enthusiasm and motivation in pursuing interviews, as well as her helpful tips when asking interview questions. Dr. Stumpf-Carome sat down with me after a guest lecturer to discuss at length my thesis and suggest sources to look into. She also helped with me the revision process to make my thesis much stronger. Through her suggestions, my thesis has exponentially grown in content and would not be what it is now without her. Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Spurlock. Her guidance through this process has motivated me to keep going even when I felt lost and wanted to give up. Without her, this thesis would never have seen the light. She was always available to help even while iv v planning a study abroad trip to Scotland for the first time for twenty students. No matter the stress she was under, she always made time to look over chapters, suggest possible edits, and answer the multitude of questions I had about formatting and setting up the defense. Her unwavering support has meant the world to me and I will truly be forever grateful for all that she has done. There is truly no other professor that I would have wanted to work this closely with for this thesis. v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BRP: Brigada Romona Parra CNI: National Information Center CONADEP: National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons DINA: Directorate of National Intelligence Agency EAAF: Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team ERP: Marxist People’s Revolutionary Army ESMA: Navy Mechanics School FPMR-A: Frenie Patriotico Manuel Rodriguez MIR: Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Revolutionary Left Movement) PCR: Partido Comunista de Rosari UP Coalition: Unidad Popular Coalition vi 1 CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION The 1970s and 1980s were a tumultuous time in South America. From 1973 to 1980, Chile was controlled by one of the most repressive military governments in Latin America (Meade, 2001:124). In 1976, Argentina was seized by a similar military regime, lasting until 1983. Both regimes would operate by using terror to rule. Thousands of people were abducted, tortured, and killed in both countries between 1973 and 1990, which has evoked comparisons to periods of genocide such as the Holocaust. Between 1973 and 1990, around 3,000 people were killed in Chile (Aguilar, 2002:412). In Argentina, around 30,000 people were killed between 1976 and 1983 (Crossland, 2000:147). Yet because the people targeted were of a certain political group, these are not recognized as genocides, but rather politicides. This thesis aims to argue that political groups, and therefore politicide, should be covered under the definition of genocide using the issue of morality and the concept of evil. The methods of abduction, torture, execution, and disposal of bodies in these countries will be used as examples to reveal the sense of evil that is present in politicide. In order to understand what brought about these atrocities, the political background of each country must be provided. Both Chile and Argentina’s political backgrounds include multiple coup d’etats to overthrow leaders and an influx in Marxist politicians and ideals in the mid-to-late 1900s. It was this influx that set the stage for the rise of the Pinochet and Videla regimes. 1 2 Chile: On September 4, 1970, Salvador Allende won the presidential election as the first freely elected Marxist president in Latin America (Cockcroft, 2000:1). His term began with nationalizing “public utilities, non-foreign banks, and several basic industries” (Cockcroft, 2000:13). While many saw this as a much-needed policy reform in Chile, Allende began to slowly build enemies, the most formidable perhaps being the United States. The United States held an anti-Communism stance in the last half of the 20th century, which was fueled by ongoing tensions with the Soviet Union and the war in Vietnam. Having socialism in the Western Hemisphere was a nightmare come true for the United States government, therefore making Allende a detested character in the United States. In 1972, articles written by Jack Anderson were published, detailing the efforts by the American company known as the International Telephone and Telegraph to prevent Allende from being elected in 1970 by funding Allende’s opponents (Power, 2009:49). President Richard Nixon ordered the CIA to orchestrate a military coup d’état to prevent Allende from being elected president in 1970, ensuring that it was kept a secret from the Department of State and Department of Defense (Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations [SCSGO], 1975:2). However, when that attempt failed, the United States provided $125,000 to “spoil” Allende’s UP (Unidad Popular) coalition (Cockcroft, 2000:12). Once Allende won, the United States turned to a new tactic of ousting him from power— economic pressure. 2 3 A report titled “United States Policy Toward Chile, November 1971-September 1973” states that “During 1972 and 1973, the United States continued its basic policy objective of preventing the consolidation of the Allende administration by using maximum pressure, especially economic pressure, against Chile while maintaining a restrained public stance” (Borg 1976:1). Between 1970 and 1973, the U.S. spent $8.8 million to fund groups that opposed Allende (SCSGO, 1975:42). It was the United States’ hope that this pressure would cause an economic downturn, forcing Allende out of power. This tactic worked to an extent and the Chilean economy had taken a downturn, causing political strife to split the country. In 1972, the truckers went on strike, followed by bus owners and copper miners (Ensalaco, 2000:1). The strikes revealed the conflict and divide between the left and right political parties. The left supported Allende’s presidency and were willing to fight for him, but the right, including military officials, wanted him to be removed from power. This divide began to strain the political environment. To create peace between the two sides, Allende appointed various military officers into his cabinet. However, these officers all resigned in the months leading up to the coup (Cockcroft, 2000:17). When General Augusto Pinochet took on the role of Commander-in-Chief of the army, the tables turned. On September 11, 1973, the Chilean military launched a coup d’état against Allende and his administration. After giving his final address to the people at 10:00 am over one of the few radio stations not under military control, Allende retired to his palace and dismissed his security personnel before committing suicide (Ensalaco, 2000:25). 3 4 General Pinochet seized power in Chile and, backed by the military, began executing anyone deemed “subversive” in an attempt to terrorize the people. The most targeted were radicalized students, militant workers, people identified by the government